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Volume II. 



October, 1906 



THE 

MODERN LANG 
REVIEW 



A QUARTERLY JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE STUDY 

OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN LITERATURE 

AND PHILOLOGT 

EDITED BY 

JOHN G. ROBERTSON 




, BOJRD 



H. BRADLEY 

\NDIN 
F-. G. W. BRAUNHOLTZ 
KARL B 
E. DOW DEN 

DLER 
J, FITZMAl 'RICE-KELLY 
W. W. GREG 



C. H. HF.RFORD 

KUNO MEYER 
W. R. MORFILL 
A. S. NAPIER 
R. PRJEBSCH 

SKEAT 
PAGET TOYNBEE 



CAMBRIDGE 
AT THE UNIVERSITY . 

DON: GASC8R1DOJ REHOUSE, 

R l-ANE 

■ 

' S SONS 
BoMBA* AM 

Eutoed *t thr Nrw Yotfc Poh Office .q Seomd Glut muter. 




CONTENTS. 

pi.gr 
ARTICLES. 

Court ! By E. K. 

Chambers 

The Authorship of the "Isle Sonnant©.' I. By Abthub 
Tillev 

Antichrist. 11. By L. E. 

Kastnkr 

The Relation of "The Thraeinn Wo i's 'Mena- 

By J. Li Gay Brereton 

In Defence of ' Pearl' By G. G. Coclton .... 
Holiday's ' Survey of the World ' and the * Dittamondov By 

' E. F. JOURDAIN ii 

By J. G. Robertson 

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

Provencal Worda in English. By W. W. Skeat.— Notes 

i i 'tv of a, Six Weeks' Tour ' 

(1H17). By A. Koszui.— ■ A Headless Bear.' By H. Little- 

The Authorship of "Titus Aiidroiucua.' By J. M. 

Robertson 

REVIEWS. 

I y of English Prosody, T. (R. B. 
MTtERKOW).— M. D. Kellutu, The Language Of the North- 
to St Luke (!'- I 

f in der engtucha ■ C. Moose 
S-.utio.-1':. li. Stoll. John Webster (W 
\V. Vifltor, A Shakespeare Phonology (F. J. Curtis).— 
t Poems, ed. ov J. C. Bdiley; Cowper't Poetical 
ed. by H. S. Biilftml (A. R. WallkbV-W, E. Purser, 
Palmtriv of&naiand (J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly).— El Esclnvo 
del Demonio, ttl.by M. A. Buchanan (J. Fitzmauf.ICE-Kelly). 
—J. Mnrsan, La Pastorale drantatiq-ue en Frame (W. \V. 
Greg). — Master Pierre Patdin, Englished by R. Holbrook 
(E. K. Chambers), — J. L. Haney, Qerman Influence on 
Coleridge (Josephine Bubne) .65 

NEW PUBLICATIONS 



THE MODERN LANGUAGE 

REVIEW 



VOLUME II. 



1 906 — 7 



VWMHKUXIK UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 

C. F. CLAY, Manager. 

lonfcOlt: FETTER LANE, E.G. 

•llffoto: 00, WELLINGTON STREET. 




lrip>if : F. A. BROCKHAU8. 

frto lord: G. P. PUTNAH'8 8ON8. 

ItombtB an* ffilrutti: HACMILLAN AND OCX, Ltd. 



[All Bights reserved.] 



THE 

MODERN LANGUAGE 
REVIEW 

A QUARTERLY JOURNAL DEMOTED TO THE STUDY 

OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN LITERATURE 

AND PHILOLOGY 

EDITED BY 

JOHN G. ROBERTSON 



ADFISORT BOARD 



H. BRADLEY 

L. M. BRANDIN 

E. G. W. BRAUNHOLTZ 

KARL BREUL 

B. DOWDEN 

H. G. FIEDLER 

J. F1TZMAURICE-KELLY 

W. W. GREG 



C. H. HERFORD 
W. P. KER 
KUNO MEYER 
W. R. MORFILL 
A. S. NAPIER 
R. PRIEBSCH 
W. W. SKEAT 
PAGET TOYNBEE 




CAMBRIDGE : 

at the University Press 
1907 



• • • 



1036 57 






• ••• 



• •••• 



• •••• 

• • • • • 



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• • • •„•••• 

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V 




• • • 


••- 



* w* 



CONTENTS. 

ARTICLES. page 
Brereton, J. lk Gay, The Relation of the 'Thracinn Wonder 1 to 

Greene's ' Menaphon ' 34 

Chambers, E. K., Court Performances liefore Queen Elizabeth. 1 

('HArToK, H. .1., An Anglo-Norman Calendar 311 

i -ok, A. 8., Two Notes on Milton 121 

Codlton, 0. G., In Defence of ' Pearl ' 39 

Crawford, J. P. Wicrershah, Notes on Three Sonnets attributed to 

Francisco de Figueroa 233 

JotJRDAIN, E. F., Holyday's 'Survey of the World' and the 'Ditta- 

inondo' 44 

Kastner, L. E., Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist, II. . 36 

K.wxkk, Ii. E., Thoiuas Lodge as an Imitator of the Italian Poets 155 
PiUKiiKCH, R., Quelle und Abfassimgsasit tier Sooiitagsei-iatel in der 

iriachen 'Cain Domnaig 1 138 

Rennert, H. A., Notes on the Chronology of the Sjianish Urania, I. 331 

Robertson, J. G., Lossiug and Farqnhar 56 

SGUAfn, Q., P.i'iii'K-l.ii.'k'' ainer [iiittehiii.'.h.-idontsL'huii llcichtu nacli 

den Abschnitten des Katechismus 342 

Simpson, P.. 'Tanejuam Exnlorator ' : Jonson'a Slethod in the 'Dis- 
coveries' 201 

TbOHAJ, \V., Milt. ins ll.ii.ii' Lino viewed from mi Historical Stand' 

print, 1 298 

Tillby, A., The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnante 1 . . 14, 139 

Tli.LEY, A., Rahclaia and Geographical Dineovery, 1 316 

ToYNDEE, P., IiiH.Tilii:ii''s I 'iiuillK-lltill'V "II till.' 'Divitlll < 'nrnrm-d iiL ' . i>7 

Verrali,, M. iik <'•.. A Possible Ri'iiiiniaoNKe at Plotinus in Tennyson 327 

Williams, R. A., The Phonetic*! Explanations of Vemer's Law . 233 

Youso, A. B., Shelley and Peacock 228 

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES, 

Barnohw, A. J-, ' Headless Bears ' 351) 

Bradley, H., The Word 'MoiUere' in 'Piers the Plowman' . 163 

Bradlky, H., Textual Notes on the ' Entorlnde of Johan the Evangelist' 350 

I in-iiii.li,, l; W., 'Sir C.awayne and the Green Knight,' 11. 697—702 167 

■ It, E., The Text of Gray's Poems 165 

Gum, W. W., Drayton's Sonnets 164 

KoezuL, A., Notes and Corrections to Shelley's 'History of a Six 

Weeks' Tour" 61 

Littledale, H., 'A Hoadless Bear' 63 

RoBBimiON, J. M., The Authorship of 'Titns Andronicua' . . 63 

SlMPBOtJ, P., An Allusion in Webster 162 

SutWOir, P., The Authorship und Original Issue of 'Ciuthia's RoYonge' 348 

■ . W. W., Provencal Words in English 60 



vi Contents 

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES 0PM 

Smith, G. i\ Mikiuk, Slnik«r-| « .it'-'nui 

Suirn, G. Q KOOM, BpMMr) 'Sbopbanra Calendar,' 'November' . 
\ I II , \.,ir, .in Bamabe Runies' 'Devil's Charter' 

I . r . '""' i" 1" 'New EnglUh Dictionary' 

■... . 
Ui«.kv, \V , OMoMtla Palatal! in dor ongtiecbcn Literatur (G. C. Moore 



\ . HftUlioi Sakft at la Reimwanneo Lyonnais (A. Tilley) 
i N , Dia oratau dautaohao [TlwuadiMiimaii huTwiIiwi Iiiwlajiiahi 

UMll) 

L 0., Mac " 'I" la Vi<i dc Pierre hV.iiwuii ed. by H. M. Evers 

(A I. M.., 

I — I. li Warwick, M 'lipio, a Study (E. Dowdeu) 

ii -I. ill, , ii.Lii M.iiiin. A, Uililt<it.lu-i.Bi HiNimnicn XIV (J. Fitsmaurioo- 



.r i n. BparanakJ, Boaalan Reader (W. R. Morffll) . 

Im -uni. \\ \ | Ty|H!n ill' Welt w:li 1 1 mm in German Poetry (K. Brcul) 
\ . riM Low Skk King, ed. by A. E. H. Swmo (G. 0. Moore 

rtiniilii 

|in, li.iti.in, M. A., (' edia fmiiiiHii del Esulavo del Demouio (J. FiU- 

RMimM Rally) 

i ,i ..i, I,., M,, |,ii IW-niu |iliilo«opliiqae au xix" sifecle (F. Gobin) 

i ii.iIiii., M , Madam* Arkurmanii (K. Gohin) 

■ i .1. I.. , Mi. ii, K , OimMHHtt de Tirso do Molina, I. (H. A. Renuort) 
(WuHoii, <i, Prom St PmncJB to Dante (L. Ragg) 

■ ■ I. ■. , V, I'U-iijh, I'lujH and Sumlry Verses (G. C. Macaulay) 
Oowpar, W., Poama, ad, by J. C. Bailey (A. R. Waller) . 

l',.«l-,r, VV.,1' [.loti- I'.i'liw,] Winked. by U.S. Milford(A. R.Waller) 

Omaha, ii., Poama, ad bj A. W. Ward (R. Huobon) 

D aohbeb) M., Studtoo mi aagangeaafaiaete England*, I. (W. P. Ker) 

hylhwki, It., TaorjTaana Bpmoha und Stil (A. R Young) . 

I i. 1,1. i, A., ,1. II. Froro (A. B. Young) 

ii >i... II., I»i<' Kinder- nod Hauaroarohan der Brttder Qrimm (T. Baa] 

II. ,!„■,, .1 !,, 'II,. Ovnaa Enfluanoa "ii S. T. Coleridge (J. Burne). 

IUi. .u L, Joan I l.i-h.T (W. W. Greg) 

Haywood, W„ Tha Uttia Ptowara of St Francis (L. Hngg) 

Uolbrook, H.. Tha Rana of Master Piorre Fatelin (E. K. Chambers) 

lnx'1 im, If., Hit' nltnn«li«'lii' Gd'mker-Diuhtung (H. Bradley) 

Jflaahlntl, M , Die Wnltnnsolitiuting der Homantik (J. G. Robertson) 

.lull" II., Kvui'v Mutiuiiti'f lii.- Humor (Ilolmo 'sand Liege's Quartos), 

nl. I« W bfigaadW W. Grog (G. Gregory Smith) . 
i. a an EL, TtH Bid Bbapbard, ad. by W. W. Greg (G. Gregory Smith) 

KtU M li, Tha Northumbrian Gloss to St Luke (P. G. Thomas) 

r.in.1, .1 I,, Itfanrd Voting in Germany (J, Crosland) 

Kr*pp,Q I" . 1 nitron Hid il"' Fates of the Apostles (J. H. G. G rattan) 

Lja, m, Ihakaapaan and Uh ICoden Stage (F. s. Boas) . 

UlNa, I'M, I'll,. PMno^pha of English Verse (T. B. Rudmoae- Brown) 
i ... i ..,,, I B , Tha Pint Editors of Shakespeare (A. R. Waller) 
M -i .ii, .1., Im Paatonia dramatique en France (W. W. Greg) 
, J., U Sylvia du Star Mairet (A. Tiller) . 



Contents 

REVIEWS eont. 

Mi.-iK-tiiW. y Pelayo, M., Origenea de la Novak, I. [H. A. Rennert) . 
Mir, M., Predieadorcs de los Siglos xvi y XVII, I. (H. A. Rennert). 
Moorman, F. W., The Interpretation of Nature in English Poetry 

(0. H. Herford) 

Morellini, I)., Giovanna A' Aragona, 1 luchcssa. ii' Auialfi (W. IV. Greg) 
Nicholson, F. C, Old German Love-Songs (F. E. Sandbach) 
Purser, W. E., Pahuerin of England (J. Fit/.niaurice- Kelly) 
Puyol y Alonso, J., El Archiprestc de Hita (J. Fit /.Maurice- Kelly) . 
Rothschild, J. A. lie, Shakespeare and bin Day (P. S. Bona) . 
Rouge, I., F. Schlegel et la Genfrse du Roinantisnic (J. Q. Robertson) 
Rouge, I., F. Schlegela ' Lucinde ' (J. 0. Robertson) .... 
Saintsbury, O., A History of English Prosody, 1. (R. Ii. M'Kerrow) 
Schlegel, F., Prosuisehc Jiigi'udschiift.on, ed. liy .1. Minor(J.G. Holttrtsan) 
Scholl, J. W,, F. Schlegel and Goethe (J. G. Robertson) . 
Semuio y SanK, M., Autohiografias y Memnrias (II. A. Rennert) 
Bhakeapeare, W., < 'omplete Works, ed. by C. Porter and H. A. Clarke 

' ;. < fogory Smith) 

Stoll, E. E., John Webster (W. W. Greg) 

Taiuassia, N., 8. Francesco e la sua Legenda (L. Ragg) . 
Thayer, H. W., Laurence Sterne in Germany (K. IJreul) . 
Tliuniau, C, Die GeiBter in der englischen Literutur (A. B. Young) 
Victor, W., A Shakespeare Phonology (F. J. Curtw) . 
Wiesc, B., Altltalit'uis.hes ICleiuentailjiich (A. J. Butler) . 
Wyiidhaui, 0., Ronsard and the Pleiade (A. Tilley) . 

MINOR NOTICES. 

Allodoii, E., Giovanni Hilton e |' Italia 

I'.n-ul, K., (ici'iiuiri-Kngti.Hli ami Knglixli-Gi'i'iiiiiii Dictionary 
Chiatoni, P., La Mconda fase del pensiero danteacu .... 

Da vies, T. R., French Roman tit -ism and the Press .... 

II. a invent lira, A., Dante e la Musica ....... 

Goldiug, A., A Tragedic of Abrahams Sacrifice ..... 

Ciilikruitli, O., Complete Poetical Works 

Herbst, C, I 'lipid's Revenue by Itnt'tninoiit ami Fletcher and Andromana 

Hull, E., A Textbook of Irish Literature 

Lochiuer, A., Kn<di.sh -Croatian Dictionary ...... 

Magnus, L-, I loci its illustrating Eiizaliethntt Poetry 

Uikcu Society, The 

M>'ii/i.., P. A., II traviamenlo intelleltnale di Dante .... 
Ren. T., Schiller's Dramas and Poems in England .... 
Hudmose- Brown, T, U-, Etude compares de la Versification 

■. N., Swggi diiiitcscbi 

Skent, W. W., Pierce the Ploughman's Crede 

Suell, F. J., The Age of Transition 

ini, il. A., La Dmna Com media 

II., Les voyellea toniques .hi viou* francais . 
Hoy, ft., Etudes stir le- theatre franoaix du xiv et xv aifccle . 

Hoy, E., [# Jour du Jugenieiit 

SEW PUBLICATIONS 81,194,88 



OCTOBER, 1906 



COURT PERFORMANCES BEFORE QUEEN 
ELIZABETH. 



All students of stage history are aware of the valuable information 
bearing upon the composition and careers of the various Elizabethan 
companies of actors, which is afforded by the records in official 
documents of the performances given by them at Court. These records 
are of two kinds. There are the Accounts of the Revels Office, which 
was charged with the oversight of all dramatic festivities within the 
royal household, and incurred expenditure in connection with the 
choice, rehearsal, staging, dresses, and properties of the plays per- 
formed by the accredited ' Servants ' of the Queen herself or of the 
great nobie3, at Christmas, Candlemas, or Shrovetide, in the palaces of 
Whitehall, Windsor, Richmond, Hampton Court, Greenwich, or Nonsuch. 
A series, not quite complete, of full RevelB Accounts from 1571 to 1588 
was printed by Peter Cunningham in his Extracts from the Accounts of 
the Revels at Court (1842). These generally contain indications of the 
names of the companies engaged and the times at which they per- 
formed ; and to them are in some cases attached full schedules of such 
information, together with the names of the plays. The other records 
bearing on the subject are those of the 'rewards' paid out of royal 
funds to the representatives of the companies in recompense of their 
services. These were not a concern of the Revels Office. The practice 
was for B warrant directing the payment to be signed by no less a body 
than the Privy Council, and it is a curious reminder of the personal 
n-Utioti in which the Council stood to the Sovereign, to find notices of 
tli' ISMK of such warrants sandwiched in the minutes of its proceedings 
betW© ii accounts of important investigations into heresy and treason. 
The warrant was taken by the players to the Treasurer of the Chamber 
to whom it was addressed, honoured by him. and debited against funds 
assigned to him for this and other expenses, Of these payments, there- 
fore, we have two independent records, one in the Council Register, and 
another in the Accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber. The entries 

K. L. R. II. 1 




Per j b rm ancet Infore Queen Elizabdk 
ill I hi' HagiltV relating to payments for plays daring the reign i 

BUatbtlh wm utnattd by Qaorge Chaanexi and published, first i 

In I, »,./. ~,vi /■"■ tin 1 H'lirvr.i m the tihaketipeare Papers (1797) and 
ii II. a »v mi I * in tb« third volume of the Boswell-Malone Yartomm 

tPiakii} '•• (1881) Tli-v m BOW available up to Jane, 1601. in 

M, .1 It DtlMt'l AtU «/ the Privy Council of England (1890-1906) 

i 'Hi. mii Mill u there ui MOaManblc gapi in the Register, notably from 
Mm i IBB to Ha] 1 ■•■'. from Juo* L58S, to February, 1586, from 

U,-,. .i IBM 10 OetoW, 1688, I from .January, 1602, to the end of 

llii' iviijii . wd ill" rwSOTOJ OJ ptj UtDtt for the plays of several winters 

,1... .Mi. i i>>. ."., ■ I'll. \. oounti of llio Treasurer of the Chamber 

i Ounalagfauo be thl bixik already named, in the 

,'li In in .i 1 1 ,1 .i lhuuIht "f extracts, mainly dealing 

a) f\<\ -. h-OD wfc»l bfl describes as 'the original 

| it. Aurwi of tin 1 Chamber during a part of the 

iviuu ul »,bnvtt KIkhIm'IIi' Bl IKpramd his regret 'that the set is 

iiuuWfc Thl Treaiurer of the Chamber's entries have the 

,.l, ,,, || k'lii.; ui nuot. Hon accurate and more detailed than those 

.. i |(i .M'.ier, which often refer summarily to a payment for 

I u| ,i|.n« without IpKflryillg, as the Treasurer of the Chamber 
| ,, i, ,||, , .1. i n I to d0) thl precise dates upon which the performances 
, i } ,\ ,. , Winn ■ I li*- two sets of records refer to the same payments, 
il,, i [|j ouum ailim! a valuable check upon each other, and also upon 

M.. I.. »|i toe a, 

h ,. ii (Jim I In ■ i- sources that historians of the stage have 

,.l,i. I ihwr kiinwledgo of the plays given before Elizabeth, and that 

it, I I, i'. in |i ' 1 1' i bai drawn material for the elaborate, but not 

,i ,,..! i.,I,|.h.i| Ciiurt performances published in his Chronicle 

| <!„■ hmkth* Stag* (1890). A tew additions have been 

I, i., il,.. iiil.ii-iiiitlniii taken by Cunningham from the Treasurer 

,,t il,, Q] In i | \i.niiiit-, chiefly by Mr Halliwell-Phillipps and 

Mi- I'. ( ', fttOQMj hut it aUTfir to have been generally assumed that 

In . 1 1 ,.| than dooUBMBBI was an exhaustive one. This is by no 

oan, Too ioooont* which he examined and found 'very 
.,,.,,, |.i. i wi i IppareOtbjr what are known in the Record Office as 

\ ., drawn up by the accounting officer for declaration in 

;,. i . i, r«|iii ' n.i submission to the Auditors of the Imprest. Others 

, ,,. //■„/ . MSS., 1641 and 1642, and Rawlinson MSS., .4,239 

in!.' Hurl. MS., 1644, appears to be a book kept in the office 

,.| M,> I n ii=i 1 1. i ui i In' Chamber for the entry of payments as they were 



E. K. CHAMBERS 3 

made. But there is another collection of Accounts of the Treasurer of 
the Chamber in the Record Office, and these, unlike the Original 
Accounts, form an unbroken series from 1558 onwards. They are known 
as Declared Accounts and are abstracts of the Original Accounts, made 
out by the Auditors and Bled in duplicate in their own office and in that 
of the Pipe. Apparently Cunningham did not think it worth while to 
examine these. He had examined the Declared Accounts of the 
Masters of the Revels and found them unilluminating. Probably he 
assumed that the Declared Accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber 
were equally arid abridgments. But as a matter of fact they are, so 
far as the payments for plays are concerned, exactly as full as the 
Original Accounts themselves; and it is therefore possible to extract 
from them, for the first time, a substantially complete calendar of all 
the Court performances during the period which they cover. The 
entries relating to these ought to be printed in full by the newly 
founded Malone Society or some other enterprising body. In the mean- 
time I will furnish a brief summary of such new information as may be 
gleaned from them, including all notices of performances not hitherto 
known to historians of the stage, and any details which may serve to 
correct or supplement earlier records'. In the case of each performance 
I indicate, so far as shown by the entry, the date, the company, and the 
payees. These are, for companies of boys their schoolmasters, and for 
companies of men members of the company acting as agents for their 
fellows. 

Christmas, 1561-2. Lord Robert Dudley's. 

„ „ Paul's (Sebastian Westcote). 

This payment was on a warrant of Jan. 6, 1562, and is distinct from 
tin.' payment on a warrant of March 9, 1562, extracted in Cunningham 

XXVII. 

Christmas, 1506-6. Paul's (Westcote). Three plays, two 'at the 
Oourte,' the other 'before Her Ma' 1 '' at the [julyc f'odlias Lodging 
at the Savoye.' 

This was Cecilia, Margravine of Baden, sister of Eric, King of 
Sweden, who came to England in the autumn of 1565. 

fflilitfliiM, 1567-8. Westminster (John Taylor). 

„ „ Lord Rich's. Two plays. 

„ „ Paul's (Westcote), Two plays. 

Shrovetide (Feb. 28-March 2), 1068. Windsor (Hichw-d Farront). 

„ „ „ Chapel (William Hunnis), 

'a Tragedic.* 

1 I have to thank my friend Mr Bower Marsh for going carefully through the 
and making ei tracts for me. 



4 Court Performances before Queen Elizabeth 

Collier, I. 187, prints from Earl. MS. y 146, a list of eight plays 
produced by the Revels Office between July 14, 1567, and March 3. 
1568. One of these, The King of Scots, is identified by Mrs Stopes in 
Athenaeum (1900X *• *!0, with the Chapel play, bat only on conjecture. 
Incidentally she misdates Shrovetide and gives a wrong reference to 
the Pipe Roll, from which she has extracted other entries with regard 
to Hunnis. 

Dec 28, 1570. Paul's (Weatcote). 

Shrovetide (Feb. 25-7), 1571. Chapel (Hann»). 

„ » Windsor (Fwmnt). 

„ „ PkaFs (Wcstcote). 

Dec. 27, 1571. Lawrence Duttoa tad his fellows. 

It is clear from Dasent, vni. 61, and the Revels Account in 
Cunningham, 13, that these were Sir Robert Lanes men. I give the 
list of plays for the Christmas of 1571-2 from the Pipe Roll, although 
the facta are not, except in some minor details, new, because it confirms 
the accuracy of the Revels Account against the Privy Council Acts, 
which give different dates for some of the performances, dating that of 
Lane s men e.g, Dec. 26. I feel little doubt that the authority of the 
Pipe Roll is better than that of the Acts. It is an abstract of accounts 
made up from the actual warrants in the hands of the Treasurer of the 
Chamber, while the Acts were probably compiled at leisure by the 
Clark of the Council from notes of proceedings taken by himself or 
nome Privy Councillor. The Revels Account gives for this year tie 
nam** of the plays acted by the respective companies. 

Dec. 28 t IS71. Paul's (Wericote). 
The Acts misdate Jan. 1, 1572. 

Jan. L, 1572. Windsor (Fanant). 
Thie Act* misdate Dec. 27, 1571. 

Jan. 12, 1572. Chapel (Hunnie]. 
Thit Act* have ' John ' for ' William ' Hunnis. 

P*h. 17, IA72 (Shrove Sunday;. Sir Robert Lane's John Grmrea 
And Thmna* Gonghe). 

Thit Atrtt give Lawrence Dutton again as payee. 

P*h, 10, 1672. John BiJlingrarfpy. 

Thit Raw!* Amount ;ind the Acts assign the play to the Westminster 
h#iy», whnm pay** in L507-8 was John Taylor. 



E. K. CHAMBERS 5 

Christmas, 1572-3. Leicester's. Three plays. 
Paul's (Westcote). 

„ ,, Lincoln's (Lawrence Dutton). 

„ „ Sussex's. 

Jan. 1, 1573. Windsor (Farrarit). 
Jan. 6, 1573. Eton ([William] Elderton). 
Feb. 3, 1573 (Shrove Tuesday). Mr Moncaater. 

This was of course Richard Muncaster or Mulcaster, schoolmaster 
of the Merchant Taylors. Most of these plays, apart from the dateB, 
could be inferred, together with the names of some of them, from the 
Revels Account in Cunningham, 32. I think that the Merchant Taylors 
played Perseus and Andromeda. 

Christmas, 1673-1. Clinton's (Lawrence Dutton). 

Lord Clinton had become Earl of Lincoln on May 4, 1572. 

Dec. 27, 1573. Paul's (Westcote). 
Jan. 6, 1574. Windsor (Farrant). 

The above details supplement the information for 1573-4 already 
available in the Acts and Revels Accounts. 

Feb. 13, 1575 (Shrove Sunday). Merchant Taylors (Muncaster). 
Dec 26, 1575.J Warwick's (John Dutton, Lawrence Dutton, Jerome 
Jan. 1, 1576. J Savage). 

This and the following payments are in the Acts (Dasent, ix. 68, 81), 
but without the payees. It is to be observed that Lawrence Dutton has 
figured in Lane's company (1571-2), in Lincoln's (1572-3) and in 
Warwick's (1575-6). This gives point to some satirical lines printed 
in Reliquiae Aittiijtiae, n. 122, from Sari MS., 7392, which describes 
how "The Duttons and theyr fellow-players forsakyng the Erie of 
Warwycke theyr mayster, became followers of the Erie of Oxford,' and 
were called, instead of Comoediiuis, Canioelions. The satirist adds, 
"Their ancient home is called the Clynke.' 

Feb. 2, 1676. Chamberlain's (John Adams). 
Feb. 27, 1576. Alfruso FerraboUe and the rest of the Italian 
players. 

Italian players followed the progress to Windsor and Reading in 
1574 (Cunningham, 77) and on Jan. 13, 1578, the Privy Council 
directed that Dronsiano an Italian commediante and his company 
should be allowed to play in London (Dasent, X. 144). 



6 Court Performances before Queen Elizabeth 

March 4, 1676 (Shrove Sunday). Leicester's (' Burbag '). 
Dec. 25, 1577. Leicester's. 

The Acts (Dasent, x. 138, 185) give this and the Howard's men's 
play without the exact dates, and also the Chamberlain's men's 
Candlemas play. The other entries for 1577-8 are new. 

Dec. 27, 1577. Chapel (Richard Farrant). 

Farrant'8 services have been transferred to the Chapel since Dec. 27, 
1575, when he brought the Windsor children. He was originally a 
Gentleman of the Chapel, and left for Windsor in 1564. On Nov. 5, 
1569, he returned, but seems to have continued to direct the Windsor 
plays. He is still described as Master of the Children of the Chapel of 
Windsor in a non-dramatic entry in the Account for Nov. 7, 1577. 
He was never actually Master of the Children of the principal Chapel, 
for William Hunnis held this post from Nov. 15, 1566, until June 6, 
1597, but in this and subsequent years Farrant seems to have acted as 
his substitute. Mrs S topes, in her paper on Hunnis in Athenaeum 
(1900), I. 410, foils to notice this. He died on Nov. 30, 1580, and 
Hunnis reappears thereafter as payee for the Chapel. 

Dec. 28, 1577. Warwick's. 
Dec. 30, 1577. Paul's (Westcote). 
Jan. 1, 1578. Howard's. 
Jan. 6, 1678. Warwick's. 
Feb. 2, 1578. Chamberlain's. 

Unless there is an error in the Pipe Roll, this play was paid for 
twice over, on a warrant dated March 15. Dasent, x. 185, gives the 
date as March 14. 

Feb. 9, 1578 (Shrove Sunday). Warwick's. 

Feb. 11, 1578. Leicester's 'for making their repaire to the Courte 
V th their whole company and furniture to presente a playe before 
her ma fcie ...in consideracon of their chardgies for that purpose 
although the plaie by her ma ti0S comaundement was supplyed by 
others.' 

They got the ordinary ' reward ' of £6. 13*. 4d. t but not the ' more 
reward ' of £3. 6s. 8d 

Feb. 11, 1578. Countess of Essex's. 

No company under Lady Essex's name is on record, but Essex's men 
was one of six companies which the Lord Mayor was directed by the 
Privy Council on Dec. 24, 1578, to allow to exercise for Christmas in 
the City. Walter, Earl of Essex, died in 1576, and his son Robert was 
a boy of ten in Feb. 1578. The company did not appear at Court in 



E. K. CHAMBERS 7 

1578-9, or ever again. Lady Essex was disgraced in the summer of 
1579, owing to the discovery of her secret marriage to Leicester. 

Dec. 26, 1578. Warwick's. 
This and the following five entries are in the Acta, but without 
precise dates. 

Dec. 28, 1578. Chamberlain's. 

Jan. 1, 1579. Paul's. 

Jan. 4, 1579. Leicester's. 

Jan. B, 1579. Chamberlain's. 

Jan. 6, 1679. Chapel (Farrnnt). 

Feb. 2, 1579. Warwick's (Jeron 

Slave v/* h was in readiness to 
[a u *.' 
The Acts (Pasent, xi. 81) have the payment, but not the payee. 

Jan. 15, 1580. Lord Strauge'a tumblers. 
The Acts have the payment, but not the date. 

Dec 26, 1583. Queen's. 

Dec. 29, 1583. Queen's. 

Jan. 1, 1584. Oxford's (' Johon Line'). 

Jan. 6, 1584. Chapel 

Feb, 2, 1584. Chapel. 

March 3, 1 584 (Shrove Tuesday). Oxford's (' Johon Lilie '). 
The Acts and the Revels Accounts are both missing for this period, 
and it is thus that I am able to record for the first time not only the 
debut at Court of the new company formed by the Master of the Revels 
under the title of Her Majesty's Servants in the previous spring, but 
also this very interesting allusion to John Lyly. It has of course long 
been known that Lyly was in the service of the Earl of Oxford, 
but there has been no evidence that he was in charge of his 
players, or that he had any connection with any company other 
than the Chapel and the Paul's boys. The company is described as 
'the Erie of Oxforde his servauntes.' It is known that Oxford had 
a company of men, and the satire already quoted shows that they were 
formed by the secession of the Duttons and their fellows from Warwick. 
The Duttons, however, had joined the Queen's men in 1583. The 
last appearance of Warwick's at Court was on Jan. 1, 1580. On 
April 13, 1580, the Privy Council had to enquire into a fray between 
Robert Leveson and Larrance Dutton, 'servantes unto the Erie of 
Oxford' and the Inns of Court. Thomas Chesson seems also to have 
beon concerned (Dasent, xi. 445; xii. 37, 112). On June 21, 1580. 
John Hatcher wrote from Cambridge to Burghley, explaining the 
objection of the Heads of Houses to let Oxford's men show plays which 



8 Court Performances before ■ 

they had already shown (doubtless as Warwick's) before the Queen 
(S. P. Dom. EUz, cxxxix. 26). There are other records of them in the 
provinces (R. W. Bond, Lyly, I. 24) and in January, 1586, they were 
setting up their bills in London (Collier, I. 257, from Harl. MS., 286). 
One would hardly expect to find Lyly as payee for an ordinary company 
of this kind, and it is possible that the ' servauntes ' whom he brought 
to Court were boys of Lord Oxford's Chapel, or perhaps a combination 
of these and the men. This is not a mere guess, for the Revets Account 
of 1584-5 records a performance on Dec. 27, 1584, by 'the Earle of 
Oxenford his boyes' (Cunningham, 188). The play was Agamemnon 
and Ulysses, a very probable subject for Lyly. It is a little puzzling 
that Lyly's Campaxpe and Sapko and Phao, both published in 1584, 
are said on their title-pages to have been played before Elizabeth on 
New Year's Day and Shrove-Tuesday respectively, in each case by the 
Chapel and Paul's. If, as seems natural, these dates refer to the year 
of publication, they are exactly the dates on which Lyly brought 
Oxford's company to Court. Can these ' boys ' possibly have been, not 
from Oxford's own Chapel, but selected from the royal Chapel and 
Paul's ? It must, however, be added that some copies of Campaspe 
give the date as Twelfth Day instead of New Year's Day. 

Christmas 1584-5. Queen's (Robert Willsou). Four plays. 

Both the Pipe Roll and the Revels Account give dates. The only 
new detail is the name of the payee. 

Dec. 26, 1585. Queen's. 
Dec. 27, 1585. Admiral's. 

The firBt appearance of a company under this name. Charles, 
Lord Howard of Effingham, became Lord Admiral in succession to 
the Earl of Lincoln on July 8, 1585. The origins of this company, 
and its relation to other early companies will, I hope, be fully discussed 
by Mr W. W. Greg, in Vol. n. of his edition of Henslowe's Diary, 

Jan. 1, 1586. Queen's. 

Jau. 6, 1586. 'The Servantee of the lo: adinirall and the lo: 
Chain berlaine.' 

Halliwell, lliitstratium of the Life of Shakespeare, 31, quotes this 
entry, 

Jan. 9, 1586. 'John Symouds and Mr Staudleyes Boyes. ..for 
Tumblinge and ahewingo other featea of aetivitie,' 



I suppose these to be the Lord Strange s tumblers of Jan. 15, 1 




E. K. CHAMBERS 9 

Feb. 13, 1586 (Shrove Sunday). Queen'a. 
This payment is in the Acts (Dasent, XIV. 20) and all these payments 
to the Queen's for this Christmas are in the Treasurer of the Chamber's 
Original Account (Hart., 1641, ff. 20', 21). 



Dec 26, 1586. 
Dec. 27, 1586. 



Queen's. 
Lei i.e ster'a. 



The last appearance of Leicester's 



i at Court 






Jan. 6, 1587./ I * ieena - 
Feb. 26, 1587 (Shrove Sunday). Paul's (Thomas Gilea). 
Feb. 28, 1587. Queen'a. 
The last is the only entry preserved in the Acts for this Christmas 
(Dasent, XV. 24). 

Dec. 26, 1587. Queen'a. 

Dec. 2B, 1587. John Simons and his company, 'feata of activitie.' 

Jan. 1, 1588. Paul's (Gilea). 

Jan. 6, 1586. Queen's. 

Feb. 2, 1588. Paul's (Giles). 

Feb. 18, 1588 (Shrovo Sunday). Queen'a. 

The Acts (Dasent, xv. 424) record the three Queen's plays alone, 
without exact dates. The Revels Account (Cunningham, 198) notes 
for this Christmas, ' vij playea besides feattes of activitie and other 
shewes by the cbilderen of Poles, her Ma"* owne servantes and the 
gentlemen of Graves In.' Gray's Inn played The Misfortunes of Arthur 
on Feb. 28, but naturally took no payment from the Treasurer of the 
Chamber. The seventh play was possibly one for which Collier, I. 259, 
says, without giving a reference, that George Evelyn of Wot ton got 
paid 12rf. [an impossible sum] in February through the good offices 
of Lord Warwick. 



Admiral's, 'and for sliowiugc 
other feates of activitye and 



Dec. 29, 1688. ) 

Feb. 1 1, 1589 (Shrove Tueaday). J 
tiimbluige.' 

The Acts (Dasent, XVll. 90) give the payments, assigning the second 
play wrongly to Feb. 9, but say nothing about the tumbling. As I 
shall note below, the tumbling has its importance. 



Dec. 27, 1588. 
Jan. 1, 1589. 
Jan. 12, 1589. 



Paul's (Gilea). 



The Acts (Dasent, XVII, 115) give the payment, without exact dates. 



COM* Performances before Queen Elizabeth 

Dm. 27, 1590, i Strange's {George Ottewell), 

Feb. 16, 1591 (Shrove Tuesday). J 'and for other feutas of 

Activitye then also done by them.' 

This la a particularly interesting entry, for it shows that Strange's 
mon who are the players amongst whom it is generally thought that 
Shakespeare first began to write for the stage, grew out of the troupe of 
tumblers who appeared at Court on Jan. 15, 1580, and, under the 
ership of John Symonds, at intervals thereafter. The payment is 
recorded in the Acts (Dasent, xx. 327) and the 'feates of activitye' 
noted. But the players are described as the Admiral's, not as Strange's. 
It is not necessary to suppose an error. It is known that some sort of 
combination existed a year or two later between the companies, and 
that Edward Alleyn, although keeping the designation of 'my Lord 
Admiral's man,' was acting with Strange's. The Admiral's do not, as 
such, appear again in the Court records until 1594, in which year this 
combination was dissolved. The present entry seems to show that it 
dated from at least Christmas, 1590-1, and the performance of ' feates 
of aetivitye' by the Admiral's at Christmas, 1588-9, suggests that it 
already existed in that year. Strange's or Stanley's (Ferdinando 
Stanley, son of the Earl of Derby, being Lord Strange by courtesy) 
were only ' boys ' in 1586. It seems that as they grew up they became 
players. Possibly, although proof is wanting, they were reinforced on 
the death of Leicester in September, 1588, by William Kempe and 
some of his fellows, who certainly belonged to the company at a later 
date. But Strange's men do not appear at Court as players before 
their amalgamation with the Admiral's ; and it was probably their 
inheritance of the tradition of this company that made them the 
leading performers during the Christmases of 1591-2 and 1592-3. 

Jan. 6, 1594. Queen's. 
This performance, although not in Mr Fleay's lists, is noted by 
Mrs Stopes in the Shakespeare- Jahrbuck, XXXtl. 183. It is in the 
Treasurer of the Chamber's Original Account, Sari. MS., 1642, f. 19*. as 
well as the Pipe Roll. 

Admiral's (Edward Allen, Richard Joues, John 
Synger). 

The famous entry for this same Christmas of a payment to the 
Chamberlain's (Lord Hunsdon's) men, in which Shakespeare makes his 
first appearance in the Court archives, as payee with William Kempe 



Dec. 28, 1594.1 
Jan. 1, 1595. \ 
Jan. 6, 1595. J 



B. K. CHAMBERS U 

and Richard Burbage, was, I believe, first given by HalHwel], Illus- 
tntti'Hix "/ the Life if Shakespeare, 31. The payment is for plays on 
St Stephen's Day (Dec. 26, 1594) and Innocents' Day (Dec. 28). It is 
to be observed that the Admiral's were also paid for Dec. 28. Two 
plays on one day would not be unprecedented, but as the Court was 
at Greenwich, and it is recorded in the Gesta Grayorum that 'a company 
of base and common fellows' played 'a Comedy of Errors' in Gray's 
Inn on Innocents' Day, I think it is not unlikely that the second play 
of the Chamberlain's men before Elizabeth was really on St John's 
Day (Doc. 27). 

Jan. 1, 1596. \ 

Jan. 4, 1696. I Admiral'* (Edward Allen and 

Feb. 22, 1596 (Shrove Sunday), j Martin Slater). 

Feb. 24, 1696. I 

Dec 26, 1596. v 

Dec 27, 1596. 

Jan. 1, 1597. 1 Chamberlain's (Thomas Pope and 

Jan. 6, 1597. John Hemiuges). 

Feb. 6, 1697 (Shrove Sunday). 

Feb. 8, 1597. ' 

The Acts (Dascnt, xxvm. 151 ) give the payments without the exact 
dates. The company is called the Lord Chamberlain's, because 
payment was not made until Nov. 27. 1597. At the actual time of the 
performances it was Lord Hunsdon's. Henry Lord Hunsdon died on 
July 22, 159(3, and was succeeded as Chamberlain by Lord Cobham on 
Aug. 8. Cobham died on March 5, 1597, and George Lord Huuadon, 
who had retained his father's players, became Chamberlain on April 17, 
1597. 

Dec 26, 1597. ■. 

Jan. 1, 1598. I Chamberlain's (Heuiinges and 

Jan. 6, 1598. Pope). 

Feb. 23, 1598 (Shrove Sunday). J 

Dec 27, 1597. 1 Nottingham's [Admiral's] (Robert Shawe and 

Feb. 28, 1598. / Thomas Down ton). 

These payments are also in the Acts without the exact dates 
(Dasent, xxix. 324). The Lord High Admiral, Lord Howard of 
Effingham, was created Earl of Nottingham on Oct. 23, 1597. 

\ Nottingham's [Admiral's] (8b»~ 



Jan. 6, 1599. 
Feb. 18, 1599 (8hi 



and Downton). 



12 Court Performances before Queen Elizabeth 



Derby's (Robert Browne), 




•Ian. 1, 1601.1 

Jan. 6, 1601./ 

Dee. 26, 1001. 

Dec. 27, 1601. 

Jan. 1, 1602. 

Fen. 14, 1602 (Shrove Sunday). 

Dec. 27, 1601. Admiral's [Nottingham's] (Alii 

Jan. 3, 1602. 1 Worcester's (William Kempe and Thomas Hey 

Feb, 14, 1602.J wood). 

Jan! loTeoU Cha P el < Nathanid °y Ie8 >' 
Jan. 1, 1603. Paul's (Edward 1'eirs). 
Jan. 6, 1803. Hertford's (Martin Slater). 



tiey- 



Here I must stop, reserving for later treatment such new facts as 
the Accounts yield with regard to the Court performances of James the 
First's reign. These are comparatively scanty, in proportion as the 
Original Accouuts searched by Cunningham are fuller for this period. 
In conclusion, I want to point a moral, against the nndesirability of 
inferring negative conclusions from the absence of evidence. In other 
fields of research the warning would perhaps be uncalled for, but your 
historian of literature has too often failed to do his homage to Queen 
Barbara. The ingenious Mr Fleay has constructed divers edifices 
of argument on the assumption that his elaborate lists of Court per- 
formances are complete, without, as it would seem, asking himself 
whether any exhaustive examination had been made of the sources 
from which they were drawn. He tells us (History of the Stage, 123) 
that no plays were shown at Court during the Christmas of 1601-2, 
and unfortunately even goes on to give a reason, namely that 'The 
offensive acting of Richard 2 [in connection with the Essex revolt] 
put plays out of favour this year.' But as a matter of fact there 
were nine plays, a number which had not been reached since the 
Christmas of 1591-2 ; only they are not recorded either by Chalmers 
or by Cunningham. It is true that, according to a letter of Dudley 
Carleton to John Chamberlain (S. P. Dam. Elit. Cclxxxh. 48) on 
December 29, there was such a small Court that the guard was not 
troubled to keep the doors at the plays and pastimes ; but it is clear 
that even the abundant supply of official plays did not exhaust the old 
queen's capacity for finding, or endeavouring to find, distraction in the 
drama. Carleton goes on to say, 'The Queen dined today privately at my 
Lord Chamberlain's. I have just come from the Blackfriars, where I saw 
her at the play with all her candidae audttrices.' The play referred 



E. K. CHAMBERS 13 

to must, I think, have been part of the entertainment given to the 
Queen by the Lord Chamberlain (Lord Hunsdon) who had a house in 
the Blackfriars. It would be tempting to find evidence in Carleton's 
gossip of a visit paid by Elizabeth to the famous Blackfriars theatre, 
built by the Burbages in 1596, and occupied in 1601 by the Children 
of the Chapel under Nathaniel Giles. But I know of no other indica- 
tion that Elizabeth ever attended a play in public, even at one of the 
so-called private houses. It is perhaps natural to assume that Lord 
Hunsdon employed his own company of players on this occasion, in 
spite of their ill-inspired performance of Richard the Second, to which 
Mr Fleay refers. 

E. E. Chambers. 



THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE 'ISLE SONNANTE.' 



The publication by the Sociiti des Etudes Rabelaisiennea of a 
reprint of the Isle Sonnante, admirably edited by MM. Abel Lefranc 
and Jacques Boulenger from the unique copy in the possession of a 
private owner, has enabled students for the first time to make a careful 
study of the text of this first instalment of the Fifth Book of Pantagruel. 
It will be recollected that the Isle Sonnante appeared in 1562 (between 
eight and ten years after Rabelais's death) without either the publisher's 
name or the place of publication, and that it professed to be the 
continuation of Pantagruel's voyage written by Rabelais himself. It 
was followed in 1564 by the publication of the complete Fifth Book, 
which also professed to be Babelais's work. Further, there is a 
manuscript of the whole Book in the Bibliotheque Nationale; it is 
written in a sixteenth century hand which is certainly not Rabelais 's. 
Previous to the reprint of the Isle Sonnante, it might have been 
supposed — in fact, I did so suppose — that this MS. represented the 
oldest form of the text. But M. Boulenger in his excellent introduction 
to the reprint has made it clear that it really represents a stage 
intermediate between the Isle Sonnante and the text of 1564. 

Before proceeding to a detailed examination of the Isle Sonnante it 
will be well if I point out with the help of M. Boulenger's guidance the 
characteristics oi' the three texts. 



Isle Sonnante. 



1. The punctuation is very faulty, with the result that in many 
places the text becomes absolute nonsense. 

2. ' The text,' says M. Boulenger, ' is disfigured with printer's 
errors,' This is true, but it should be added that the great majority 
of the errors are in proper names, or in technical terms, or in words 
taken from Latin or Greek. Mistakes in ordinary words are not very 
numerous, though when they occur they are extremely stupid. The 



. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



15 






niost glaring are vouchee for cone/tie (chap, v), manifreqne for maynifiqve 
(chap, v), trimballe element for triballement (chap, vii), mouoir for 
manoir (chap, x), tharus for Unions (chap, xii), OMf for ame (chap, xiii), 
nloBM for colonie (chap. xvi). All of these are of course due to 
inability to decipher the manuscript. 

3. There are certain incoherences in the language. For instance, 
It est, dist Episteinon Aiiriste en preterit plus que par/hit des Grec« et 
Latins en temps gai-re" et bigarr4 recen (chap, i), which gives no sense 
it stands, and which is scarcely intelligible, even when it has been 
corrected into Aorist yssii, en Preterit tres imparfait (MS.), or Aorist 
yssu de preterit (1664). 51. Boulenger gives another instance from the 
first paragraph of chap, iv: lis. ..nous viennent de I'autre monde part 
d'une contr4e...part d'une autre.... De ces deux Gantries auons aboutees. 
Ces clerczgaulx id nous viennmtl laissans pere et mere. There is clearly 
something wrong here. Accordingly in the MS. the last part is altered 
to: De ces deux contrees tous tes ans a boutees (in flocks) ces clergaulx 
icy now* viennent etc., and this is followed by the 1564 text with the 
addition of an accent to the a. The substitution of tous les ans for 
not very convincing, and it seems more likely that the simple 
correction of aboutees into a boutees should be adopted. In this case 
it would merely be an instance of a printer's error. 

Boulenger infers from these characteristics of the printed text 
that the manuscript from which it was printed was carelessly punctu- 
ated, badly written, and not finally revised; in fact, a rough copy. And 
adduces an even stronger proof of this conclusion in the following 
from chap, xi : ...attendant que la dedans tombe la fouldre du 

et en cendre les reduise com me autre* Ci/tnnes pro. et Titer where 

the true reading, as we learn from the MS. and the 1564- text, 
is Ti/tanes profanes et tlieomaches (MS. theomatlies) 1 . Clearly, as 
agar says. pro. et T/ter[u] are not abbreviations introduced by 
the printer. He must have found them in the manuscript. While 
agreeing with M. Boulenger's view that the manuscript represented by 
the Isle Soimante is a rough copy, I do not believe that the printer 
had the original draft before him. It seems to me that the corrupt 
Qgodition of the printed text is most reasonably accounted for by the 
Supposition that it was made from a careless copy of the original draft. 
Indeed, I lake it that M. Boulenger's theory is not meant to exclude 



1 In tin* *nd two or thr.jo other places H. BonletlgM has kindly supplied me with the 
r^diDR of the MS. n» gJTen in Mon tuition's edition, which 1 do not poswss, aud of whiuh 
ihfljo » no lopy in tin' Hiitiali Museum. 




16 The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnante 

thin hypothesis. It will be convenient for future reference if I call the 
original draft A and the hypothetical copy B. 

But we may draw another inference from the condition of the 
printed text, Whoever the author was, he did not see his work 
through the press. The misprints are too numerous and of too gross a 
character to make it conceivable that he can have revised the proofs, 
< v i] in those (lays of careless proof-reading. If the Isle Sonnante is 
tho work of a forger, that forger must have been prevented either by 
death or by some other cause from seeing it through the press. For it 
is difficult to believe that anyone who had takeu the trouble to produce 
I. hi' forgery, either with or without the assistance of fragments left by 
K;iliil;iiM, ihottld BW8 l»'<'ii at no pains to ensure its being printed with 

C pantlVfl accuracy. We are left to the conclusion that the Isle 

Sonnante must have been written either by Rabelais, or by a forger 
who died before it was printed or for some other reason was unable 
to supervise the printing. 



The MS. of the Biiu.iotheqi'e Nationals. 



1. It introduces some intelligent and evidently sound corrections 

into the text. 

2. It leaves blanks in some places where the Isle Sonnante has 
evidently made a guess. 

3. It omits whole lines through carelessness. 

4. It sometimes transcribes proper names incorrectly. 

As the writing according to experts is of the end of the sixteenth 
century, the MS. cannot be the original draft of the revised or second 
stage of the text. It must, be a copy made by a faithful but unlearned 
and unintelligent scribe, I will call the missing original of this revised 
text C, The revision was evidently the work, not of the author of the 
Tilt SotmOKtf, but of a later editor. 






The Text or 1564. 



le 



This represents a third stage of the text, the editor of which, while 
availing himself of many of the corrections of the MS., introduces fresh 
ones. He resorts freely to conjecture and otherwise treats the text 
with considerable licence. He even interpolates a few passages. Many 
of his conjectures are demonstrably wrong. The text was presumably 
printed from a revised copy of C, which I will call D. The following 



ARTHUR TILLEY 

diagram will make clear my view of the relationship between our three 
texts: 




1564 



I will now proceed to consider the contents of the Isle Sonnante in 
detail. It consists of five episodes : 

Isle Sonnante proper (chaps, i — viii). 

Isle de Ferremens (chap. ix). 

Isle de Cassade (chap. x). 

The Chats fonrre's (chaps, xi — xv). 

Isle des Apedeftes (chap. xvi). 



Lsle Sonnante. 
Chapter I. 

There is a notable difference of reading at the very outset between 
qui three texts, but I will defer the consideration of this till later. 

Jeryuean, Medon. MS.: Jargueau, Maudes (Mantes). 1564: Tours, 
Gergean, Nantes. Jargeau is a little town on the Loire above Orleans, 
from which, it is distant twelve miles. It is celebrated in history as the 
piece where the Earl of Suffolk was besieged by the French under the 
Maid of Orleans and after ten days forced to surrender. The mention 
of it suggests the authorship of Rabelais, as he was well acquainted 
with Orleans and its neighbourhood, while there is no apparent reason 
for its being selected by a forger. On the other hand, a forger might 
h.ivr pitched upon Medon (Meudon), though one does not see why it 
*h<nild have been altered to either Mantes (in Normandy) or Nantes, 
places with which, as far as we know, Rabelais had no connection. 

uu tour du sepulchre en I'isle de Lipare, autonr des Arolides. The 
MS. kuu rightly corrected this into I'une des Aeolides. Autour is 
doubtless a repetition in error of the previous au tour, and may be the 
her of the original author or of a copyist. 



18 



Sonnante 



tremhlement. MS.: treballement. 1564: triballeiuent. 

natif de Glatigny. So MS. 1564: Glenay. Giatigny is the i 
of a chateau of the Du Bellay family. Gienay, according to Des Marets 
and Rathery, is a village near Chinon, but I cannot iind it on the map. 

77 est, dit Epistemon, Atiriste en preterit etc. I have already 
referred to this passage, in which there is some evitlent confusion, 
suggestive rather of a careless copy than a rough draft. 

Beuuons tonsiours. Bemions is evidently a mistake and is rightly 
coiTected in the MS. to ieunons, which the sense demands. 

Note the inversion in autrement receuz ne serions. 

Chapter II. 

les transformations de Proque, Itis, Alcione, Akithoe, Antigone, 
'i'hibem et autres, en oyseavlx. Before Proque, which is of course a 
mistake for Progne, the MS. has Nyctimene, which the printer of the 
Isle Sonnante doubtless omitted. For Alcione the MS. substitutes 
Alcniene, an unfortunate correction; it also omits Alcitlioe, who was 
changed by Dionysus into a bat, and rightly corrects Thibeus into 
Tereus. 

At the very end of the chapter, the editor of the 1564 text has 
added a couple of lines which have been alleged by some critics as 
disproving Rabelais's authorship of the whole Fifth Book, but there is 
no trace of them either in the Isle Sonnonte or in the MS. 



Chaptei- III. 

We are here told that it is about 2760 moons since two Popejays 
were produced. Now as Mr W. F. Smith lias suggested, this must be 
taken to refer, not to the beginning of the Great Schism in 1378, 
but to the appointment of an anti-pope in 1328. But 2760 moons 
correspond not to 212 years and 4 months, as he reckons, but (taking 
the moon as equal to 29^ days) to a little over 223 years, which brings 
us to the year 1551. 

lis auaient en aduertissement par Robert vbulbnm qui jmr la, 
migueres estoit passe, comment du pais d'apliriqtte bien tost y deuoit 
aduoller une sexte espece lesquds Us nommoient Cuputragaulx. For 
Robert vbalbrun (rb is obviously a printer's substitute for W) the 
MS. has Rembert Wubring and the 1564 text Robert Yalbringtie, but 
Walbrun or Valbrun is right. According to Le Duchat the person 
meant is Jean-Francois de la Roque, sieur de Roberval, on whom the 






ARTHUR TILLEY 19 

high-sounding title of Viceroy of Canada was conferred by Francis I, 
and who 'passed that way' on his voyage to Canada in 1542, and on 
his return in 1543. This is doubtless correct, and taken in conjunction 
with the identification of Jaiuet Brayer with Jacques Cartier and of 
Xenomanes with Jean Alfonse of Saintonge, which M. Lefranc has 
proved almost beyond dispute, points strongly to the authorship of 
Rabelais. 

The text of 1564 has made nonsense of the passage by reading 
en revenavt for comment. On the other hand, it rightly corrects 
t'np'itvi'jaulx into Capucingaux. But this reference to the Order 
of Capuchins presents considerable difficulties. Seeing that it was 
founded, or rather received the Papal confirmation in 1528, why is 
Roberval represented as saying in 1542 or 1543 that 'the Capuchinjays 
were soon to fly thither from Africa'? As regards the connexion with 
Africa, I have no explanation to suggest, but the rest of the sentence 
may be an allusion to the fact that the Capuchins, who in consequence 
of the Protestant heresies of Bernardino de Ochino, the General of their 
Order, had been forbidden to preach in 1543, had the privilege restored 
to them in 1545. If this explanation is correct, it would point to the 
passage having been written not long after 1545. 

The chapter concludes with a rive rendering of the Greek proverb 
(i« typei rt Atfivi} Katfov, of which we have a more literal translation 
in Garg. chap. xvi. 

Cltapter IV. 

The whole of this chapter seems to me to bear the impress of 
Rabelais' s genius. The style throughout is his, and the conception of 
the two countries called ' Breadless-day ' and ' Too- many-of- them,' which 
supply the Clerjays, is worthy of him at hts best, But these are 
matters of individual opinion; it is more to the point to note details 
which suggest Rabelais's authorship, For example, the numerous 
words coined from Greek origin : apotrophees, Unostolies, charisteres, 
catarates, scijthropes — of most of which the printer of the Isle Sonnante 
has naturally made havoc — and the equally numerous references to 
■ tic i . ■ r 1 1 religions— to the Vestal Virgins, to Pythagoras, to Isis, to 
and Ahrimanes — suggest an author of considerable learning. 
The mention of the island of Bouchard in the Vienne near Chinon 
might be due to a skilful forger, but when one reads of ' the mothers 
who cannot endure their children in their houses for nine years, but put 
a shirt over their dress and cut a few hairs on the top of their heads.' 

2—2 



20 The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnamte' 

one if forcibly reminded of Rabelais, of whom his biographer Le Roy 
nays that ho was made a monk ' when he scarcely attained his tenth 

■I ho MOM from the country of ' Too-many-of-them.' and his 

;■'.■[>. jty— for the most part in land — was not sufficient to 

umviilv fur him, U well as for his two brothers and his sister. Further, 

, pug di.u.u'ti'vistic inversion in Lesqueis out cerche pottr a 

iiituitusmient mettre, and a reminiscence of Virgil's 
/tt'HK* ilk /"Kir unilesuade /amine, the correction of the IIS. for 
•M.tllrxu.iiii tit /aim. It may be also noted that at the end of the 

MVOIfJ words . je voudrois Men entendre (Tottd eons ttaissem 
\Urt/utu> (lMfj* which are necessary to the sense, are omitted in the 

Chapter V. 

The reading* of the- late Sonnante, un diametrt, instead of demss 
litHMffrwt. and wnc liane paqMMfifM&MW droicte, instead of un* Hate 
lvf»»tdw*il<>iiY tfinlxn'tc MNOf une ligne droicte, are, M. Boiilenger 

[■ o ->i i"H - i Iml. it is printed from an unrevised draft. The 

■MUQil niltaka, however, may be due to an omission on the printer's 
nihil on n have not only a Rabelaisian inversion in nous 
' . . \t\rptlm (ri'iicl Ali/ites) (Andre, but additional evidence of 

wmiI iIiilI!-. Kor the sense requires fain instead of feist, 

,< >in<ii winch lui.t boon made in the 1564 test. 

Chapter VI. 

i ,<i it-its lee Verones is the characteristic reading of the Isle 

r > ■ r- Arflim et tous lea Veioves. A little further on the three 

l,.,t" ditto '" iii»1i'iii'tivo liishiiin: Be Touraine hint et tant de Men an- 

||||>ii|W(ll< MW ■•" i''''"! $»'« aommea tous resiouis. Nous diat vn jo*r 

I / /ui-i.mf i/w.... MS.: De Touraine.. .nous meat que [blank] nous 

. -.. un ,-<i ftutant que,... 1564: De Touraine... nous 

-.„ fQur par gm» du lieu par cy passans que.... 
M ||uut«Ugai I'ointN out. it is evident that the printer of the Isle 

I ■■ 1 1 n ; able h) decipher the word, evidently a proper 

HI hi ftdi I niinloiii gntM) which leaves dist without a subject. 

hi Dtllfl lued U» umbo of the MS. has conscientiously left a 

lihuik, while ihl IBM tditat, who had no scruples about adhering to 
,i, i i i., ,..i oat of l.lio difficulty by altering the sentence. 

• , ,,.. ., ./■:/:<■. .;<!<■ vei/ez pendente* aux tours de leur caiges. 
Ik ,. idlnH id bulih Ibfl Ml Somante and the MS. has been altered by 
1 1, i ,i ( l ■ > Li ><i i" ptndtU* aittour, but as the author doubtless has in 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



21 



his mind the campaniles which are still so marked a feature of Rome, 
the older reading is correct, 

The concluding words of the chapter : gens heureux o Semidieux, 
pleust au Ciel quit ni aduint ainsi, are an inaccurate quotation from a 
well-known epigram by Victor Brodeau. The inaccuracy is more 
suggestive of Rabelais than of an imitator, and on the whole it may be 
said of this chapter that the imitator, if imitator he be, must have been 
not only a man of genius, but a singularly skilful forger. 

Chapter VII. 

This contains the famous apologue of the Charger and the Ass. It 
seems to me to be told in Rabelais's best manner, and this impression 
of Rabelais's authorship is confirmed by various details. For instance, 
we have aotne remarkable inversions in ton petit pas avecques moy venir 
and Par la Jigne, respond.it I'asne, laquelle un de noz avcestres mangeant 
mourut Philemon de rire. And nothing can be more characteristic 
of Rabelais's humour than the dignified rebuke which the charger 
administers to the ass for addressing him as Monsieur le Ckeval instead 
of Monsieur le Roussin. ' II y a bien monsieur le Roussin pour toy 
Bandet.' 

Certain differences between the three texts are deserving of notice. 

Apres auoir bien repeu. MS. and 1564: Avoir bien ben et bien repeu. 
The ellipse of apres is a remarkable peculiarity of Rabelais's syntax. 
It does not occur in the first two books, but becomes common in 
the third. It is rarely used by other writers later than Rabelais 
(see Huguct, Etudes sur le Syntace de Rabelais, pp. 358 flf., and 
A. Lefranc, Les Navigations de Pantngruel, p. 190, and the glossary 
"f Marty- La veaux's edition, pp. 42, 43). This being the case, it is 
somewhat surprising to find the ordinary form in the Isle Sonnante and 
i In- rarer form in the MS. and the text of 1564. 

nmi cibus, iied charitas. MS.: non cibus charitas. 1564: non seltis, 
sed charitas. 

le jxtle/renier du seigneur de Harenganois. MS. : le patlefrenier dn 
r [blank]. 1564 : le patlefrenier d'un gentUhomme. 

a t'oree d'un luissonnet. So the MS., but the 1564 text has 
a t'ombre, which is correct; the words are the first line of a popular 
chanson. 

un troncon de chere lie. 1564: an troncon de bonne chere. There is 
no reason for altering lie ; the expression is used by La FoDtaine in the 
MOM tense. 



The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnante' 
1564: esrener. Both these are older forms of the rooder 



Chapter VIII. 

Tin 'two little Cardinjays ' by whom Pupejay is accompanied 
H tiiin'I 0D8 <>f the 'two little Cardinals,' grandsons of Paul III, of whom 
Kabelain upeaks in one of his letters from Rome to the Bishop of 
M;ulli/.'iin. They had both been made cardinals by their grandfather 
in 1534, when they were barely sixteen. Paul III died in 1550, so 
that, if he is the Popejay of this chapter, it must have been written 
bttoD that date; it is possible, however, that the writer has no 
particular Pope in hi« mind. 

(■limine mgement nota Michel de Malisconne. 1564: Michael de 
JfatfimWi MS.: Michael de Matisconis. The MS. is doubtless right 
iri-l ilir nfbltnOB in probably to some bishop of Macon. It may be 
n irMuiLTi'd that Charles Hemard, Bishop of Macon, was French 
Ambassador at Rome when Rabelais was there in 1535-36. No 
navioui occupant of the see bore the Christian name of Michael. 

Par moyen autre bien chanter vous feray. Note the inversion. 

f rapper par la mittre. MS.: le myle". 1564: ferir par la moitie. 
With the substitution of mitre for mittre the hie Sonnante is sorely 
right. 

frappi serois tu et meurtry: torn rays et princes du monde for frappe, 
feris, tue et meurtris tous roys etc. is characteristic of the nonsense 
which the Isle Sonnante sometimes produces. 

Le quatriesme tour. This is clearly right, though the 15(34 edition 
lias altered it to troisiesme. 

In the next sentence we find another instructive difference between 
the three texts, Lequel il print plits a are que ne feist Ataxerxes le 
rrrrr <l run froiile que lui present'! un pit Limit ru Scyfliie. So the Isle 
Sonnante ; but for Scytkie the MS. leaves a blank, while the 1564 editor 
wtopN short after Ufl paisant Now if we turn to Plutarch's life of 
Artaxerxes Mnemun we read that during one of his journeys a labouring 
man having no present to give him took up some water from the river in 
liis two Ivuidsand offered it to him. But there is no mention of Scythia > 
nor, so far as our information goes, did Artaxerxes ever visit that country. 
K\ Hh-ntly our author had not his Plutarch before him, for he speaks of 
a alass of water; but did he write en Scytkie, and, if so, why did the 
•ditn <>f the text of which the MS. is a copy, leave a blank, and the 
1564 editor omit the words altogether? Was Scythie a guess on the 



ARTHUR TILLEY 23 

part, of the printer of the Isle Sonnante, or did the editor of the revised 
text consult hia Plutarch and find that Scythie was wrong ? 

Having now examined the chapters which form the episode of the 
I tie Sonnante, it will be well to pause to take stock of the results. 
The following features are all more or less in favour of Rabelais's 
authorship. 

1. The incorrectness of the printing, showing the absence of any 
supervision on the part of the author. 

2. The indications that the author had not finally revised his 
manuscript. 

3. The reference to Ruberval. 

4. The numerous illustrations and references derived from classical 
antiquity. 

5. The use of bold inversions. 

6. The frequent references to Touraine and especially to the 
neighbourhood of Chinon. 

Of course not a single one of these features is conclusive in Rabelais's 
favour. The author may have been a man of considerable learning, he 
may have taken or simulated interest in French voyages of discovery. 
he may have introduced references to Rabelais's country with intent to 
deceive, he may have imitated his use of inversion, and finally he may 
have died or disappeared before he had seen his work through the 
press or been able to revise it. But the cumulative weight of the 
evidence certainly points to Rabelais having had at least a share in the 
work. 

Can we then accept the view which commended itself to the 
cautions and experienced judgment of Marty- Lav eaux. that Rabelais's 
authentic fragments have been worked up by a later editor ? But this 
DOBfl Dot account for the corrupt condition of the text of the Isle 
Sonnante, except on the supposition that the editor hail died or 
disappeared before he had completed his task. Absence from France 
might indeed have prevented him from seeing his work through the 
press, but if he was not in France, how did he becorue possessed of 
■ manuscripts f And why did he send his work to the printer 
in the form of a rough draft ? 

On the whole, then, the theory that Rabelais is the author of the 

■AqU of the Isle Sonnante certainly presents the fewest difficulties. 

[ t his theory as a provisional hypothesis, we next ask ourselves. 

When did he write it? Did he write it after the Fourth Book with 



24 



The Authorship of the ' Isle Sonnante ' 



the definite intention that it should form the beginning of a Fifth 
Book ? Or are the various chapters which compose it fragments which 
he had rejected, or had at any rate laid aside, with the idea of possibly 
utilising them for his next Book, but without having definitely worked 
them up into a continuous narrative ? 

Let us consider from thia point of view the episode of tho Isle 
Sonnante, and first let us return to the puzzling difference between our 
three texts at the beginning of chapter i. 

Cental/ iour et les deux aultres subsequens ne leur apparut terre 
ou autre chose nouuelle; car autrefois auoyevt err4 (arri= 'ploughed') 
ceste c(r)oute. An qvatriesme iour commencans tournoier le Pole, nous 
esloignavs de I'equinoctiai noun apperceumes terre : et nous fut did par 
notre Pilote que c'estoit I'isle des Triphes, entendismes un son de loing 
venant.... MS.: Estant monies sur mer et navigans par plusienrs 
iours avec bon vent entendismes un son etc. 1564: Continuant nostre 
routte nuuigasmes par trois iours sans rien descouurir, au quatriesme 
aperceusmes terre, et nous Jut dit par nostre pillot, que c'estoit I' Isle 
Sonnante, et entendismes un bruit de loing venant. 

It should be further remarked that in the Isle Sonnante there is 
no heading to this chapter, while the MS. has Comment avec le bon 
Pantagruet montant sur mer jismes scalle en I'isle Sonnante. 

Of these various texts that of 1564 is evidently due to the invention 
of the editor. It is otherwise with that of the MS., the reading of 
which, together with the heading of the chapter, is so much more 
appropriate to the commencement than to the continuation of a voyage 
that it is difficult to believe that it is not original. If it is, then wo 
must suppose that Rabelais- — whom provisionally we are assuming to 
be the author of the whole episode of the Isle Sonnante — began this 
chapter as the opening one of the Fourth Book, writing it in 1546 soon 
after the publication of the Third Book. Then it may have occurred 
to him that this was too abrupt a beginning for so notable a voyage, 
and he may have substituted for it what now stands as chapter i of 
the Fourth Book. In favour of this supposition it may be noted that 
the heading of that chapter, Comment Pantugruel monta sur mer etc., 
resembles the heading of the MS. and its opening words. 

With regard to the reading of the Isle Sonnante, are we to accept 
M. Boulenger's theory that it is due to its ' editor ' — if we can dignify 
the person who handed the manuscript over to the printer by this 
name — who, finding the manuscript opened abruptly without a proper 
beginning, added one of hia own, which he borrowed partly from 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



25 



chapter ii and partly from chapter v of the Fourth Book ? This 
may be so, though even this amount of invention seems to me to be 
beyond the powers of the 'editor.' But M. Boulenger appears to have 
overlooked the fact that the very same combination is to be found at 
the beginning of chapter ii of the incomplete edition of the Fourth 
Book published in 1548. Is it not possible that the editor of the Isle 
Sonnante found the words in Rabelais's manuscript, Rabelais having 
substituted them for those represented by the MS. after he had written 
chapter i of the Fourth Book ? If this is so, we must further assume 
that Rabelais at this period rejected the whole episode of the Isle 
Sonnante — possibly as containing too much dangerous matter — but 
retained the opening word* for the new chapter ii of the Fourth Book, 
of 1548. 

This theory that Rabelais wrote the episode of the Isle Sonnante in 
1546 agrees with the reference to the Capuchins in chapter iii, and 
with that to the ' two little Cardinjays ' in chapter viii, so far as they 
furnish any indication of date. On the other hand, we have seen that 
the mention of the 2760 moons in chapter iii, if any importance is to 
be attached to it, points to the year 1551 as that in which the episode 
was written. For it must be remembered that, though Pantagruel's 
voyage is supposed to have taken place in 1546, the year in which 
Rabelais began to write his account of it, he by no means adheres 
consistently to this date. The only way of getting out of the difficulty 
is to suppose that Rabelais again in 1551 contemplated the possibility 
of using the episode and, forgetting the supposed date of the voyage, 
altered 2700 moons to 2760 by inserting soixante. 

This theory, I admit, involves a good many suppositions for which 
there is but slight evidence. But it has the merit of suggesting an 
explanation for the readings both of the Isle Sonnante and the MS. at 
the beginning of chapter i, which, if more complicated than the theory 
that they are both due to the invention of their respective editors, 
seems to me far more credible. At any rate, I submit my conjectures 
for what they are worth ; further evidence may some day be forthcoming 
to confirm or refute them. 

Arthur Tilley. 



(To be concluded.) 



SOME OLD FKENCH POEMS ON THE 

ANTICHRIST. 

II. 
Version of Geffroi de Paris. 

This second Old French poem on the Antichrist, in octosyllabic 
riming couplets, is published here for the first time, according to the 
MS. fran?ais 1526 (f° 179 et seq.} of the Bibliotheque Nationals It is 
contained in the so-called Bible des sept Stats du monde of Geffroi 
de Paris, a vast work of some 22,000 lines, in which the author did 
not scruple to incorporate a number of writings of various kinds which 
are not his own. For example, J. Bonnard (Les Traductions de la 
Bible en vers frangais au moyen dge, pp. 42 et seq.) has pointed 
out that the well known passage of the Passion opening with the 
words ' Oies moi trestot doucement ' has been intercalated by Geffroi 
in his Bible without acknowledgment of any kind. More lately 
H. Andresen (Zeitschr. fihr rom. Phil, xxn, 49-90) has shown in an 
interesting article that the poem of G. de Paris that follows his 
Antichrist and which might almost be a loose continuation of it, is 
<made up of three borrowed pieces, one filched from an unknown 
author and the other two from Huon le Roi, with slight changes in 
form. Whether the authorship of the present poem on the Antichrist 
can with certainty be attributed to Geffroi de Paris it is impossible 
to say ; all that can be said is that it has not so far been traced to any 
other source. This being the case, we may perhaps be allowed to give 
the benefit of the doubt to Geffroi de Paris. 

[179 b] Ci commence nostre sissieme livre: 

D'Antecrist et de sa svbdicion. 

Ouez por Dieu et por son non 
Vous qui avez sanz et reson. 
Cist sistes livres sanz faillie 
Dit d'Antecrist et de sa vie. 



L. E. KASTNER 27 



5 L'escreture dist et espont, 

Qu'encontre la fin de cest mont, 
[179 c] Doit Antecrist venir en terre 

Por le monde s'il puet conquerre. 
Ce dient sages clers letrez, 

10 Qu'en Babiloine sera nez; 
De la lignite a Dem istra. 
I prophaite le dist pie9a. 
Por ce iert il nomm6 Antecrist 
Qu'il (l)iert contrere a Ihesu Crist 

15 De quanque il fere porra. 
Or ouez comme il avendra: 
Ausi com Dieu de grace empli 
La vierge de qui il nasqui, 
Celle dont Antecrist nestra 

20 Del deable plainne sera. 
Par le deable iert conceiis 
Et formez et nez et creuz; 
L'engin aura de l'aversier; 
Por ce fera maint encombrier. 

Ci parole des fax 
Miracles Antecrist. 

25 Quant d'aage .xv. anz aura, 
Adonques preeschier voudra; 
Filz Dieu se fera et magistres ; 
Par le monde aura ses menistres 
Sa doctrine preescheront ; 

30 Hommes et fames decevront. 
Antecrist tout premierement 
Acointera la haute gent, 
Par avoir que il leur donra, 
Par fax miracles qu'il fera. 
[179 d] 35 Ce fera il por mieuz avoir 

Sus Tautre peuple le pooir. 
Quant il issi aura seurprise 
La haute gent a sa devise, 
Adonques ira preeschier 

40 Par leur contr^es sanz targier. 



28 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Moult fera de fauses vertuz, 
Dont pluseurs seront deceliz: 
Aus povres donra a mengier; 
Ce sera por eus engingnier; 

45 Les malades de dolors plains 
Par fax miracles fera sains; 
Les rivieres corre fera 
Contremont de 9a et de la, 
Et parmi lair de leu en leu 

50 Fera corre et voler le feu; 
Les arbres fera esrachier 
Touz de leur gr6 sanz riens touchier, 
Puis fera qu'il redreceront 
Les racines en contremont; 

55 Et les branches sanz plus atendre 
Fera en la terre reprendre; 
Les racines fera fueillir 
Et reverdoier et flourir, 
Mais ja fruit croistre n'y fera. 

60 Le pooir mie n'en aura. 
D'autres signes fera il tant 
Que nes diroit nus horn vivant. 
[180 a] Mes ja nus n'en fera estables, 

Que tuit seront fet par deable[s]. 

Comment li Juif creiront Antecrist, 
Et moult autres gem. 

65 Quant tout ce verront li Ebrieu, 
Si diront que c'est le filz Dieu 
Qui en la loi leur fu pramis 
Par les sainz propheites jadis. 
Qui Jhesu Crist ne crurent mie, 

70 Por ce qu'il fu de leur lignie, 
A celui se consentiront, 
Por ce qu'il ne le connoistront ; 
Plus tost seront a lui enclin 
Que Crestien ne Sarrazin. 

75 Mes sachiez bien, ne doutez ja, 
De moult d'autres cretis sera: 



L. E. KASTNER 29 



Des Crestiens meesmement, 
Quant il verront apartement 
Les miracles et lea vertuz, 
80 Par quoi il seront decetiz. 
Meismement li clers letrez 
Qui des escuz seront fondez 
En seront lore en grant error, 
Dont ce sera moult grant dolor. 
85 Toutevoies li plus certain 
Qui de science seront plain, 
Qui apercevront sa boidie, 
Cil ne s'y consentiront mie; 
Au peuple mosteront la voie, 
[180 b] 90 Et diront que il les desvoie, 

Et que ci erent fauces vertuz. 
Done leur cors seront esmetiz, 
Par quoi aucun s'en retrairont, 
Et Antecrist pas ne creront. 
95 Adonques sera Antecriz 

Moult courouciez et moult mariz, 
Par la poour des hautes genz. 
Prendra chevaliers et serjanz; 
Touz ceus fera mestre a martire 
100 Qui de riens le voudront desdire; 
Pluseurs en fera tormenter, 
Por les autres espoventer; 
Et ceus que vaincre ne porra 
Par tormenz si les occirra; 
105 Et ceus qui se convertiront 
A lui et qui en lui cresront 
Fera il riches durement, 
Et leur donra or et argent. 
Einsi fera il son vouloir: 
110 Les uns aura par son avoir, 
Les autres aura par paor 
De mort dont seront en dolor. 
La persecution sera, 
Que li propheite dist pie^a, 
115 Qui doit venir sus Crestiens. 
Et ce sera en icel tens. 



30 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

Comment Helies et Henoc vendront 
Desputer contre Antecrist, et comme 
II les occirra. 

[180 c] Adonques Dieu de majesty 

Aura de son peuple pistil: 

Helyes et Enoch vendront, 
120 Et en cest siecle descendront 

Por sa verity demostrer 

Et por les gens raseiirer, 

Et si seront vestuz de sas. 

Ce dist l'escreture sans gas. 
125 Par le monde preescheront ; 

La verity anonceront 

Au peuple; qui iert desvoiez 

Par ceus sera reconceilliez. 

A Antecrist, sanz rienz douter, 
130 Vendront li prophaite parler; 

Devant le peuple parleront, 

Et contre lui desputeront 

Des prophecies de la loi, 

Et li proveront sanz delai 
135 Qu'il est traitre et losengier, 

Et que veut le peuple engingnier. 

Et Antecrist, sanz demourer, 

Tantost les fera decoler. 

En Ierusalem la cit6 
140 Seront occis pas verity, 

Mes au tiers jor susciteront, 

Et d'ileques se leveront; 

Comme devant reseront vis, 

Et s'en iront en paradis. 

De la mort Antecrist, et comment 
Li Juif se convertiront a Dieu. 

[180 d] 145 Adonc, quant occis les aura, 

Antecrist son peuple mainra 
El mont Olivet preeschier, 
Et dira: or me tenez chier; 



L. E. KASTNER 31 



Bien avez veti ma pui9ance, 

150 Et comment j'ai prise vengance 
De ceus qui contre moi aloient, 
Et qui desdire me vouloient. 
Je vois apareillier vos liex. 
Adonc voudra monter es ciex; 

155 En Fair amont se levera, 
Mes Sainz Esperiz l'ocira; 
Mort le trebuchera a terre. 
Lore sera fin^e sa guerre; 
Del cors s'en istra l'aversier; 

160 Sa char purra comme femier. 
• Lors se tendront a deceii 
Cil qui auront en lui crett. 
Et Dieu si dorra de respitz 
. XL . jors toz acompliz 

165 Au peuple por eus confesser, 
Et por leur vies amender, 
A ceus qui ceront deceiiz 
D'Antecrist et de ses vertuz. 
Adonques li Juif creront ; 

170 Tantost baptisier se feront, 

Qui bien verront que notre foi 
Seurmontera tout autre loi. 
Partant les devons espargnier, 
Entre nous soffrir et lessier. 
[181 a] 175 Ce sera a la remensure 

Dont parole leur escreture. 
Tuit cil de lors seront sauv£ 
Quant il seront crestienn£, 
Mes cil d'ore sont deceii 

180 Qui leur escriz n'ont entendu. 



III. 

Besides the two versions already noticed, there is extant a third 
Old French poem on the Antichrist, contained in the MS. franc^ais 3645 
(f° 4 et seq.) of the Bibliothfeque de 1' Arsenal in Paris. It is a long- 
winded feeble production, constructed in loosely-strung sentences and 



32 Some Old French Poems on the Antichrist 

of absolutely no literary value. I will accordingly limit myself to 
the transcription of the introductory passage, which furnishes a few 
interesting particulars concerning the life of the author and the 
purpose he had in view. 



Liber de Antecrist. 

Ensi est feniz la proiere. [F° 4] 

De(s) Hantecrist vos voil contere, 

La see vite et coment(e) 

H regnoit enfra laient 
5 Por ce que je say le fran9ois 

E que soy parler ar^ois 

Franchois que nul autre langage, 

Si me semble strange et sauvage 

De ce que je apris en (en) France; 
10 E tels qi en premier l'aprent 

Ja ny pora mais autrement 

Parler ne autre lengue aprendre. 

Por ce ne me doit nus reprendre 

Qui m'oie dire en frangois, 
15 Que y apris parler anchois, 

Tel chouse qe molt pora faire 

Grant bien a ceus qi Pentendront, 

E qi en memorie tendront, 

L'istoire que j'ai en talent 
20 A dire por Deu solement. 

E por Deu me voil travaler 

E de jor et de nuit veiler 

Por mostrer a ceus qi seront, 

Quant totes choses feniront, 
25 Quant merveille devra venir, [V°] 

Quand li mundes devra finir. 

E sunt plus de set anz pass£ 

Qe ay molt sotilment parish 

En vision de Daniel, 
30 E 90 q'en dit E^ochiel 

E qe l'Apocalypse a dit. 

Eysaie ai tot escrit. 



L. E. KASTNER 33 

E sai zo qu'en ont di li Greu 

E li Latin e li [E-]breu; 
35 E qe Sainz-Pol l'apostre a dit 

Qi en ses epistres l'escrit, 

De la fin del mund ensement, 

Qi en dit moult oscurement. 

E sai ce que Sibile en dit 
40 En un livre qui est escrit 

A Rome o je l'ai bien veli, 

E si l'ai maintes fois leli. 

Tuit traitent de la fin del mond; 

Cascuns nos amaistre et semond 
45 D'aspreter nos de sostenir 

Les dolors qi devront venir, 

Quant li mondes se finira. 

E sacie(n)z qe mult en ira 

Des Cristians a Antecrist 
50 Qe refugerunt Jhesu Crist, etc. 

The explicit in Latin shows that the composition in question was 
written, or at all events copied, by a monk of Verona, about the middle 
of the thirteenth century : Explicit liber de A ntecrist. atum (sic) est hoc 
M°. CC. U, die iovis festum sancti Thomei apostoli super car cere Polorum 
in contrata de Monteculis apud Veronam. 

In conclusion it should be mentioned that neither the composition 
of Geffroi de Paris nor that of the monk of Verona are translations 
of Adson's Latin treatise. Unlike d'Arci's poem, they appear to be 
original compositions, but original compositions clearly suggested by 
the Latin work. 

L. E. Kastner. 



M. L. B. II. 



THE RELATION OF 'THE THRACIAN WONDER' 
TO GREENE'S 'MENAPHON.' 

DYCE thought that The Tkracian Wonder was ' partly founded ' on 
Warner's doggerel narrative of Curan and Argi.-titile (Albion's England, 
Bk. iv), of which Collier gives a grossly misleading account in his 
Poetical Decameron. Fleay, who, on insufficient evidence, assigns the 
play to Heywood and dates it circa 1617, says that the plot is drawn 
from William Webster's tract, which is elaborated from Warner's 
version. From Warner, we may suppose, Greene obtained the central 
idea of his Menaphon ; and The Tkracian Wonder is little more than a 
dramatic adaptation of Greene's pastoral romance. The chief incidents 
of the story are kept, and many passages are transferred almost 
without alteration from novel to play. A very few extracts, placed in 
juxtaposition, would serve to illustrate the nature of the borrowing. 
I give the most significant : 

The Tkracian Wonder. 

(Hazlitt's Webster.) 

Love is a law, a discord of such force, Lo' 

That 'twixt our sense aud reason makes 

divorce. 

(Spoken by Tityrus, Act I, Sc. ii.) 

Love's a desire, that to obtain betituo, 
We lose an age of years pluck'd ['naii 

(Ibid.) 



Menaphon. 
(Arbor's English Scholar's Library.) 
discord, and n strange di- 



They 're like tlie winds upon Lapatttbafib 

That still are changing. 

(Ibui. Concerning women.) 



A woman's love is like that Syriai 

flower. 
That buds and spreads and withers ii: 

(Ibid.) 



Betwixt our sense aud reason.... 

(The author's own opinion, p. 89.) 
Love 's a desire, which for to waite a 

Dootfa t<MM an age of yeeres, and so 

doth passe 
Aa dooth the shadow seuerd from his 

(Ibid.) 
To he briefc, as vppon the sboares of 
Ln/i'iiill..; the iviinlr. (.'"iitimie neuer one 
day in one <iuarter, so the though tes of 
a louer neuer continue scarce a minute 
in one passion. 

(Spoken by Menaphon, p. 25.) 
...the trophocs of my fur-tunes Ml like 
the hi_wbe.s in Si/Hit, that flourish in the 
morne, and fade before night. 

(Spoken by Melicertus, p. 43.) 



J. LE GAY BRERETON 



35 



Like to Diana in her summer's need, 
Going to sport by Aretbusa's fount 
(Spokeu by Pnlomon, Act I, Sc. ii.) 



Like to Diana in her Summer weede 
Girt with a crimson roabe of brightest 

Goes faire Samela. 
Whiter than be the flockes that strag- 

gling feeds, 
When wight by Aretkun faint they lie: 
Is faire Samela. 

(Sung by Doron, p. 41.) 



Could I dissemble love, make tears my 



Defile my faith with oaths that in the 

utterance 
Make the hearers tremble. 

(AM.) 
1 'II fetch Senessa from the down of 
To be thy handmaid. 



ing by Menaphon, p. 78.) 






I take delight to gaze upon the stars, 
In wlii'li. methinks, I read philosophy; 
And by the astronomical aspects 
1 search out nature's secrets ; the chief 

means 
For the preventing my lambs' prejudice. 
I tell you sir, I find, in being a 

shepherd, 
U lu.t many kings want in their 

(Radagou to Tityrus, Act II, So. ii.) 

Content shall keep in town and field, When Neptune riding 
Wben Neptune from his waves shall seas 

A Thraciau wonder ; and as when 
It shall be prov'd 'uiongst Thracian 



Or like the downe of Swannes where 
Seneue wonnes. 

{Ibid. p. 77.) 

Thou art a shepheard Menaphon, who 
in feeding of thy flockes, findest out 
natures sccrecie, and in prcuenting thy 
lambes preiudice conceipteat the Astro- 
nomical! motions of theheauons: holding 
thy sheep-walkes to yceld as great 
l-'hiliisiiphie, as tho Ancients discourse 
in their learned Academies... and by 
being a shephcard hnilcst that which 
Kings want in their royalties. 

(Soliloquy of Menaphon, p. 24) 



shall from the bosome of 
Tli' anadiaM wonder, me 



ml., have lions to their guides, 
And seas have neither ebbs nor tides; 
Then shall a. shepherd from the plain 
Restore your health and i 

(Oracle, Act II, Sc. iii.) 






the Southeme 
i Leiniuan 
and Gods 




rivut.il' in pride shall march amidst the 

field. 
Dead men shall warre, and vnbome 

balies shall frowne, 
And with their fawchens hew their 

foe men downe. 
When Lambes haue Lions for their 

surest guide, 
and Planets rest vpon th' arcadian 

hills: 
When swelling seas bauu neither ebbe 

nor tide, 
Wlifii i-ijiillII luiiikes the Ocean margins 

fills. 
Then looke Arcadia in for a hap pie 

And Bmata content within your troubled 
Clyme. 

(Oracle, p. 88.) 
■h—1 



36 Relation of 'The Thracian 1 




portend at first blaze, but take 

rt 
Within the bosom of the destinies ; 
fki mtk.-Ioi at bvlph'M though foretold, 
Ai* tliafi'd and fiiiish'd in your touncil 



(Syolwn by Pbe&nder, Act in, Be. i.) 

I aaw a face of Hueh Hiirpassing beauty, 
That Jove m4 nature, should they both 

I '■. :.■( not :i:-.int. ii sky-bum 



To iit'tltv a sliajx! of their luix'd purity, 
" not invent n sky-bom fori 
sautiful .1 

■ Pbawdwj Act iv, So. i.) 



■' to Greene's 'Menaphon' 

...tbat Comets did portrnd at the 
first blaze, but tooke effeft in the dated 
bosonie of the destinies ; that oracles 
were foretold at the Del/>Aian Cane, but 
were shaute out and finished in tbe 
Counsell bouse. 

(Discourse of Deroocles, p. 22.) 



Not lout or Nature should they both 

agree 
To make a woman of the Firmament, 
0( his miit jiuritie could not inuent 
A Skie borne forme so beautifull as 



The star* from earthly humours gain 

thai* light, 
OUT 1 10011 Iran their lights possess 

their powers. 

{Ibid.) 



The wtJvrres from earthly hunio 

their light. 
Our humors by their light 

their power. 
('Melieertus Madrigsle,' p. 55.) 



There are many minor resemblances in actual language: and the 
OORMpondeBOS of situation and characterisation is often striking. The 
scene has merely been shifted from Arcadia to Thrace. Merutphitii ends 
very abruptly. Greene's characters appeal- to have so entangled their 
tffiun that there is no easy and probable way out of the difficulty. 
The author impatiently introduces a 'prophetess' who benevolently 
blabs everybody's secrets. The dramatist of The Thracian Wonder felt 
! lie ii. ■I'i'ssity of action and dramatic probability. There is a good deal 
of fighting in the latter ]iart of his play, and the plot develops without 
intrusion of any other supernatural element than the working out of 
the oracle. But the main lines of the original story are kept. 

Fur the sake of comparison, I give here a list of the principal 
duuwton of The Thracian Wonder side by side with their proto- 

'y ■ 



n* 7%n 



I Wonder. 



I " I j i Itf. King of Thrace. 

AIi'imIb, King of Africa. 

Uoda^ou, otftt Meualcas. 

I-.: ■ 

\ 1 1. 1, In.*, tiffin Mariana. 



Menaphon. 

I lemocW King of Arcadia. 

King of Thessaly. 

Lamedou. 

M-iiiuiius, alia* Melieertus. 

Pleusidippus. 

fSephestia, alia* Same la. 



.1] rtMuUanoBS between the minor characters need hardly be 



J. LE GAY BRERBTON 



37 






An examination of the parallel passages quoted above will show that 
even when the actual words of the novel are conveyed, they are by 
no means invariably assigned to the correspondent characters and 
situations in the play. In fact, notable expressions are sometimes 
culled from widely separated passages in Menaphon and combined in a 
single speech. It is obvious from this familiar method of borrowing, 
no less than from the careless freedom with which the story is treated, 
that the playwright had a very intimate knowledge of the romance. 
He certainly did not sit down with the book before him deliberately 
to dramatise a work with which he had only the general reader's 
acquaintance. He trusted a memory stored with particular lines and 
images, and was careless whether the details of the plot were repro- 
duced exactly or transformed. He shows precisely the kind of intimacy 
with his subject which we should expect from him if he himself had 
written Menaphon. He treats his material much as we might expect 
Greene to do if he were dramatising one of his own novels shortly 
after the date of its composition. Menaphon was issued in 1589: let 
•■■■■- provisionally date The Thracian Wonder about 1590. The mention 
of " old Menophon ' in the second scene of Act IV is a distinct reference 
to tli> source of the plot, but I fear it cannot be induced to shed any 
light on the questions of authorship or date. But in Act v, scene ii, 
there is what may be taken as a reference to another of Greene's 
works : 



Pal. 

Cto-t- 



Nay, fly me not. my fair Angelica,. 

Put up thy bilbo then, my mad Orlando. 



Such explicit reminiscence on the part of the clown was hardly needed 
to draw attention to the close family resemblance of Palemon in 
his madness and the unconvincing lunatic lover of Orlando Furiono. 
There i* doubt as to the actual date of production of Greene's plays, 
ii none "f them was printed until after his death. But Orlando 
Fun, ,.■;>: was probably written in 1590 or 1591. It is possible, though 
nut ;it all likely, that the sketch of Palemon preceded the more 
elaborate portrait of Orlando ; and the reference in The Thracian 
Wonder may, in that case, be taken as an indication that Greene's 
mind was already dwelling on Ariosto's work. A Looking Glasse for 
tendon, in which Lodge collaborated with Greene, came out about 
1590. It contains a character, Radagon, whose name is identical with 
that of one of the chief personages in The Thracian Wonder. In style 
the lutter play seems to belong to the earliest and poorest group of 
dramatic works. It may have undergone some corruption, 



38 Relation of 'The Thracian Wonder 9 to Greenes 'Menaphon 9 

revision and alteration before its publication in 1661, but the variations 
in the verse are such as we might expect from Greene, and there 
are some peculiarities — such as the use of ' gracious ' as a trisyllable 
(ss'g'racious*) — which certainly favour the theory of a sixteenth 
century origin. 

There is one allusion in Menaphon which I believe nobody has 
explained. What is the meaning of 'the downe of Swannes where 
Senesse wonnes ' ? I was inclined to believe that ' Senesse ' might be 
an invented term for ' old age/ But capitalization and change of type 
signify allusion to a definite personage ; and the comparative freedom 
from misprints is fair evidence that Greene overlooked his own proof- 
sheets. In The Thracian Wonder, 'Senesse' becomes 'Senessa/ and 
her personality and sex are confirmed. If 'Senesse* is 'old age/ 
Greene was not the author of The Thracian Wonder: but if, as is 
probable enough, 'Senessa' is the name of a lady celebrated in six- 
teenth century Italian romance or elsewhere, the question of authorship 
is still an open one. 

J. Le Gay Bbereton. 



IN DEFENCE OF 'PEARL.' 



In the Publications of the Modern Language Association of 
America, Vol. XIX (1904), Professor Schofield subjects the poem of 
Pearl to certain observations which he himself commends to the 
public as ' heterodox,' but which seem to me to lack the solid founda- 
tion which alone can give any value to heterodoxy. His main thesis 

in his own words, ' that The Pearl is not in the least elegiac or 
autobiographical, as hitherto regularly regarded by scholars and critics.' 
It would be impossible here to deal fully with his sixty pages of 
arguments and quotations, and to show in detail how little each 
bears upon the real point; but I must, in defence of this beautiful 
poem, draw attention to the inconclusiveness of Professor Schofield's 
main arguments, even where they do not positively tell against hiB 
own thesis. 

Starting from the premiss that ' Dr Brown has given good reasons 
for the belief that the author of The Pearl was an ecclesiastic.' 
Professor Schofield draws the extraordinary deduction that ' an English 
ecclesiastic in the fourteenth century could not possibly have had any 
but an illegitimate child.' The premiss is indeed extremely probable: 
though even here it is necessary to face the fact that Dr Brown's 
arguments would also prove — if we had not happened to know the 
contrary — that Sir Thomas More was an ecclesiastic. Still the eccle- 
siastic status of the author of Pearl is perhaps the point which 
stands out with the nearest approach to certainty among all our 
uncertainties about him; and Professor Scho fie Id is therefore justified 
i building upon so likely a hypothesis. But his own superstructure 
has two fatal flaws at its very base. Firstly, the author — like Pope 
Clement IV before him — might well have had wife and children as 
a layman, and taken orders only after his spouse's death. Secondly, 
although Professor Schofield is right in surmising that some orders 
were a bar to matrimony, yet he ought to have known that there 
a a vast host of ecclesiastics in lower orders, who not only might, 



40 In Defence of ' Pearl ' 

but commonly did marry. Bishops might, indeed, prefer to have only 
celibate clergy in their service, and require — as we find in their 
registers — a certificate to that effect before engaging a clerk ; but 
the very existence of such certificates is a plain proof of the prevalence 
of marriage among the lower clergy. It is strange that a student of 
Piers Plowman, as Professor Schofield evidently is. should have failed 
to realise a state of things which there stares us in the face, whether 
we accept or reject the autobiographical character of that poem. 

Nor are his purely literary arguments more conclusive. There 
is, he contends, no hint of relationship between Pearl and the 
author, 'except one bewildering remark ..." Ho wacz ine nerre then 
aunte or nece."' Yet it is sufficiently evident that the author 
here describes the girl as 'nearer to me than aunt or niece,' for 
the same reason which makes him assure us two lines higher up 
that 'there was no gladder man between here and Greece' — it suited 
his rhyme. ' The Poet,' pursues Professor Schofield, " tells us nothing 
whatever of the living child'; he ought at least to 'have indicated 
some feature of her personal appearance.' This is not correct ; he 
tells us the colour of her hair, which, I believe, is a more definite 
feature of personal portraiture than any which Dante gives of 
Beatrice in his far more length v Cuiitnmlin. This, however, is quite 
lost on our critic, who has already concluded that 'The Pearl 
is, in truth, merely an allegorical figure, a being simply and purely 
of the poet's imagination.' It only remains for him, therefore, to ask 
' what does she symbolize ? ' Here he turns abruptly from jiaradox 
to platitude, explaining at some length that 'medieval poets regularly 
utilized gems to betoken abstract qualities and conditions ' : ' the 
lapidaries emphasized the fact that the pearl was found alone and 
was singularly white and clean ' : therefore our Pearl here is an 
abstraction of 'pure maidenhood.' Yet even on this plainer ground 
he is often singularly inconclusive. Quoting the pearls of Paradiso, 
xxii, 23 ff., he is obliged to admit that ' they have no special 
character,' i.e., that they do not specially denote virgins — still less, 
virginity — but contemplative souls. Benvenuto da Imola, though he 
comments on Dante's use of the word 'pearls' in this context, has 
nothing to say about any symbolism of chastity; and in Dante's 
Heaven of the Moon, which was one transcendent pearl, the poet 
places precisely those spirits who had, however unwillingly, lost their 
maidenhood. Professor Schofield then gives us seven more pages of 
quotations, which show, indeed, that maidens were often compared, 



G. G. COULTON 



41 



naturally enough, with pearls, but which alt refer to actual maidens 
who had (or were believed to have) lived in flesh and blood. From 
this he infers a totally different thing, for which he has advanced no 
direct proof, viz., that 'the poet. ..intended the Pe-arl to signify.. .a 
symbol of clean maidenhood.' And for the incredulous, who may 
desire further proof of a point which as yet has not been proved 
at all, he clinches the matter by a quotation from Thomas Usk : 
'Margarite, a woman [i.e. a woman's name] betukoning grace, learning 
or wisdom of God, or also Holy Church.' In this he bnds 'still other , 
though closely allied, allegorical teaching' in support of his theory 
that in oar present poem Margarite is not a woman's name, and 
betokens, not 'grace' or 'wisdom' or 'Holy Church,' but 'clean 
maidenhood'! After which come twenty-eight pages of no less incon- 
clusive quotations from medieval allegorical poets, by which it would 
be equally possible to prove that neither Chaucer's Death of Blanche 
the Ditches*, nor Dante's Inferno, deal with actual people who once 
mi mortal flesh. 

But 1 have omitted, in my attempt to show the ineffectual 
character of this mass of quotations, one real tangible point — 
as tangible as that denial of ecclesiastical marriage from which 
Professor Schofield'a argument, sets out. 'The first thing that strikes 
us forcibly is that she [the Pearl] does not demean herself as a 
babe of two yean 1 .' This may very readily be granted: indeed, 
it would be difficult to name any book, medieval or modern, that 
fulfils liis requirements in this particular. Pearl's behaviour in 
heaven can scarcely be more inconsistent with her earthly life than Y\ 
BestriM'e is; but the objection throws a flood of light on Professor 
Schofield's mental attitude, and explains much that would otherwise 
seem inexplicably perverse in his learned article. For, indeed, it is 
difficult to realize how anyone who has read Pearl with the care 
which be has evidently bestowed upon it, could persuade himself 
that the subject is merely an abstract virtue which never existed 
in the flesh. 

The author repeatedly speaks of his Pearl not merely as lost to 
him— which would, of course, be conceivable enough of maidenhood — 
but as lost through.-. her own death and decay. He cannot bear to 
think of 'her colour [i.e. beauty] clad in clay' (1. 22)*; he grieves 



1 Profe»OT Sohofield here makes a Blip : 1. i83 tella ub that she was not yet two year 
• I quote the line* from the E. E. T. S. Edition [Early Ewglith AMttr-itivt Poent). 




In Defence of 'Pearl' 

mould' should 'mar' her (23) after she had slipped from him 
the grass into the ground' (9). Sweet flowers, he says, 
grew from a spot ' where such riches to rot b runnen ' (25). 
on. Pearl distinctly names herself among those who are now 
Heaven "although our corses in clottes clynge' (857), and 
'oar flesh be laid to rot' (958) If the anchor gave us no 
evidence than this, we should still feel that ' the common 
that the poem was an elegiac one ' deserved something 
the patronizing compassion with which Professor Schufield 
of it. But there is plenty more — evidence overwhelming in its 
If Pearl were simply 'maidenhood,' how could the author's 
maidenhood now be safe in heaven (257 ff,)? Why should he be 
for his selfishness in mourning her loss (264 ff.i ? How could 
have been doomed, by the laws of nature, to flower 
fade like a rose (269) ? Stanzas 38 and 39, again (373 ff.'). can 
only apply to a beatified soul ; spoken of an abstract virtue, they 
make timer nonsense. So also L 485, describing how Pearl died 
'before she knew her Pater or Creed'; 483, telling us that she 
died before she was two years old; 493 ff., describing her as 
r ec eivin g her rail reward in heaven though she wrought but one 
■hart hoar in the earthly vineyard; 641 ff, where she reckons her- 
self among those who were damned through Eve's sin, were it not 
for Christ, whose blood and baptism had redeemed them from hell and 
'Death the second' (c£ 807 ff). Finally, how could it assuage the 
*s grief for lost maidenhood to learn that it was 'decked in 
gay ' in heaven f When we feel doubt of the evidence of our 
e pinch ourselves to make sure that we are awake ; so, when 
■taggers at the gulf which seems here to yawn 
what the author actually wrote and what his critic imagines 
have written, we may look back to Professor Schofield a 
that Pearl is too intelligent for a child of two, and to his 
that no honest medieval ecclesiastic could have written 
his own child. Without these two reminders, even the 
craving for ' heterodoxy ' would be insufficient to 
-ty'jLzz. hi* attitude. 

Bat his Appendix shows still more clearly how completely he has 
fases) bjpnMaed by these initial misconceptions. It is beside the 
pant that he seems to exaggerate beyond all reason the author's debt 
to Boccaccio; though tbe more carefully we compare the two, the 
bmse possible it seems that tbe similarities may be mere coincidences. 




G. G. COULTON 



43 



The point is that the similarity of the two poems, such as it is, telts 
not for, but definitely against his 'symbol' theory. Boccaccio's elegy, 
as even our critic is constrained to admit, does, in fact, deal with 
his actual dead daughter Violante, and with no mere symbol of a 
virtue. Again, Boccaccio definitely describes the unexpected maturity 
od those spirits, whose bodies had died so immature. Thirdly, just as 
Pearl (to Professor Schofield's bewilderment) lectures her father on 
theology; just as Beatrice (as he might well have remembered) lectures 
the learned Dante; just so does Violante lecture her scarcely less 
teamed lather. If Professor Schofield hopes to convert the majority 
to his. theory of Pearl's unreality, he must begin by proving the un- 
reality of this Violante, who is perverse enough to do precisely those 
things which, for the sake of his argument, no spirit that ever wore 
earthly flesh had a right to do. 

In short, I cannot help thinking that the demonstrably false 
conception of medieval life from which Professor Schofield starts 
supplies the key to his heterodoxy, and that our rude forefathers 
who took Pearl for an elegy have not erred after all. Given the 
central false idea, nothing is easier than to mass vague quotations in 
ite support. In one-tenth of the same space, and with corresponding 
conservation of energy in the matter of quotations, the purely symbolic 
character of Milton's 'late espoused saint' might have been proved. 
Does not Milton himself hint plainly that this vision was pure of the 
Unit which we know that his earthly wife had in fact contracted ? 
AVith what obvious intention, too, he avoids calling her anywhere 
his wife, in plain English, or making her behave like a wife! For 
the vague word 'espoused' can convey no valid proof to a really 
critical mind. After all, as many of us know by experience, it is far 
easier to ' espouse ' a cause, a theory, or a paradox, than a real live wife, 

0. Q. COULTON. 



HOLYDAY'S « SURVEY OF THE WORLD' AND 

THE 'DITTAMONDO.' 



Fazio degli Uberti's Dittamondo — an imitation of Dante's greater 
poem — has had the rather unusual effect of itself exciting imitations. 
These imitations are noticed by Professor Renier, Raccolta di opere inedite, 
Vol. V: Liriche di Fazio degli Uberti, pp. 272 ff. of the 'Introduzione.' In 
the course of his notice Professor Renier mentions a statement quoted 
by Lancetti, on p. 116 of his Memorie intorno ai poeti laureati, to the 
effect that a translation of Fazio's work was printed at Oxford in 1661, 
but he adds a caution that this statement has not been verified 1 . 
The present writer made an attempt to decide the point by examining 
the works of Barten Holyday in the Bodleian Library ; but no trans- 
lation of the Dittamondo by this author has been discovered. There 
exists however an original poem bearing the date 1661, and its 
title A Survey of the World in Ten Books might well stand for a 
translation of the word Dittamondo. The contents of the poem are 
not in the nature of a translation of Fazio's work, as the quotations 
incorporated in this paper will sufficiently prove. The further and 
more interesting question now arises — Can Holyday's poem be con- 
sidered, if not a translation, an imitation of the Dittamondo 2 ! 

1 The passage in the text is as follows: — Che il poema cid nonoetante abhia avuto 
molta fama, ce lo attesta il numero considerevolissimo di codici che Re ne trovano e i 
commenti che vennero scritto intorno ade&Bo. Nel sec. xvn il Dittamondo fu tradotto in 
inglese. The note runs thus : — Lo afferma il Lancetti (Memorie intorno ai poeti laureati, 
p. 116) e dice ehe il traduttore fu Bartenio Holyday, e ehe la versione venne stampata in 
Oxford nel 1661. Io non potei verificare la cosa. 

9 Holyday's work includes a verse translation of Persius' Satires, published in 1616 ; 
and possibly a translation of Horace's Odes and Rpodes, published in 1653. This latter 
is generally attributed to him, though Wood (Athenae) remarks 'This translation is so 
near that of Sir Thomas Hawkins, or that of Hawkins so near this, that whether of the 
two is the author remains to me as yet undiscovered.' A comedy of Holyday's, known as 
Tcxvoya-fda, or the Marriage* of the Arts was acted before James I in 1621 ; and it is on 
record that the king was exceedingly bored by the performance, and with difficulty 
persuaded to sit it out. The Survey of the World was published in the last year of 
Holyday's life, and is his only other original work if we except sermons and pamphlets. 
(See the Dictionary of National Biography.) 



E. F. JOURDAIN 



45 



In the absence of any direct allusion to the- Dittamondo in Holyday's 
writings, or, so far as has yet been ascertained, to his intentions, in the 
work of his contemporaries, we must depend upon internal evidence 
alone. 

The style and form of the English poem differ from the Italian. 
Fazio's is divided into six books, containing an irregular number of 
divisions; Holyday's into ten, each containing exactly one hundred 
couplets. Holyday's is much less voluminous. He has exchanged the 
terza rima, so difficult to manipulate in English, for the decasyllabic 
couplet. 

The classification of subjects in the two authors also offers a 
contrast. Fazio's geographical areas, treated as a basis for history and 
myth, are replaced in Holyday by a division of subjects into classes. 
These are classes of Created Things (Books I and II); of Nations and 
Languages (Books III and iv); followed by types of Occupations of the 
Human Race (Books V to X inclusive). 

Holyday represents himself as turning back in the course of his 
ascent to the heights of learning to gather up in one glance the salient 
points of the landscape over which he has travelled 1 : he does not 
attempt, as does Fazio, to make the view complete; and he performs 
ill,' task alone, discarding the fable of the guide. But both authors 
quote as their warrant for what they include in their recital the 
testimony and experience of men of worth. Evidence of some kind 
has been adduced for their statements. So Fazio (Book I, c. 1) pro- 
poses as the subject of his poem all human experience for which 
evidence can be obtained ; Holyday treats the world as the ' Theater of 
Providence' — 'in somethings strange, in All warrantable, by testimony 
nt Hi ii famous among heathens and Christians' (Dedication). 

This Dedication conveys incidentally a hint of the relation of 
Ho]ydftv*£ slighter verse to a fuller compendium of knowledge. It 
w.mlil oot be difficult to fancy in this comparison some allusion to the 
Dittamo7tdo. 

'And as they were a Summer's recreations of my Age, cast thus into 
the Fashion of ancient Memorials ; so I intend them not as a Laborious 
Btunnte of knowledge: but only, as in the Liberty and Pleasure of a 
Garden, as some more pleasing flowers eropp'd for the complemi-nt and 
Enchiridion of a Posy, which by the novelty may last a Day, and by the 
Art of Friendship may, as Friendship should, outlast the vanity of the 

never.' 

' Dedication, • To tha Studious Reader.' 



46 Holyday's ' Survey of the World ' and the ' Dittamondo ' 

A second Dedication, ' To the Studious Reader,' contains what may 
perhaps he considered as accessory testimony to the theory of Holyday's 
knowledge of Fazio's poem. 



As weary travelour that clinibes a Hill, 

Lookes back, sitts down, And oft, if hand have skill, 

Landskippes the Vale with pencil ; placing here 

Medow, there Arable, here Forest, there 

A grove, a City, or a Silver-streame, 

Aa off'riiig to yield Iwautv to his Scheme; 

Then decks it for the Gallery and Views 

If th' Eye and Phanay count it Pleasing News : 

So now my Thoughts and Hopes, that long have clim'd 

Learning's Ascent, by which True Art's sublimed, 

Tame, Rest, and their owne wand'rings view. Here Light 

Thoy see, by which ihev sou; then- dtf>pi;st Niyht, 

The World's New Ohio's ; here a tinselled Sky, 

That dues with l>eauty please and pise the Eye; 

There Earth, (least, Fowlc, Mystical Man, whose braine, 

A lease World, would the greater world contaiue, 

These if by Nature's Herald, Art, well-placed, 

Present Nature and Art by Union gracd. 

To view which, no new Aloes wee need, whose height 

Slums Europe's dress, which thence may Please or Fright! 

Wee need no Ararat to show Asian glory, 

Itself having Ark'd up null Asia'* story. 

No Atlas need wee, Africa's proud eye, 

The Mysteries of its Deserts to discry. 

The New world's Andes wee can wisely spare; 

The prospect there, but not quick death, is rare. 

Woe need uo Tenariffa, which does sboote 

So high, my eye I'dc lend it nor my foot 

No cunning niountaine need wee, whence the Devil 

Would show the whole world's Glory, not the Evil; 

Fear'd hee't would spoile his Bribe? But here below 

From Art, not Mountains, Truth enough woe show. 

If then thy Eye venters to be so kind 

Some [?Come] view the Long view of a searching Mind. 



Fazio, with every change of subject, carries his reader to a mountain, 
whence with the aid of Solino he takes a general view of the country 
or continent it overlooks, and from which he starts on his more distant 
journeying, or Solino on his more discursive speeches. Fazio's chosen 
mountains include Parnassus and Olympus, also Mount Sion, Mount 
Sinai, and the Mount of Olives, but if we leave aside the classical peaks 
and those of purely Scriptural interest, the heights mentioned by 
Holyday are substantially the more important of those chosen by Fazio. 
It would be no very strange coincidence that the Alps (Dittamondo, iv, 
c. 20), Mount Atlas (Dittamondo, v, c. 5), and Ararat (Dittamtrndo, vn, 
c. 9), should be mentioned by both writers, but Holyday also includes 
' Tenariffa,' and this may be in allusion to Dittamondo, iv, c. 27, where 



E. F. JOURDAIN 

the legends about the Fortunate Isles are repeated. He adds the 
Andes, unknown to Fazio, as ' the New world's Andes' 

Another point of interest in this second Dedication is that it marks 
out Holiday's purpose. He intends to point at and to scourge evil, not 
to describe the world with the facile pen of the geographer who gathers 
in a list or compendium a 'sumrae of Knowledge' without necessarily 
approving the good or stigmatising the evil as such. If Fazio was a 
learned retailer of history and myth reduced to the same level of 
credibility, and of actions considered simply as events in the game of 
life ; if his value to us is chiefly that grains of legend lie embedded 
in the formal or indifferent matter of his relation, Holyday, on the 
contrary, owes his claim to our consideration to his strong partisan 
attitude. He tilts for monarchy against democracy, for orthodoxy 
against heresy, for good against evil, and his feeling occasionally warms 
the stubborn epigram and acute phrase into something human and 
alive. Much of what he has to say would fall to the ground except that 
here and there a strong desire for loyalty or justice has winged his 
words. It was not perhaps without justification that his epilogue and 
final pniyer ran thus : 



1000 

Fattier of Gifts, who to tlio Dust didst give 
Life, say to these my Meditatious, Live, 

From these general considerations we now pass to an examination 
of the ten books of the Survey. Certain likenesses to, and differences 
from, the Dittamondo will come out in the detail of the poem. 

In Book I ('Of Inanimate Creatures') Holyday accepts the theory 
of the Heavens held by Fazio (Dittamondo, v, c. 1), by which 
t.hrv consist of spheres one within another, the outermost being the 
Empyrean. This — a commonplace of science in the time of Dante — 
remained a commonplace of poetry when science outgrew its early 
bonds. But Holyday grafts on to the original idea the symbolism of 
ascent to the throne ■>! God, and he attempts to give a Christian 
interpretation to the pagan significance of planetary names. The 
spheres are among the 'Inanimate Creatures' of Grid. 



48 Holy day' a ' Survey of the World ' and the ' DiUamomdo ' 

10 

Though many Heavens wee thinke there are below 
The flight : to this by Thoee faire steppes wee goe. 

12 

The starry Heav'n, which Divine power so paints 
In figure shews th' Assembly of the Saints. 

13 

Haturiw, next the fix'd starres, wise death may preach: 
Thoughts must bo sober that think Heav'n to reach. 

14 

Jovt* was in Notion Joy ; but in the Skie 
Tin tit* ni»xt stop to Saturne's gravitie. 

Hittvlv. Imt occasionally, ho rises to something beyond mere enu- 

inciulioii or epigram, 

43 

Tin* world 's it picture : Light at first was hurl'd 
1 1 |m»ii '(. Is it Hod's shadow in the world? 

In hook ll ('Of Living Creatures') Holyday. like Fazio, makes 
tooitlioit of slorios and superstitions referring to animals; though in the 
wititt nl l<W*io mythical animals as well as mythical stories are admitted. 
IholotMl of Fazio's basilisk and gold-collecting ant, and the ancient 
lll'omry traditions which attach to these creatures, we have in Holyday 
iniiiimitU of othor superstitions, equally derived from mediaeval sources,, 
hut upplyiiitf to ohjoctH of ordinary experience. 

131 

The dying Moalo, say some, opens his eyes, 
Tim Rich, till 'tis too late will not be wise. 

152 

Tho Kaglo to the Sunno presents his yong; 

Is 't bold? I loo owns 't ; does 't Turne? Away 'tis flung. 

No opportunity is lost of pointing a moral. Man's shape is like 
I J uH< of mi Apr, to teach him humility. We are urged to enjoy the 
vojrn of tlm cork and the goose because of the historical warnings they 

i|r|)VM|ii(|. 

166 

(Mw savud Itoiuos capital ; the Cocke St Peter ; 
To a wise mind his M unique 's sure the sweeter. 



E. F. JOURDAIN 



And again, as in the First Book, two couplets of greater simplicity 
anil force somewhat redeem the pedantry of the section. 



Mount, my Boule, and to Thy Maker bring 
Thy loftiest thoughts, his Gift, with soaring wing. 



Descend, my soulo. sometimes, tait to reuiiire 
Strength for New Flight into Discovering Aire. 

In the section 'Of Nations' (Book ill) Holy day enlarges upon the 
■unspicuous responsibility of England to the world, while Fazio had 
dwelt on the historical relation of I tidy to ancient Rome. In Holyday's 
eyes Rome means the Vatican, England is the centre of the world. 
Christianity the pivot of history and its test. He seems to have an 
adequate appreciation of the great nation-making period through which 
Europe was just passing; and at the same time bestows many a sharp 
gibe on the weaknesses of individual nations. 



o Rome's Hills by the 
- now tbe Capitol. 



Old names call ; 



Is the French, wine of Orleans J Flame, w< 
DttM In'' the Chronicle by Civil Wurres t 



New Sjmine, France. 1 , Kiil,'1:iih1. nmv rise in tliu West; 
hi our Sunne-set tb«y Rise, if they prove beat. 

There is also a sufficiently pointed allusion to the loss sustained by- 
England in Raleigh's death — a loss gold could not redeem. 



50 Holy day's 4 Survey of the World ' and the ' Dittamondo * 

The triumph of Christianity is again sounded : — 

259 

Carthage and Rom did once each other feare 
But Austin's Hippo conquered both ; 'tis Cleare. 

235 

Old Salem Longer was then broad ; though Faire ; 
But New Jerusalem 's a perfect square. 

Book iv ('Of Languages and Art') shows that Holyday was 
acquainted with the subjects of Italian Literature and also with some 
Latin authors familiar to Dante, e.g. Statius and Lucretius. He 
implies, too, an appreciation of the two languages : — 

323 

The West Tongues to the Latin are but sleight : 
They are but oblique cases from the Right. 

324 

The slipp'ry French and Mouth-roofed Spanish know 
No mean : The Italian does more wisely flow. 

342 

Statius, his Witt and Language is so brave, 
Hee's in his Witts, and yet may seeme to Rave. 

350 

Lucretius, Nature's favourite, excels ; 

If All 's Truth ; or, if not Too much hee tells. 

354 

Heav'n, Purgatory, Hell, were Dante's Three Themes, 
Two were wise Melancholy, yet extremes. 

355 

What Petrarch lost, hee kept : His Laura dies 
He lost his Love, not Wit, his Wit was wise. 

This section also includes some curious couplets on the subject of 
number, first as necessary to a knowledge of the Trinity and then as 
important to the study of the Book of Numbers. 

357 

Without Arithmetique we can 't know God ; 
Wee must distinguish between Ev'n and Odd. 

358 

Needs must we know what is One, Two, and Three ; 
How know wee else, what is a Trinity? 

364 

Who takes the Book of Numbers in his hand, 
Without Arithmetique can he understand? 



E. F. JOTTRDAIN 

There h also an allusion to (ialili.'i'i: — 



This reference may be compared with that in Holyday's Play The 
'arriage of the Arts, where Magna exclaims — 
i exquisite 

In Book V ('Of Philosophers and Historians') Holyday passes in 
review, as in other sections of his work, all History, sacred and profane, 
marking out the sacred text as of higher evidential value than lay 
tradition, and prefacing the whole by some trenchant words on Doubt 
and Faith. 



Motet is Tcit, Jonephu* is Tradition ; 

Him our Faith reads : thin read wee with suspicion. 

490 
I wish, Eii'-f"'ii', when on thee I look 
Thou hatist been the Best Christian in thy book. 

The conjunction of an earlier proverbial philosopher— not Martin 
Tupper (born 1810) — with others is quaint, and the couplet is un- 
Burpassed in its harsh monotony. 



Tacitus' method and penetration are remarked:— 



In Book vi ('.Of Physicians') a survey of the history of Medicine 
is attempted. Hippocrates, Galen, Avicen, and other writers of later 
date are mentioned : — 




52 Holyday s 4 Survey of the World ' and the ' Dittamondo ' 

521 

Avicen writes of Cordials; with the rest 

Yet numbers not Himself, though farre the best. 

581 

Some the Anatomy of the Living write : 

Let th' Eye to its owne conscience cast its sight 

582 

Has ev'ry sore a Salve? Erastus then. 
Not Paracelsus^ proves the Man of Men ! 

In Book vii ('Of Lawiers') Holyday considers Law in the 
abstract as an inferior moral incentive to right action. Human 
law* art' mutable : the Divine are immutable. Law is a condition 
itmwutaUHl by evil; thus law exists among evil spirits. 

604 

Nature, although Corrupt, will have some Law 

To Sca|w wrong, wee '11 doe Right ; Danger does awe. 

607 

Thi* iHw'lls, that raise all strife, strife vet doe quell 
Amongst themselves : A Law there is in Hell. 

614 

Kmilr are Mans laws : IsraeVs Laws are sure : 
And only by God's will Change or Indure. 

Kor tho law-makers and theorists Holyday has great admiration; 
but nono for tho practitioners. 

638 

Law includes Powr and Wisdom, These wee find, 
To liavo thoir Empire in Justinian's mind. 

683 

Calvin $ an Honest Lexicon : who feares 

To In** phraso-jugled ? Evry word Hee cleares. 

698 

What is KiikHmIi Law's Hope after clear Brooke, 
l>imj> I'totnUn, Quick-hrain'd Dyer, learned Cooke ? 

699 

Itawttni tho Hharke, if in Law's Sea wee fall, 
A Llmlm i* lost. If Lost wee are not all. 

\h hiu.|« VIM ('Of Kings and other Worthies') Holyday traces 
l)i/. iH*i).j).iiM<ifi of royalty from the days of Nimrod to the execution of 



E. F. JOURDAIN 53 

Charles I. The contemplation of Nimrod's Tower and the Pyramids 
leads hiui to contrast the lasting effects of sin and virtue with the 
perishable quality of the mightiest human effort. 



Tremble, fond Pyramids ! the Inst Thunder t 
Startle your guilty Mumy iuto Man I 



Though Nimrod's Tow'r and Pride th' Aegyptiana led, 
Hee for the living built — they for the dead. 

Scripture History supplies him with many a pregnant example of 
greatness and weakness. 



Sit/nmnii'i fulne <lii! fruni liiw Wisdnme rise ; 
His Wisdome, nay His Folly, makes Us Wise. 



Herod, though Foxe, more Crafty was thon Wise ; 
Hee 's Poole, that acts crimes before Publique eyes. 



Columbus is included among the Worthies :- 



Columbus was by his brave spirit so hiirl'd 
Hee seemed the Sea-AjMistle of the World. 



The character of Henry VIII is treated with a moderation that 
is insipid. Elizabeth obtains a meed of praise. The executioners of 
Charles I are considered to be guilty of the monstrous deed of severing 
the Head from the Body Politic. 



In Book IX ('Of Politicians") the word is taken in the sense 

tamilisir to us in Shakespearian language. The politician is contrasted 

with tin' sinci/ri' man, and his fall is desired and commended. Hulyday 

ranges over sacred and profane history, finding examples in Potiphar's 

!i-il, Bathsheba, Jugurtha, Gregory VII, Machiavelli. 



54 Holy day s ' Survey of the World * and the l Dittamondo 9 

814 

Michal helps David's flight, faigning him fainte, 
Choise wit that makes an Image save a Saint? 

843 

Gregory the Seav*nth many a Pope had made. 
At last hee became free of the same trade. 

856 

Machiavelli's working mind stories compacts 
Into new Rules : Bold judge of Sacred Acts ! 

To Gondomar is accorded a word of respect for his intentions : to 
William I Holyday attributes nothing but low personal motives. 

873 

'Twas Gondomar* s great Aime, nor did hee cease 
In Project, to combine all Christian's peace. 

884 

William the First, whom Pride, Craft, Profit sway'd, 
Did England, but his Conscience first, invade. 

Raleigh's inclination to political dealing produces a regretful 
couplet. 

897 

Raleigh, had thy brave spirit been judg'd sincere 

As thy wil Sharpe, th'hadst scap'd both Axe and Fear. 

Among Divines, Book x ('Of Divines'), Holyday includes Philo, 
but severely blames Eusebius and others for their Arian tendencies. 

901 

All things are Wonder, since the World began ; 
The World 's a Riddle, and the Meaning 's Man. 

920 

The third Heav'n was beheld by silent Paul : 
Saint Denis saw it not ; yet would tell All. 

940 

'Twas Pitty Arius did Eusebius taint 
Taking the Sonne of God but for a Saint. 

946 

Grave, wise, sweet Basil, free from fond desires, 
Was his Owne Monast'ry, his Thoughts the Friers. 

976 

In Britaine first, Pelagius, saws't the Sky? 
Wee '11 pray toe, that in Britaine thou maist die. 



E. F. JOURDAIN 55 

The book concludes with a statement of Holyday's conception of 
the Doctrine of the Trinity, and the commendatory couplets which have 
already been quoted. 

As will have been seen, the examination of Holyday's work 
after Fazio's necessitates a complete re-adjustment of mental attitude. 
Holyday may very possibly have owed something to Fazio, and have 
intended allusions to the Dittamondo in his two Dedications. But his 
imitation, if we can so call it, is of a very general order, and the idea 
which he may have gained from Fazio is made to serve widely different 
moral uses. 

E. F. Jourdain. 




In that extraordinary monument of misplaced zeal, the six volumes 
of Albrecht's Lesnngs Phtgiate 1 — a work which reads like a satire on 
source- investigation — the indebtedness or supposed indebtedness of 
Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm to George Farquhar is dwelt upon in a 
considerable number of parallel passages. Not only Albrecht, however, — 
whom it is not surprising to find incapable of seeing the wood for the 
trees — but all who have hitherto occupied themselves with Lessing's 
sources 2 , have overlooked some very essential points in the German 
dramatist's relations to his English predecessor. These I propose to 
discuss in the present note. 

The estimation of Farquhar's influence on Lessing resolves itself into 
the question: To what extent had Lessing Farquhar's dramas in view- 
when he planned and wrote Minna von Barnhelm' 1 . As far as I am 
aware, the name Farquhar does not occur once in Lessing's printed 
writings, and in a familiar passage in the ' Vorrede ' to the Beytriige 
zur Historie und Aufnahme des Theaters — 'Shakespear, Dryden, 
Wicherley, Vanbrugh, (Jibber, Congreve sind Pichter, die man fast bey 
uns nur deru Nanien nach kennet, und gleichwohl verdienen sie unsere 
Hochachtung sowohl als die gepriesenen franzosischen Dichtcr' — one 
is surprised not to find it. But that was written fourteen years before 
Minna voti Barnhelm was thought of. Once, it is true, Lessing 
all but mentions Farquhar's name in a letter to his brother Karl 
(July 6, 1769); the latter had published some comedies, one of which, 
Der Wildfang, was an adaptation from Farquhar, and his elder brother 

" P. Albrecht, Lrningi Plagiatt. 6 vols. Hamburg, 1891-4. 

' K. Eke seems to have Wen the first to draw attention (in the Kfilugr wr allgemfiiien 
Ztituny, July*, 1869; mora aucessihle in his V,rmi*rhtr liVnter, Kothcn. 1H75, pp. 93 ff.) 
to the general similarity between Colonel Standard in Earquhar's C'ciH/Imit Couple and 
Tellbeini. E. Schmidts mention "I this in the first volume of his Lt/aing, c (Berlin, 
1884), p. 481, led to a somewhat Hciimoniou« retort oil Size's part in the Akadtmitcht 
BMtter, 1884, pp. 118 and 184. The second edition of Schmidt's work (1S99) his 
nothing to add. and still more recent hooks on Leasing, such as G. Kettner, Leuingi 
I>ramtn ini Lichle Hirer unit umerer '/..•it, Berlin, 1*14, regard [he question of Leasing'* 
indebtedness tu (in: fonn.iiii-s of I-'anpihar as closed. 



J. G. ROBKRT.SON 



57 



takes him in characteristic fashion to task : ' Du weisst, wie weiiig 
davon Dein ist ; nod Du hast nicht wohl gethan, dass du Deine Quelle 
verschwiegen 1 .' 

That Minim von Barnhelm has been influenced by The Constant 
Couple is not to be questioned, but there has hitherto been a tendency 
to overestimate the extent of that influence 2 . Like Colonel Standard 
in Farquhar 'a comedy. Tellheim is a 'disbanded officer'; like him, he 
is honourable and generous ; he refuses to take advantage of Minna's 
affections and wealth after he has been deprived of his commission 
(Ji, ii). An understanding is ultimately brought about by means of 
a ring, but not in a way that altogether precludes- — as Otto Ludwig 
suggested* — a reminiscence in Lessing's mind of The Merchant of Venice. 
This, however, is virtually all that Lessing's comedy owes to The 
Oonetant Couple) as far as the finer characterisation is concerned, 
Tellheim is hardly more indebted to Farquhar' s Colonel than Minna to 
the Lady Lurewell. 

The German comedy was, as a matter of fact, more essentially 
influenced — in all those matters where foreign influence is legitimately 
to be looked for — by another of Farquhar's comedies, which, if we 
except a few immaterial hints in Albrecht's list of plagiarisms*, has 
not yet been regarded us a possible source — The Beaux' Stratagem. 
The opening scene of the play is at an inn, where Boniface the inn- 
keeper, is clearly the prototype of Lessing's Wirt 1 . He evinces the 
same love of gossip, and curiosity concerning the private affairs of his 
guests; he is sententious and addicted to humorous ■ tags'; he praises 
hi- ale u the landlord of the ' Kiinig von Spauien' praises his ' Dan- 
nid in the five hundred talers which the Wirt discovers in 
Tellheim- S desk, a reminiscence may be traced of the scene in Farquhar 
where Aimless entrusts his money to the landlord's safe custody. 



1 [aefaamnn-Muneker, xvn, p. 293 f. ; Redlich, i, 

■ . . .■ .:■!:.:■.. ■., |... ,■;..■ ■ 
Berlin, 1886, j>. 49). 

' Kot bulUMe, D. Schrnid, G. Farquhar, Vienna, 19(14, pp. 88 H. 

■ Ubrr "llert unrt nrutrc Dranten |0. Liidwig's Werke, hrsg. von A. Battels, vi, 

p. aom. 

1 Aim-edit, 1501. IT.H'.i. lsl.l. The unly il.-iii llmi 1ms pr.^ible weight i" tlje lirst, the 
ne • King of Spain.' There is alto, it may be noted, it reference to a ' King «f Spain ' 
Hi Thr CutulaHl l.'i'ujiU. II i* i. itmibililt' Ihstt All)i.eht should have ovcrluoked Lessin^'* 
if tin' dmiuc ' Miulin ' (Minim, lit. ii) mill Ui<- innkeeper's ilnu filter on the last page o( 
hi» Dint act, ' plagiarism a ' which oindit tf. have appealed to him ! 

..]»>riK»n ii r lliiMiiul!ii-|iei~ ii. r L i • ■ Miich-h n n. i <■ inetitn] drama of the time 

(Toluire. Giddoui. Ciblwr eld corroliorutes iln- peculiarly Knjilisli character of Lessing's 
Wirt, and illustrates at the name time Muniiiliiv'. ri'liiark |>|iinte>l by Scliniirl, I. e, p. hill) 
thai 'on the continent the landlord was the tyrant of those who crossed the threshold— 
i be «u u tenant.' 



rfl ! 



Leasing and Jfarqukar 

Act n introduces — precisely as in Minna — the two principal female 
i. Mrs Sullen and Dorinda, who, in spite of obvious differences 
■ character and relationship, have much more of the refined grace and 
i of Minna and Franziska than the Restoration heroine of The 
Couple and Sir Harry Witdatr. Gibbet the highwayman 
s to worm Aimwell's secret out of his supposed valet Archer 
i is checkmated in precisely the same terms as in the scene where 
Minna's valet professes ignorance even of the name of his mistress 
U, ii| — an episode which, by the way, is introduced by Lessing without 
any very obvious raison d'etre. Although the gaming French refugee 
at Sir Harry Wildair — an obvious model for Riccaitt He la Marliniere 1 — 
* appear in The Beaux' Stratagem, his place is taken by a Count 
ir, who at least speaks broken English. Lastly, the dramatic 
is untied and the story rounded off as in Minna, by the arrival 
personage, who is here the heroine's brother, not, as in 
the German play, her uncle. Obviously the influence — especially 
in the matter of dramatic technique — of The Beaux' Stratagem on 
JTujmi re* Banheim has been much more vital than that of The 
ComttaM CompU. 

These similarities and reminiscences axe, however, only ihe smallest 
in of the matter; if there were nothing else, they might safely be 
neglected as belonging, like so much of AJbrecbt's compilation, to the 
trivialities of source-hunting. But there is another aspect of Lessing's 
atioDS to Farquhar, which is suggested by a comparative study of 
1 comedy of his time. English historians of the drama are fairly 
i in seeing in Farquhar what Hazlitt called the beginning of 
y of English comedy — a point of view which is natural enough 
1 the subsequent history of the English drama is considered. The 
qualities which made the Restoration comedy great are admittedly 
decadent in Farquhar; but there are also elements in his work which 
were of more importance for the comedy of the eighteenth century 
than all the wit of the Restoration. It was, in fact, his supreme merit, 
in his ripest dramas, to have broken with the traditions of that period, 
Farquhar is the spokesman of a new life ; of new social and personal 
ideals — not always less coarse than those depicted by Wycberley and 
Congreve — but less far removed from modern sympathies : his characters 
appear to us to-day more modern and refined, because they are inspired 



when t 




J. G. ROBERTSON 



59 



by distinctly modern sentiments, which one looks for in vain beneath 
the wit and brilliancy of Congreve. He is an innovator because he 
led the drama back to nature ; he broke with the convention that 
restricted comedy to St James's Park and the coffee-houses; he could 
draw gentlemen who were not merely fashionable rakes, and gentle 
ladies whose language did nut always demand the mask; his soldiers 
and boors, his innkeepers and valets, his French refugees and Irishmen 
were real. In his military types he broke with the traditions of the 
'miles gloriosus' which had dominated European comedy since the 
'", and he depicted, for the first time, the soldier as he was; 
he did not disdain the modern adjunct of local colour and local interests'. 
If the significance of these innovations is so often overlooked in English 
dramatic history, it is because the dramatists who were able to carry 
them out worthily, were too few and far removed in time to sustain 
the honour of the English stage in its subsequent history. 

Now it is precisely such innovations which distinguish Minna von 
Burnhelm from the German comedy and the French comedy as adapted 
fa) the German stage of the earlier eighteenth century. Indeed, even 
if we are unwilling to go further, we must admit that the author of 
Minna run Barnhelm occupies a position in the history of the German 
drama analogous to that of Farquhar in England; but, knowing as we 
do, that Farquhar's comedies were familiar to Lessing, there seems no 
reason to deny his influence. Men of Lessing s type of mind do not, 
unaided and without stimulus from outside, produce works so revo- 
lutionary as Miss Sara Sampson and Minna von Barnhelm proved to 
be. The indebtedness of the former drama to The Merchant of London 
know ; and it seems to me none the less clear that Lessing 
owed to George Farquhar those elements in his ripest comedy which 
ippeal to us to-day as national, humane, and modern ; in other words, 
what Lillo was to Miss Sara, Farquhar was to Minna von Barnhelm. 

J. G. Robertson. 



Sines the above wan written Mr William Archer's edi 
\ar h»s upptareit, in the introduction to whicli h 
F*n)uW. 




VVllfcK I o.ntnUitril my note on Provencal words in English to the 

lul', lit] "l the Wodtn l.<iiitjmiije Review, 1 hardly expected to be 

,1,1, i,, ,,|,| hum i,. Hi.' numbw. But I have already come upon two 


'I In iiiiimii- iv. ml niiu-kimin; used liy Hen Jonson and Beaumont 
•mil Kli-liln'i' in I, lie MOM df a pocket- hand kerchief (see Nares), is 
Hirtalllh 1'i'tvi nral ; ami as certainly is not derived from muck, as 
Nun" lUfflMttd, I'xeept in popular etymology. The right origin is 

j- 1 1|« ' '■■'iiiu-i/ Dictionary, where it is duly stated to be a corrupt 

farm ol thfl Uldi BngL mokadour, used in the same sense. See Lyd- 
, ,i. : \/{nur Potiat, I'd. Halliwell, p. 30, where an old man is told that 

l<\.r uyt'ii 'iini (mse the nedeth a moiadoar 
Or Mtdiiry. 

Mi, ulli. (four Ll BBHUitaksaHe ; it is the same as in troubadour. 
I lum klrndy Doted battledore. The won] troubadour has become 
irvubudou (ne UistnU) in modern Provencal; similarly we find the 

Ii'i'ii l'iuvi'iu;al mtiitcadou with the precise sense of the F. movchoir. 

I In I „ii in form i* tin 1 aei-usative mucatorem, aa if from a verb mucare, 

lb] I I' MU01M. Why this particular word should be of Provencal 

fritflfl (■ not qilitt I'li'iir; but the English sailors may have learnt it, as 

1 1 hi in Imv.' Ii'iirnl. battledore, from the washerwomen on the 

IiihiLh ol tba Cn.iinli'. 

Tin othlf wniil which I have to mention is colander or cullender, 
which m I'liij.inlv OOniMOted with the wine trade (as will appear) and 

illi I'i ■■ Ml this word the N. E. D. says that 'the form of the 

i , ■ 1. 1 Kppwni to I" 1 due to sonic perversion; but its exact history 

[a olMOltro ' Thil lljtlrt tin- point which I hope to clear up. 

Tin' a In Inn ill,, ,1 [| iiiIiii^ivv. piveisely like the n in viuch'uder 
ftboVl . W I" 1 "' 'i similar intrusive n in the case of celandine. The 






Miscellaneous Notes 61 

word appears in the fifteenth century, viz. in the form cott/itdore; for 
Wright- WiUkers Vocabulary has the entry: ' Coltitorium, a Colyndore.' 
This is precisely the Old Prov. coludor, mod. Prov. couladoti, duly given 
by Mistral, one of its meanings being ' petit panier qui sert a filtrer le 
vin qu'on tire de la cave'; which connects it with the wine trade at 
once. And of course it represents a Latin accusative colatorem, from 
colore, to filter. Considered from this point of view, all obscurity as to 
its origin disappears. The suffix is really the same in the four words,. 
battledore, troubadour, muckinder and cullender. 

Walter W. Skeat. 



Notes and Corrections to Shelley's 'History of a Six 
Weeks' Tour' (1817). 

The disregard of geographical precision and generally of all 
sublunary exactness has long been recognised as a characteristic 
feature of Romanticism — and it is a disturbing one for editors. The 
following notes, trifling improvements as they are, to one of Shelley's 
texts, may be acceptable to those who feel inclined to pursue, in the 
poet's steps, ' the inconstant summer of delight and beauty which 
invests this visible world' (Preface). 

Mrs Shelley, in her edition of 1840 {Essays, Letters from Abroad), 
had started the work of emendation, and altered I'ontalier (p. 130, 
in H. Buxton Forman's edition) to the correct Pontarlier. Maxiheim 
(p. 149), which she altered to Mannheim, was a usual form of the 
name in the early nineteenth century (ef Tardieu's map, 1814). 
M'tltcrif, Clnren, ScliilUm, which appear as the heading of a chapter 
in tin. original edition, wen.' already recognisable in the chapter itself 
u Uelteris, Glarens and Chilian (p. 171). The correct Meillerie was 
irii i. . .. I. in-.-d by Mrs Shelley in 1840. But the glacier de Soitson did 
u-.t become the well-known glacier des Bossons until her second edition 
in IMS. 

Ami there the work of emendation stopped. Later editors have 

left tlie incorrect, though (to the critical eye) not 'hopelessly corrupt* 

:_iirnliurglt (pp. 135 and 146) for Lauffettburg (Tardieu : but 

rg in Dezauche's map, Au V, 1797), Triel and Marsluys 

(pp. 154 and 156) for Tliiel (Tardieu. 1814; now Tiel) and Maasluis. 

One passage is more puzzling. It refers to the journey from 



Miscellaneous Notes 

Besancon to Pontorlier, by way of what both the History and the 
Journal, as quoted by Professor Dowden (I, p. 452), call Mort and 
Nok. There is no doubt that these should be Morre and Nodi. It 
seems as if, probably for its shortness and pieturesqueness, the worse 
road had been choseu : not the one vid Ornans, which was rather 
circuitous (cf. Dezauche, 1797; Cass ini- Ferraris, 1808; G. B. Depping, 
Voyage de Paris a Neuchutel en Suisse, 1813), but an old road 
(Cassini, 1744 aDd 1787), the gradient of which was not improved 
before the thirties; and this no doubt accounts for the unwillingness 
of the voiturier, of which we hear so much. The place called in Clara 
Clairmont's Journal, I'Avrine is found — not in contemporary maps, but 
in the present Carte d'F.tat Major, and there spelled la Vrine— on the 
old road, and this points to the same conclusion. 

Another point, though it affects only the Journal (as quoted by 
Prof. Dowden, I, p. 446), has a real psychological interest. The ' terribly 
impressive ' picture of the Deluge, ' the only remarkable ' picture which 
Shelley had time to observe in the Louvre Gallery, must have been 
Poussin's Wirier or Deluge (1(544). This is probably the most ' romantic' 
of the artist's works. And indeed, its stormy sky, its distant towers, 
lightning-s track, its blasted trees, its snake driven by the flood to 
the extreme summit of a rock — all these are motives which must 
have appealed to Shelley, and which might serve as illustrations for 
many a passage in his works. 

The French phrases, which are still to be read in our editions of 
the History, are often startling. Mrs Shelley, with her later knowledge, 
was shocked by such things as Madame I'Hote (p. 129), avelunche 
(p. 142), batalier (p. 149), which she duly changed into I'lidtesse, 
avalanche, and batelier. Possibly she did not notice the curious im- 
perfect 'craquee'd his whip' (p. 124, a current hybrid of the time), nor 
the less defensible e'est pour dedommager tea clievawr d'avoir perdues 
(sic) leur douce (sic) sommeil (p. 125). And she left these, together 
with the impossible joke, Vest seulement un bateau, qui e'toit settlement 
renversee (sic) et tous les peuples (sic) sont seulement noyes (p. 150). 
But it is quite as well that we should have an idea of the sort of 
French which made dark-eyed, impulsive, sixteen-year old Jane Clair- 
inont so useful to Shelley and his new love. 

A. Koszul. 



MuccII'dh'ohs Notes 



'A Headless Bear.' 

Puck. Sometime a horso I'll lie, sometimo a hound, 
A hog, a handle** bear, sometime a tire ; 
And neigh, and bark, and grunt, and roar, and burn, 
Like horse, hound, hog, boar, lire, at every turn. 

(Midmmmer Right'* Dream, hi, 1.) 

At page 232 of Vol. I of this Review I offered a conjecture leadless, 
for the reading headless. I now find that headless is probably right 
after all. Burton, in the poetical abstract prefixed to his Anatomy of 
Melancholy, has the following lines: — 

Mcthiuks I hear, methinks 1 see 
Ghosts, goblins, Sends ; my pbantasie 
Presents ii thousand ugly shapes. 
Headless ifjirs, blaok men, and apes, 
l-lok't'u] uuK'rics, and fearful siylits, 
My sad and dismail aoulo affrights. 

s clear, therefore, that the ' headless bear ' was a popular terror, 
and 'roared' when it appeared to children and others in those believing 
ages. The various emendations, mine included, go down before this 
quotation from Burton. 

H. LlTTLEDALE. 



The Authorship ok 'Titus Androniccs.' 

The review of Did Shiikr.s/ienre write Titus A ml rumens .' contributed 
l'iy Mr W. W. Greg to the July number of the Modern Language 
Review, seems so fitted by its painstaking character to promote dis- 
CUmon of the problem in question, that I am lain to guard against two 
or three of its inferences which seem to me to obscure the issue. 

1. Mr Greg, remarking that I ' may be a little deficient in purely 
reeling,' argues that certain lines from scene i of Titus were 
' surely ' not written by Greene ' unless he revised the work at the very 
end of his life': this alter observing that the 'poetical' passages of the 
piny, 'where not contemptible, are easily within the reach' of Greene, 
' tvea in his less mature years.' The implication is that I had ascribed 
them to Greene. The Titus lines in question are italicised by Mr Greg 



G4 Miscellaneous Notes 

to bring out ' instances of artistic use of words ' such as occur, he 
thinks, only in Friar Bacon among Greene's plays :— 

Princes thut strive by faction* and by friend* 
Ambitiously fur rule and emj>ery. 
Know that the people of Rome, for whom we stand 
A tpecial party, have by common voice, etc. 

There greet in tileiiea, an the dead are wont, 
And sleep in |«iieo, slain in your country's warn! 
A Hiwred receptacle of my joys, 
&PMI celt of virtue ami nobility, etc. 



Whatever be the quality of my ' literary feeling,' it is not responsible 
for any suggestion that these lines are Greene's. Only after line 340 
do I suggest the entrance of Greene's hand in this act, the great bulk 
of which seems to me to be clearly Peele's. 

2. Mr Greg writes : ' Of course, if the play was written by Greene, 
who died in 1592, it must have been revised in 1594, since it then 
appears as new, and contains, moreover, lines from Peele's Honour of the 
Garter of the year before.' To begin with, no 'lines' are duplicated in 
the play and poem. Only certain phrases are. and one uncommon 
word. But those phrases may just as easily have been echoed from the 
play in the poem as nee versa. The proper test seems to be that of 
comparative relevance or naturalness. Now, the allusions to the pal- 
liament in the play are dramatically in keeping with the situation : in 
the poem they are distinctly less so. 

3. I need hardly say I agree that 'Greene and Peele were perfectly 
able to make their lines scan if they chose to.' What made editoriaL 
correction necessary in printing was the constant tendency to error in 
the acting copies, shown in two printed editions out of three. In 1594, 
as Mr Greg notes, Greene was dead, and Peele was probably ill. But 
Titus, like Locrine, is unusually well edited. 

It is because I do not at all ' take in bad part ' the revision of my 
argument by other students that I put these comments on the review 
of my book by Mr Greg, to whom I am much indebted for his able 
survey. 

John M. Robertson. 



A History of English Prosody from the Twelfth Ci-nlitry to the Present 
Day. By George Saintsblev. Vol. f. From the Origins to 
Spenser, London: Maemillau and Co., 190b'. Svo. xvii + 428pp. 

It had so long been known that Professor Saintsbury contemplated 
;l work upon English prosody that the appearance of the first volume 

itMl Bfl much a matter fur surprise as tor congratulation, and it 
may be that hope deferred had led us to expect too much. It can only 
be fur some such reason as this that now we have the book, we are 
n little disappointed, for be it said at once that, whatever complaints 
it maj seem necessary to bring against it, it is, or should be when 
completed, by a long way the best general history of English prosody. 
Bat we expected mon — we expected that in it something at least 
should be done toward the settlement of metrical theory ; that some 
at least, of those questions which have puzzled all who have ever 

ed the subject should be dealt with, if they could not be 

Dived: and of this there is nothing. Professor Saintsbury has 
been faced by the same difficulties as others — though perhaps he has 
not perceived quite all the difficulties — and instead of triumphantly 
vanquishing them, he calmly ignores them. A history of English. 

.Inch refuses to investigate what really makes that metre, 
Bad "Inch tries to evade doing so by the expedient of stringing 
together terms of different meaning and leaving the student to take his 

nnong them, cuu hardly expect to leave a clear understanding 
• ■! the subject in the minds of its readers, even if written with a clear 

mding itself. Nor can it, built on such doubtful foundations, 
expect to occupy the permanent and unassailable position to which the 
extraordinary knowledge and the critical acumen of its author should 
otherwise entitle it. 

I Ik" waa indeed little harm in refusing to discuss the ultimate 

nature of the difference between the ' long ' and ' short ' syllables out 

of which rhythm and metre are made, for however we may regard 

pence, we should all probably agree that it exists, that it is 

jjerfectly apparent, and that in the vast majority of cases there can 

Mainta doubt as to which syllables are 'short' and which 'long.' 1 

1 Nevertheless it would, we think, have iieen butter to scWt amiit: terms of less definite 
c.iroinUtiotj than • lonj;' uml 'short,' which necessarily cutrreinfi a certuin influence hnlh 
n the writer and on the render. 



66 



Reviews 



But the next step assuredly requires discussion, for it is on a clear 
understanding of this that an appreciation of Professor Saintsbury's 
argument depends. The main thesis of his work, which is a polemic 
as well as a history, is that English verso is radically different from 
Anglo-Saxon, and not in any appreciable way developed out of it: 
that while the older verse depends for such rhythmical character as 
it possesses entirely • m the presence of a certain number of all-important 
accented syllables, linked together by indeterminate groups of un- 
stressed ones, the number of such syllables being variable within wide 
limits; in the newer verse the relation between the unstressed and 
stressed — or short and long — is definite. That is to say that the older 
verse depends on accented syllables, the newer on 'feet.' 

But what are feet > This all -important question which so many 
have tried to solve, is never frankly and fairly dealt with. Professor 
Saintsbury does indeed touch on the subject from time to time in a 
haphazard way, and his remarks are sometimes shrewd; but we looked 
to him to settle it for good and all. As it is, he leaves the matter little, 
if any, less obscure than he found it. 

On the very threshold of the question we are forced to ask : 
(1) Does the author consider that a line of verse, read as an ordinary 
intelligent person, reading it for the love of it, reads 1 , can be perceived 
by the ear — trained or untrained — to consist of a constant, or regularly 
varied, number of parts, and are these parts 'feet'? or (2) Does he 
look on the parts as merely latent, that is to say something entirely 
foreign to the sound of the verse, and merely a mechanical means of 
counting— much as a stick might be ten inches long without there 
being any inches marked on the stick * ? 

Of these alternatives we feel little doubt that Professor Saintsbury 
■would accept the first, for otherwise it is difficult to see what ground 
there can be for dividing a verse into feet in one way rather than 
another, while all such discussions as whether a Pyrrhic, a Cretic, or 
an Amphibrach can or cannot exist in English would be quite futile, 
for one could obviously make them exist at will. That Professor 
Saintsbury discusses these and similar questions seems to show that 
he does perceive, or thinks he perceives, actual parts (to call them 
' divisions ' would be to beg an important question) out of which a verse 
is made up. 

But now comes the great difficulty : what precisely are these parts ? 

1 A theory of mf'tie. whirl) ivijiiin s that poetry should he read as it was never meant to 
he read, and as no one nave the theorist would raid it. is necessarily selfcondemuod ; for 
if we allow distortion of the natural sound of a verse ut will, we shall have to accept (my 
and every theory as to its nature that has been put forward. In the note on p. 1S8 
Professor Siuutsbnry recommends us to read ■ m^nnniii^Iy. ' which means, we suppose, 
according to his method of scansion : hut surely this bcjjs tin- whole question. 

- This has nothing to do with the question, also an important oue, dealt with hy the 
author on p. 'iH'i aud in au appendix, as to whether the writer* had any consciousness 
of feet. It is sufficient that wo can now, or at least Professor Saintsbury does now, 
divide verse into feet, — and thus, if h. will permit us to burrow imm p. Ills his phrase of 
another matter, 'discover the positive and doctrinal principles' of work 'written when 
there is no evidence that any such positive or doctrinal principles existed, and all but & 
certainty that they did not.' 



Reviews 67 

In one place Professor Saititslmry seems to regard them as something 
analogous to what Mr J. W. Blake meant by ' monopressnres,' i.e. 
breath -groups— though he would, we suspect, scornfully repudiate the 
idea — for what else can he mean by giving us such alternative scansions 
M that of the fourth line of the well-known song about the monks of 
Ely ? After scanning the line thus : 

And here | we tlies j munechea ] sang, 
he adds a footnote : ' Or if anybody prefers it, 

And he | re we [ thes tuuuo | ches sang, 
which is, perhaps, better.' 

But why the alternative, and why does it seem to Professor Saints- 
bury to be perhaps better ? Is it not because he feels, though perhaps 
without actually formulating the idea, that one would not read — that 
nobody indeed conld read — "we thes' together, that there is necessarily 
a pause between them ? If that is so, the breath-group has at least 
this much to do with the fuot, that portions of two breath-groups with 
a distinct pause between them cannot be considered as forming one 
fool — or at least that then. 1 is a tendency not so to consider them. 
Taking Professor Saiutsbury's scansion in general there seems actually 
■ mi. feeling of this sort at the bottom of it, which though not 
always affording a criterion for the division into feet, does 
uiHuunee tli<- choice between possible alternatives. 

But on the other hand, on p. 100 the author speaks of 'varied but 

-'d time-units or feet,' while in the note on p. 82 he seems 

to Accept 'isochronous interval' as equivalent to foot 1 . Now equal 

jH'riods of time can form a perfectly intelligible basis for the division 

nf ;i line, and so may natural pauses, but it is perfectly evident that 

■ lie not the same, and that the ' feet' arrived at by one method 
will be altogether different from the 'feet' arrived at by the other. 
I 'mil we can get the question settled as to what exactly Professor 

> unguis by 'feet,' there seems to be considerable, if not in- 

Hifficnlty in judging between his theory and that of the 

■ oenl Mien.' That you con divide — at least on paper — any verse into 

'■\ ions. Hut until you clearly understand what these divisions 

■ lit to represent, it is impossible to say whether or nut they are 

There are many other points of theory on which it could be wished 

I i-.'i ilf ;iuthor had been more precise, but what we have said is already 

QBOre than enough in dealing with work which so emphatically rejects 

I he theories of others. But has Professor Saintsbury 

always been at the pains to understand the views which he rejects 

i:i'-king them? The truth is perhaps that theories on metre 

means i he easiest of things to understand, and some confusion 

y well be excused in a writer who has so much to say of his own ; 



but one cannot help feeling surprised to find on the very threshold 
of a book in which so many attacks are made upon the theories of Guest. 
a passage which might almost make one suspect that he had never 
even read Guest's book with attention. The passage to which we refer 
is on pp. 8 and 9, and concerns a quotation which Professor Saintsbury 

g'ves from Dr Skeat's preface to his edition of Guest. In this extract 
uest'B system of marking the accentuation of words by means of an 
upright stroke following the accented syllable is carefully explained, and 
it is clearly stated that this upright stroke ' is not used to mark the 
division into feet as in the case of Greek and Latin verses.' Quest baa 

In | tlie hciam | eter ri 1 wes : the fouu I tain's ail | very col | uiuii, 
which, as Dr Skeat has made quite clear, is equivalent, if we substitute 
the more usual method of marking accents, to 

Iu the hexameter rises : the fountain's silvery column, 
and Guest's marking means and implies nothing whatever besides. 
There are no feet, and no divisions whatever, save at the caesura. 

Yet we find Professor Saintsbury, after quoting this explanation of 
the | mark from Dr Skeat, as referring to accent and not to foot- 
division, arguing as if Guest's method of indicating scansion were 
identical with his own. and saying that 'the Guestian division' of 
the line makes it anapaestic. It does nothing of the kind : there is 
no 'Guestian division' at all. Why, indeed, should Guest have been 
dividing a line into feet, anapaests or otherwise, seeing that the very 
point of his book is to maintain an altogether different theory of metre ? 
We cannot help thinking that if Professor Saintsbury had" given the 
matter a little more consideration, he would have considerably modified 
his remarks on Dr Skeat's scansion both in this passage and on p. 62. 

It is pleasant to turn from these matters to the aspect of the wuk 
as a history of the development of metrical form — -whatever the essence 
of that form may be — for here there can be little but praise and 
thanks. From Professor Saintsbury 's extraordinarily wide reading and 
known love of all that is best in literature we naturally expect much, 
and here he does not disappoint us. Step by step he follows the 
development of the new rhythms', showing how at first they are more 
or less mixed with the older ones, as in Layamon, and how gradually 
they disengage themselves; while even at a very early date, we get 
exceptional caseB of regular— too regular — metrical arrangement. .i~ 
in the Ormulum' 1 . As time goes on, in spite of fluctuation forward 
and backward, we gradually approach the more perfect system of 

I Whatever theory one may hold bb to verae, it 
are altogether different. The only question at iesiif 
be considered lo haw developed out of the other. 

* Although we had d'Tie with l.-ilnii'id i|ii.«iii.ns, n remark of Professor Samtsbary*a 
concerning Orru's spelling must be noticed. He claim* C tin. C it 'establishes the veij 
important prosodk fact that doubling the ennsonaut after an English vowel need uol, 
tlnHii'li it limy, lualii; that vowel long in value. 1 Does the author really mean to maintain 
that the innertion of estra letters into the written form of a word oan iu any conceivable 
way alter its metrical value? 



ftcrftrs 



69 



which Chaucer showed the full power and range. In discussing the 
alliterative verse of the fourteenth century, the very considerable 
difierenooe between it and that of Anglo-Saxon are well brought out, 
and it is remarked that the rhythm instead of being of that inde- 
terminate kind usual in the older verse, is roughly anapaestic. When 
dealing with the short lyrical pieces of this period the work tends at 
times to become a mere catalogue of metres, by no means easy to read 
and scarcely possible to follow. Surely a good deal of pp. 115 — 138 
could have been given in something approaching a tabular form. The 
vi.w of Chaucer as the perfecter of the material already at his disposal 
rather than as the discoverer of new is well maintained, though this 
chapter is perhaps too largely taken up with the emphatic discussion 
of matters not always relevant, and not everyone will believe in the 
author's scansion of AT. T. 1036, 

Westward, riglit swieh another in the nnposit 1 
U .hi ftlexandrine. The chaos of the fifteenth century even Professor 
Saintsbury can hardly render interesting as a whole, or perhaps it is 
that we belong to those 'non-experts' whose attention, as he says, it is 
difficult to fix upon it; though some of the individual pieces to which 
it can lay claim are among the untbrgettahle things of literature. 
What remains— that is to say practically, Wyatt, Surrey, Sackville and 
Spenser — is an oft-told tale, though never before told so well ; and 
I'h'I' -NU' Saintsbury has already dealt with it, at least in part, else- 
i\inn There is little to say by way of criticism, but it is surely 
permissible to feel suqjrise at finding no mention of Horestes among 
the dramatic work dealt with. At least two of the songs reach 
a standard of technical accomplishment— though perhaps not in a very 
high form of art- — which is quite uncommon at the date. Take, as an 
..\,un|i]<\ the last verse of Haltersick's song: 

The (i niui a and flute nhiye lotisteley, 

Till.' l.niUlrJJH't l'l'.Sl' II ILJilVIH!, 

Aii, I rentioua icuightaa curragiouuley 
Do march before thear trayne : 

Willi Bpeare in r«sto no lyuoly Jrest, 

hi iU'inniii' la-yjjhte mill si'ivc ; 

With hey trym and tryxey to 

Thear 'winners they dys[>laye. 



the 



metric, 

is for exanipl 



But more remarkable, from the point of view of 
nkill with which the clumsy fourteener is handled, 
in II. 890—3: 

Al r.n-lio Uiinge kape well thy fame, what cuer y l tboa law; 

Kor fame once gone, they memory with fame a way it gone; 
And it once lost thou (.halt, in south, acoomjrtyd lyke to be 
A driii"! uf i-iiyiif that Imilyth in the bosom of the see. 

Mieve in tin? line nl all as it stands. It see ma hardly likely that 
Chinci would have rpoill hi* verse for the sake of explaining that westward is ' in the 
- ut ' to eastward, and the temptation to reject ' Westward ' as a foolish gloss, ia verj 



70 



Reviews 



The man who by 1567 had written that last line surely deserves, in 
mere gratitude, some mention in a comprehensive history of English 
prosody. 

Turberville gets perhaps somewhat less than justice. His effects 
indeed seldom or never quite come off, but his work gives one the 
impression of a much keener sense of the possibilities of rhythm than 
that of most of his cut item pi. 'nines. The curious 'Argument to the 
whole discourse 'of his Songs and Sennets, with its rime-words ' Pyndara ' 
and 'Helena' running through the whole, might have been worth a word 
or two. Gascnigne's Steel ('toss seems nowhere to be mentioned, neither 
in discussing the beginning of blank verse, nor in the section dealing 
with Gascoigne himself. One is a little tired of seeing it stated that 
Gascoigne was the originator of blank verse, but that is surely no reason 
for ignoring him altogether. 

Professor Saintsbury, rightly enough, has little to say of 'sports.' 
He does not, for example, even mention the curious 'Complaint of 
Cadwallader' in the Mirror for Magistrates, which ' agreeth very wel 
with the Roman verse called Iambus,' and he deals very lightly with 
the 'classical' versing of 1576 and onwards; though he promises more 
on the subject at another time. In a sense, it is true that the ' classical ' 
metres are negligible — the work accomplished was, almost without 
exception, beneath contempt. Nevertheless the desire to find new 
harmonies and to perfect the old, which was in turn a cause and a 
symptom of the ' classical ' movement, can hardly have been barren of 
result. Some account of the metrical study which accompanied the 
movement would naturally be looked for here, for surely it belongs 
essentially to the period of Spenser. But the author is perhaps hardly 
to be blamed if, as we suspect, his reason for holding this over for another 
volume was lest by a weary discussion he should mar the climax of that 
splendid name. 

All Btudents of English literature will give henrty thanks to Professor 
Saintsbury for tbiB work of his, and will look forward with eager anti- 
cipation to the two volumes which are to complete it. They will 
regret that it is not wholly free from faults which many a lesser 
man than its author would certainly have avoided, but they will at the 
same time recognize that, taking the work as a whole, there is probably 
no other man who could have done it half so well. 

R. B. McKekkow, 



The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to the Gospel of St Luke. 
By Margaret Dutton Kellum. (Yale Studies in English, 
xxx.) New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1906. 8vo. vi + 
118 pp. 
This treatise completes the series of special studies of the North- 
umbrian glosses to the four Gospels, inaugurated by Miss Lea's article 
on the language of St Mark (Anglia, vol. xvi). In UI01 Fuchsel 
contributed to Anglia (vol. xxiv) an examination of the gloss to 



Reviews 



71 






St John, which was followed in 1003 by Foley's treatise, The Lan- 
guage of the Northumbrian Gloss to the Gospel of St Matthew (Yale 
Studies in English, No. xiv). The last of the series follows closely 
the method of its predecessors, and is, in itself, a very valuable piece 
of research. 

The subject is handled from the point of view of (i) Phonology, 
<ii| Inflection . Under the first section the vowels of stressed syllables 
an.- ili'alt with, then those of unstressed and strmidarily stressed syllables, 
and finally the consonants. The section, headed Inflection, deals in 
detail with the Noun, Verb, Adjective, and Adverb. 

Certain subsections call for special attention. 

Germanic a (§ 1). 

It is an open question whether Germ, a was retained in OE. before 
a following guttural vowel, or whether the a in such cases is due to 
u later change where hy a> > a. The latter view has the support of 
CttOjn, Sweet, and Sokoll. The form wielle (provided it be not due 
to w-influence) is explained in the text by Sievers' law, according to 
which a, before doubted consonants and sc, became ce if a palatal vowel 
followi-d, hut was retained before a velar vowel. In Otia Mersekma 
(vol. iv) Prof. H. C. Wyld supports the view that Germ, a became ce 
under all circumstances in OE., and further suggests that Breaking of 
this (B took place before -11 or J + cons, only when both consonants 
belonged to the same syllable. According to this view -wtelle is quite 
regular, though in other cases the working of the law has been obscured 
by analogy. 

Nasal Influence (§ 15). 

WG. a before nasals, we are told, appears almost entirely as o, the 
exceptions occurring in the second stem of strong verbs, gel/and, /'and, 
&i .-., in fcwie and am, and in the loan-words angel and carnal. The 
I gives additional continuation of the view that a and o formB 
le by side in all the OE. dialects. Blilbring's statement in 
regard to late WS. that 'Aelfrie und dor ws. Evangelieniibersetzer 
gebrauchen ausschliesslich a ' (Elemviitarbuch, § 123) obscures the fact 
cli.il in some 150 pages of Wulfstan's Humifies (Napier's text) on occurs 
regularly, and is found in composition in onjean (2tj times), onstanden 
(■12 time*), onyin (once). Lickom occurs 5 times, wong (3), }'une (once). 

Breaking (§ 19 to § 21). 

The forms iornaS, beantende, &c. support Biilbriug's statement that 
' im Anglischen geht die Metathese der Brechung voraus ' (Elementar- 
;l'(. but ga*rs and am can only be explained by the assumption 
that there were two periods of metathesis, one earlier and one later 
iking. Bulbring, in fact, admits this in the same paragraph 
and in •; .'>!*. where he Bays, 'Auch im Anglischen ist die Metathesis 
■/.. T erst tiach der Brechungs peri ode eingetrcten.' This view is hinted 
nt in the t.'xt in connection with tho words birdas and tSirde, but 
without i reference to gairs, etc. 



Revieu 

■ ■/<■■ opt of Middle Vowels (§ 60). 

rS i,U, 1 g f e ^" P° inteH out that in WS - also they are almost 
regularly treated as longs + shorts. ' 

a tmlZ i^T^ T' hahbe "d appears for taUnri (p. 2, I. 20), 

/' < I.- 1 1. 1. U and p. 13, 1 23). , lor o (p. 13, 1. 6), „, eo for to, £ 
oni Vi' 9« ,T /' ) I ( /" r £ (P - 2 *' '' ,4) ' * eo ' ea for th, - ir corresponding 
■StJ ' S 2 ' }) - ,° n J'' 36 ' dl P^h"ngi S ation of i to tu ' should real 

■»3 iK U ' jn ° f * ^ ?"' ° n P " 83 the *** > twice *PP«™ ^r < ; 
■■'■>stij,r.h«'iv lsaiinspW-uiii.-iitul'th.isi^risori p. HO (last line) 

tre^Ti! ■ cloBU ? B , t . hlS . brief review > jt must bt ' repeated that this 
.1,7, if a V" uable mece of "'search, which should prove of great 
use to all students of Northumbrian. It is based on wide phUolcmed 
nTrthir fv : 1°* ^^ the "^'^ refen?nc:e8 aud the bibliography afford 

P. G. Itaaus. 

Oldcastle-Falstaff in der englischen Literatur bis n Shakespeare. 
Xn » Wilhelm BaE-ske {Palaestra, ],.). Berlin; Mayer & Miiller 
1905. 8vo. vi + 119pp. 

In this number of Pci{ae«tra,the author traces with great thoroughness 
the development of the character of Faistaff out of that of the historical 
O dcastle. He gives a resume of the contemporary historical data for 
Oldcastle's life, character, prosecution and death, shows the' gradual 
darkening of the traits of his character by the monastic chroniclers of 
the fifteenth century, and its rehabilitation and glorification in the 
early part of the next century by Bale and Fox, and treats finally of 
its appearance in drama in the Famous Victories of Henry V and in 
four plays of Shakespeare. Be .-.hows very well how in the last phase 
the character received a number of fresh touches suggested by the 
•Miles Gloriosus' of Plautus and its analogues in Italian and English 
comedy: but he does not commit the sin of referring every element of 
Shakespeare's immortal creation to some earlier source. He recognizes 
how large a par! of Faistaff is (Shakespeare's and Shakespeare's only. At 
the same time we think he might well have gone a little further in this 
direction. When he finds certain traits in Faistaff which correspond 
to some statements made by monastic chroniclers but afterwards dis- 
regarded, he is apt to see in them some 'indirect influence' of the 
medieval writers. In most of these cases the coincidence is probably 
quite accidental. 

The dissertation shows industrious reading, sharp observation, and 
here and there has a sentence of happy criticism. We would ask the 
author however if he has any ground fur his statement in regard to the 
Second Part of Henry TV (\>. 89): 'Shakespeare hatte zuerst nicht die 
Absicht,,das Stuck zu schreiben, aber der Erfolg des ersten Teiles 



Reviews 



73 






ermunterte ihn dazu.' (Does not the last speech in the play point 
to a sequel 7) He has occasionally been careless in the form in 
which hi has left his Latin quotations: 'conjuguro' (p. 21) should 
lx' 'coojngem' or 'oonjanum': 'deems,' 'cermet' (p. 32) should be 
'il.L'hs,' -cermet,' and the quotation at the bottom of p. 21 is left 
apparently incomplete. His worst slip, though a natural DBS in B 
foreigner, is his misunderstanding of the expression (//. Henry IV, v. 5. 
B7) ' Go, carry Sir John Falstaff to the Fleet.' He repeatedly translates 
this 'auf die Flotte' and on p. 91 adds a note 'Schtegel iibersetzt 
willkui'lieh "ins liefangnis." ' One may perhaps doubt if he has a 
first-hand acquaintance with Tennyson's dramatic monologue on 'Sir 
John Ideas tie, Lord Cobham' when he calls it on p. 119 a 'Ballade.' 
Kilt these are small blemishes in a work of serious value. 

G. C. Moore Smite. 



./ ,/.,. II, ■',.■:'.-,■. The i't-ri'-tls i if his Work <is tlnteniiiiieil by hi* R-:l<itiniin 
to the Drama of his Day. By E. E. STOLL. Cambridge, Mass.: 
Harvard Co-operative Soe. 1905. 8vo. 216 pp. 
Dr Skill's monograph on Webster is a very elaborate and very 
careful piece of work. That he has added very largely to our knowledge 
of that dramatist we do not think, but his often acute criticism has 
undoubtedly done much to clear the ground, while he has also been 
siK'1'i's-tul in throwing valuable light on minor points of interest. The 
jierscverance and energy with which he has conducted his enquiry is 
WOtthy of all respect, and if in sonic cases the outcome has been 
disap pointing it must be borne in mind that negative results are far 
from being worthless. No doubt Dr Stoll would claim as his chief 
eontributioE to the history of the drama the investigations he has 
undertaken concerning Webster's dependence on other writers. He 
has followed the methods used with considerable effect in Professor 
Tlirn.iike's notable essay on the Influence of Beaumont and Fletcher 
on Shakespeare, which promises to become in a minor way quite an 
epoch-making work. In this however, we are unable to agree with 
Mm !!•■ appears to us to have entirely miscouceiv,-.! Webster's art. 
A careful study of Symond's essay— with which by the way he seems 
rini (<p have been acquainted — should serve to show him how absurdly 
sujterhYial is his characterisation of Flamineo and Bosola (for instance 
on p. 124). It is certainly not surprising to find a man who can write 
Bias i ii< I who ejus Titus Andruidcus as evidence of the permanence 
..i Shakespeare's individuality even when under external influences, 
trding Webster as a sort of mirror capable of nothing but the 
reflection of a dominant model. Likely enough that we have been in 
of thinking of Webster as the author of two tragedies only 
and of dismissing his other work — which by the way is largely either 
doubtful or undetermined — as less typical and consequently of less 
importance. Nevertheless to anyone who is content to judge on a 



74 



Review* 



literary rather than an analytic basis Webster remains Webster, and 
his hand is as clearly traceable in his early plays as in those of his 
prime. For instance, many scenes in Sir Tlnimtis Wyatt are to our 
mind clearly Webster's, though Dr Stoll assigns nearly the whole 
play to Dekker. Both authors introduced sententious couplets into 
their work, but those of sc. xiii (Hazlitt. but he calls it xii) are as 
distinctively in Webster's manner as those of sc. xiv are in Dekker's. 
In this connection, by the way, Dr Stoll has gone wrong by supposing 
Fleay to have reckoned by Hazlitt's impossible division of scenes. 
The change of personae occurs, not on p. 36, but on p. 30. He 
also mentions, as evidence that Dekker was the main if not the 
sole author of the second part, that he received £3 in earnest of it 
from Hensiowe. But here again he has blundered, for Dekker only 
received 5b. 

W. W. Greg. 



A Shakespeare Phonology. With a Rime-Index to the Poems as a 
Pronouncing Vocabulary. By WlLHELM VlETOR. Marburg: 
Elwert; London: Nutt, 1906. 8vo. xvi + 290 pp. 

At last we are arriving at some degree of daylight in the vexed 
question of Shakespeare's pronunciation, and the thanks of all students 
of Shakespeare and of all interested in the historical development of the 
English language are due to Professor Vietor for this book, which marks 
an important step in advance. It sums up the results of an enormous 
amount of work which has of late years — chiefly in Germany — been 
devoted to the settlement of the pronunciation of early modern English, 
and it treats the pronunciation of Shakespeare as reflected in his 
published works, with ail the scientific precision and thoroughness for 
which the Marburg professor's numerous other works have made him so 
well known. 

Much that is here brought before ns in systematic form had already 
lain somewhat hidden away in the small print notes of Professor Vietora 
own Kh'iuentv tier Phottvtih f 5t h edition, 1905) and other treatises. The 
invaluable work of Ellis and Sweet has in recent yeare been followed by 
a large amount of detailed investigation of the development of English 
speech sounds in German university dissertations as well as in treatises 
of wider range like those of Luick and Horn. Further useful results 
may be expected from the full reprints of works by the grammarians 
and phoneticians of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
Of the greatest importance is Jiriczek's careful reprint, published in 
1903, of the Logonomiu Anglica (1621) by Alexander Gill, who was 
the schoolmaster of Milton and a contemporary of Shakespeare, and 
now we may look for a whole series of such reprints in the Neudrucke 
frilhneueng'lischar Grammatiken (Halle, Niemeyer), of which the 
general editor, Dr Brotanek, has himself supplied the first volume, 
a reprint of Mason's Grammaire A>vjloise (1622 and 1633). It is, of 



75 



Reviews 



course, impossible to overrate the value of the two great dictionaries of 
which England has good reason to be proud, the New English Dictionary 
and the English Dialed Dictionary, 

'One of the principal results obtained by previous research,' says 
Viator (p. 4), 'has been the recognition of the coexistence of various 
lN"iiii[M'i.'iti<ms also in Shakespeare's time.' There was no single norm 
of pronunciation, nothing like a standard, which is even to-day difficult 
to settle. There were differences due to class, profession, origin ; then 
was one pronunciation at court and in fashionable society, another 
amongst tin- people of the city ; that of the schools and universities was 
different from that of the unlearned ; there was the difference between 
old and new, the conservative and the progressive, the grammarians 
doubtless favouring the former, and perhaps also the stage more or less 
fbUowing them, With the rapid growth of London ana the continual 
influx of newcomers from all parts of the country many a peculiarity of 
local dialect came into vogue and even found its reflection in literature, 
and then either gained a permanent standing in the general mode of 
Speech, or after a time passed out of fashion as a provincialism. We 
have an example of the last phenomenon in the pronunciation of long 
and wrong, which in Spenser and Shakespeare often rimed with tongue 
and sung, i.e., with the sound u (as in put) ; but this pronunciation 
disappeared Inter, surviving only in dialect, while the exactly similar 
r ■:■! among still kept this irregular pronunciation, sod at the present 
day still rimes with sung, the more regular pronunciation, riming with 
Umg being now considered a vulgarism. It is interesting in tin- con- 
nection to notice in the English Diaiect Dictionary that in Shakespeare's 
own county of Warwick lung, wrong and strong still have the same 
i :ts among and tongue. 

But the difficulty is to decide which of the several current pro- 
nunciations was used by any particular author or meant by him to be 
used in reciting his verses. Doubtless, as occasionally in modern times, 
;iu author Ivonld Use don Lie forms; so probably Shakespeare and Spenser 
in words like long (with both o and u), or pierce (with S, e and I), or 
nth and u). Vietor(p. 82) thinks 'it would be rash to admit u' 
in the -ong words, except in the one word among. In the light, how- 
ever, of the dialect conditions of Warwickshire, referred to above, and of 
such rimes in the poems as wrong: tongue: young, long: young and 
others which he quotes on pp. 244, 245, and which maybe paralleled by 
- from the plays (e.g. Lure's Labour's Lost has several similar 
hy should we not admit the ((-pronunciation by the side of an 
((-pronunciation, just as we allow word to have had an o- as well as an 
^pronunciation on account of its rimes with record (Lucrece, lb'42) and 
with buord {Love's Labour's Lost, n, i, 218) ? Here we touch an 
question of principle, viz. the value of rimes as a guide to 
lerirt-'s pronunciation. Ellis assumed that little reliance could 
>n them, arguing from the uncertainty of our modern poets ; 
ana Professor Franz in his Orthographic, Lautgcbung und Wortbildung 
in den Werken Shakespeares (Heidelberg. 1905), asserts (p. 12) that 



Shakespeare's rimes have no independent, value as proofs. Victor, on 
the other hand, relies chiefly on rimes. ' Our present object being to 
ascertain the individual pronunciation of .Shakespeare, a new attempt 
will be made to derive information above all from one of the internal 
sources reluctantly used by Ellis, viz. rime." And he shows ' that there 
is a far greater majority of perfect rimes in Shakespeare's jioems and 
plays than might appear from modern usage and also from the con- 
clusions of Ellis.' Here we have two directly contradictory views in 
two works which appear almost simultaneously. To anyone who 
carefully studies Vietor's book and particularly his rime-lists there can 
scarcely be any doubt which is the correct view. Much wrong has been 
done the Elizabethan writers by judging their language too much from 
the point of view of modern English in the question of rime; more and 
more of their so-called imperfect rimes arc now capable of being 
' rescued.' We must allow them the poetical licence of using double 
and even threefold forms, of making use of dialect, pronunciations and 
also of what we may perhaps call 'traditional' rimes, but it is to be 
doubted whether mere ' eye-rimes ' were already in use. As a result of 
their opposite views, Victor and Franz come to somewhat different 
results. Vietor, examining Shakespeare's rimes, shows that, whatever 
may have been the form of pronunciation in familiar conversation in his 
own circle of acquaintanceship or in other circles of the London of his 
day, he exercised a certain amount of reserve in his poetry. He did 
not admit rimes which might have been quite allowable, if he had 
adopted pronunciations which we know from other sources to have been 
in use in some sections of the community. Consequently Shakespeare's 
pronunciation, as represented by Vietor, approaches in many points 
that of Alexander Gill, who, as we know, advocated a somewhat 
pedantic and antiquated pronunciation. Franz does not succeed in 
giving us any definite view of Shakespeare's own pronunciation. He 
rightly assumes a difference between the pronunciation of the scholars 
and that of educated people in their everyday life, and gives two types 
of phonetic transcription on pp. u'0-(i3 of his book; in one of these he 
simply follows Gill, who was certainly more conservative than Shake- 
speare, while in the other he ' constructs ' a standard by selection fVuiu 
various evidences which show the more advanced forms of pronunciation 
of general society. But as he neglects the only testimony we have 
from Shakespeare himself, his rimes, he has no means of deciding 
what Shakespeare's own practice may have been. Vietor gives us for 
the first time something which is both definite and founded on authentic 
evidence. 

Perhaps one might demur to Vietor's restriction of his investigation 
to the rimes of the poems. He says on page 5, ' it would be manifestly 
impracticable as well as superfluous, to classify all the rimes occurring 
in the plays in a similar manner; so much the more as this would 
involve many difficult problems of authorship and textual criticism.' 
It might, however, be useful to examine at least the rimes of all such 
plays and parts of plays as undoubtedly belong to Shakespeare and see 



Reviews 



17 






whether they in all points agree with his mage in the poems— whether 
he allowed in the plays a more popular and advanced pronunciation, 
whether there was any difference between the earlier and later plays in 
the quality of the rimes, whether in the beginning he showed traces of 
his native dialect and later conformed more to a norm. 

The first part of Victor's book discusses the rimes of each vowel 
taken in order, gives reasons for the conclusions drawn from these 
rimes, compares the evidence of contemporary grammarians and other 
■ouroet, including modern dialects, and discusses irregularities and 
anomalies apparent or real. To mention one point, he shows that 
Shakespeare in his poems is pretty careful to keep distinct the sounds 
of M.E. ai and •• . pairs of words like paid and made (=p»id, mie:d) 
or fair and care {■» &eir, kas:r) are not allowed to rime, although we 
know that in the popular language of Shakespeare's day they were 
already identical in vowel sound (=re:). It is to be noticed, however, 
that there is not perfect consistency ; the distinction seems to be already 
disappearing before dentate, for here a few rimes between earlier at 
and •'< have crept in. The vowels naturally take up most sp;icc. There 
is a short chapter on the consonants and another on ' Stress and 
Kin t Inn.' in which the author espressos strong doubts as regards some 
i.l th.' radical views of Van Dam and Stoffel in their two well-known 
books, William Shakespeare, Prosody and Text (Leyden, 1900), and 
■■ii Enolish Printinf/, P round;/ and Pronunciation (Heidelberg, 
1908). The second half of the volume is occupied by a complete rime- 
io-l. .. to the importance of which for a full understanding of the 
its of the first part the author calls special attention in his 
a critic who only peruses my test is almost sure to raise 
objections.' The careful and clear arrangement of this index is 
especially commendable, also the word-index, which makes the whole 

■■■■ useful for reference. 

This Shakfpeare Phonology is indispensable to every serious 
student of .Shakespeare, and it is to be hoped that it and its companion 
volume, A Shakespeare Reader in phonetic transcription, which has just 
appeared, will find the circulation such books ought to have, especially 
in England, where too little attention is given to the good work done 
by Germans in this field. 

F. J. Cubtis. 



The Poems of William Cowper, Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, 
I iv .1. 0. Bailey. With 27 Illustrations. London: Hethuen & Co., 
1SJ05. 8vo. xcii + 742 pp. 

nplete Poetical Works of William Cowper. Edited by 
H. S. Milford. London: Henry Frowde, 1905. 12mo. xxx + 
6"TS pp. 

Alirt many years of undeserved neglect, two editions of Cowper's 
poems have appeared within a very short time of each other. Both 



78 Reviews 

are welcome, for each possesses certain advantages lacked by the 
other. The illustrations that adorn Mr Baileys volume are, with 
one or two exceptions, intimately connected with the poet's works, 
and they include two or three reproductions of hitherto unpublished 
designs *bv Blake. Mr Baileys edition does not profess to include 
Cowper s letters, but, having obtained leave to publish thirty-five new 
letters, he has printed them as an Appendix to his Introduction, and 
they add considerably to the interest and value of his volume. We 
suppose it was inevitable to omit the translation of Homer, though it 
is a little illogical to admit some translations and not all : 'consideration 
of space/ it seems, forbade. We regret, however, that Mr Bailey did 
not collect the fugitive prose writings of Cowper; they would have 
be*m very welcome, as they are usually omitted in modern editions, 
and they would not have taken up much additional space. Mr Bailey's 
own Introduction runs to some fifty pages, and, although we do not 
profeiw to hold very friendly feelings towards the intrusion of any 
editor'* critical views between an author and his reader, it has to be 
admitted that, if an introduction of this length and nature formed 

1**rt of the scheme of the edition, it has been written ably, with 
;nowledge, and forms as good an 'introduction' to the work as could 
be desired- We hold, however, that these things are best published 
apart from a text, and that there is generally quite enough to occupy 
available space and time in concentration upon questions of text, or 
upon annotation. We gather from Mr Bailey s Preface that his first 
Him ha* ' been to present a more accurate text than has hitherto been 
aw-j&wble/ Cowper s text has not hitherto been treated with that 
JOTUpulou* fidelity which is to be desired, and Mr Bailey's labours 
have produced a more satisfactory result than have those of any of 
hi* prj^df^ces&ors. He is to be congratulated upon the measure of 
#u<xtt** he has attained: but his edition is by no means faultless. 
Owe or two points whereon issue might be joined doubtless Mr Bailey 
would contend were matters of opinion ; — the eclectic method, for 
example, which prevails throughout the text and greatly detracts from 
the value of the work, — but it is a little disconcerting to find that even 
*o wmple a matter as the printing of the copy of the title-page of 
*/owj>-r> finrt volume of Poems on p. 85 contains several variations 
fiouj the actual title-page itself Possibly * polished ' for * polish'd * is an 
jjjtejjtiojia] modernising, none the less regrettable if it is; and it may 
he that the printer is responsible for the variation in the sentence 
f;om ^arawioli. Mr Bailey's notes are useful: we wish there were 
more of them ; his record of variants is not exhaustive : we wish it 
had hoeji. and we hope that, having gone so far, Mr Bailey may see 
lu* way to complete the record at no distant date; and his indexes 
at«; yooi 

Jjj the matter of text. Mr Milford's handy edition is to be preferred 
v» Mr Bailey's larger work. A definite edition has been taken as the 
t#tt*j* <A bib text, and the variants of the other authoritative editions 
ar* quoted chronologically. The reader thoivioiv knows where he is, 



Reviews 



79 



and can form his own judgment without the interference of an editor's 
preferences. Furthermore, Mr Mil ford's record of variants is, so far as 
we have been able to check it, fuller. His notes deal with textual 
and chronological matters only, and, following the excellent example 
set him in Mr Thomas Hutchinson's Oxford Wordsworth— the most 
satisfactory edition of Wordsworth at present in existence — he has 
given a chronological summary of the events of Cowper's life, which 
furnishes the reader with all he may bo supposed to need away from 
the more elaborate biographical and critical estimates. Altogether, 
it is a most business-like and handy edition, marred only, we ven- 
ture to submit, by the ugly numbering of the lines on every page, 
■ohool-DOok fashion. Not even are poems consisting of four-line 
Hid epigrams in four, six and eight lines all told, spared this 
last indignity. 

A- R. Walleb, 

Palmerin of England: Some Remarks on this Romance and on the 
Controversy concerning its Authorship. By William Edward 
PimsEB. London : David Nutt. 8vo. x + 466 pp. 
Till within the last few years the attribution of Palmerin de Ingla- 
terra to Hurtado was almost universally accepted in Spain. Critical 
opinion nas shown signs of wavering recently, and it is not too much to 
say that the ascription will not survive Mr Purser's examination of it. 
Palmerin was generally believed to be the work of the Portuguese 
diplomatist, Francisco de Moraes, till 1786 when Macedo, the editor 
print issued that year at Lisbon, discovered that a French version 
of the story had appeared in 1552-53, and that (like the Olivier de 
i \r.Jtlr of Philippe Camus) it purported to be a translation from the 
Spanish. In 1786 no copy of Palmerin in Spanish was known to exist, 
and, as the earliest Portuguese edition is dated 1567, Macedo assumed 
that the book might be of French origin. Nine years later, Pellicer 
book note of this admission— or rather of part of it — and, seeing that 
was inclined to abandon the Portuguese claim, declared that 
.. had been originally written in Spanish. This will surprise 
BO 0D6 who is familiar with Pellicer's methods. In 1826 a copy of 
in in Spanish (15+7-48) came into the hands of Vicente Sal 7 A, 
of ill assigned it to Miguel Ferrer, for no better reason than 
it Ferrer signed the dedications in both volumes. Shortly afterwards 
"|i\ of verses in this Spanish edition was seen to be an acrostic, 
irbicti read as follows: "Lvys hvrtado avtor al lector da saluds." It 
■ i be disputed that the Spanish version of Palmerin was older 
le French version, and the acrostic was taken to mean that 
Hurtado was the author of the romance. This interpretation was 
i matter of fact, by Uayangos in his JJixcttrso prelim inor to 
. i In i',ili,i//nri<i.i ( !H.~>7) in Rivadetieyra's Bibli«tectt de Autores 
w, and C.ayangos's authority was regarded as decisive in and 
Spain, In 1860 the Brazilian Meiides attempted to defend 



80 



Reviews 



Moraes'a title; but, though he made out a fair case, he committed 
a number of incidental errors, which were exposed by Gayangos, who, 
however, skilfully evaded the main point. There the matter rested 
till 1876, when the debate was reopened by Bonjumea in an acute 
Discnrso sabre el Palmerin de Iiit/tttterr", which evidently suggested to 
Madame Michaelis de Vasconcellos an extremely able study of the 
subject in the sixth volume of the Zeittchrift fur lumanische PlriUJotjie 
(1882). This produced a considerable impression, but some patriotic 
Spanish scholars remained unconvinced. Mr Purser's book completely 
destroys the Spanish case. 

Hurtado appears to have been a bookseller's hack, living in straitened 
circumstances in a provincial town, writing to the best of his small 
powers such works as were commissioned bom him. He was more than 
once called in to complete works which had been left unfinished by their 
authors, and his original writings are almost wholly devoid of talent. 
This is not the type of man from whom we should expect a book like 
Palmerin, which shows a minute acquaintance with the best contem- 
porary society — and especially with French society. It is precisely the 
sort of book which might be expected from Monies Cabral, who formed 

Ct of Noronha's embassy to Paris in 1540, who during three years 
! ample opportunities of observing the society described in Palmerin, 
and who had an unsuccessful love-affair with a French lady named 
Torsi, introduced into the text of the romance. It should further be 
observed that Moraes was always considered in Portugal as the author 
of the book, and that he was universally known as Moraes Cabral 
Pahrmrim fi>r many years before he was murdered at Evora in 1572. 
These considerations do not settle the matter, but they have a signifi- 
cance which cannot be overlooked. 

No controversy would ever have arisen on the subject if the first 
Portuguese edition of Pahnerin were in existence. The earliest known 
Portuguese edition was published at Evora in 1567 : only two copies of 
it have been found, and in both copies the title-page and dedication are 
missing. Gayangos dwells on the fact that Moraes's name does not appear 
in the Evora edition of 1567, but he does not inform his readers that both 
copies are mutilated at the only point where the name would ap[>ear. 
In the Lisbon reprint of 1592 there is a dedication by Moraes to 
D. Maria de Portugal, and the publisher states that this is a reproduc- 
tion of the dedication in a previous edition. There is no reason for 
doubting this assertion. The dedication was certainly not inserted to 
please 1). Maria (who had been dead for fifteen years), nor to please 
Moraes (who had been dead tor twenty years) ; and it cannot have been 
inserted with the object of bolstering up Moraes'a claim to be the 
author, for his authorship of Pahnerin- was not contested at the time. 
It may therefore be assumed that the publisher is correct in saying 
that he took the dedication from a previous edition, and, as the 1567 
edition was the most accessible to the publisher, it is extremely probable 
that the dedication was taken from it. It is open to the opponents of 
ts's claim to dispute the authenticity of the dedication, and to 



Reviews 81 

raise difficulties with respect to its date. Assuming th;it the dedication 
in the 1567 edition was forged, who can have forged it? Not the 
printer : it would be a dangerous trick to dedicate a book to the King's 
sister, and to attach to it the name of the King's private treasurer. 
Not Moraes: his claim was universally admitted ; and, if he forged the 
dedication, the King's sister must have been his accomplice. It follows 
that the dedication is authentic, and that Moraes wrote it. When? 
Not later than 1557, for it mentions Joao II as still alive. Other 
internal evidence goes to show that the dedication dates from 1544, 
and, as a dedication presupposes the existence of a text, the conclusion 
is thai I Pakntrin in Portuguese existed as early as 1543-44. 

Even the hastiest reader of I'ldun'rin i.':niin>t help untieing that the 
author is full of Portuguese prejudices, and that, while he knows the 
topography of Portugal, he is unfamiliar with the topography of Spain. 
It is singular that ho describes the Tagus as it appears in Portugal. 
This would be remarkable in Hnrtado, who knew the Tagus as it is 
seen at Toledo, and who wrote a Memorial de alguaaa corns notables que 
tiene la Imperial Ciitdad de Toledo. It woidd be perfectly natural in 
Momee, who knew the Tagus only in its lower reaches. It should also 
be noted that the Portuguese text is in every way -superior to the 
Spanish text, and that passages unintelligible in the Spanish offer no 
difficulty in the Portuguese. The Spanish word cosa (thing or tbingumy) 
corresponds to such words as lembranra, medos, gaealhado, brincas, 
vaidade.i. /wris, cnbica, and so forth ; the obvious inference is that the 
Spanish text was translated from a Portuguese original by some one 
whose acquaintance with Portuguese was somewhat limited. The most 
interesting and convincing chapter in .Mr Purser's book is that in which 
he identifies the characters introduced into Chapters exxvii — cxlvi of 
I'almi'iui. The fact that the names of these characters are given 
more accurately in the Portuguese text than in the Spanish (or even 
in the French) tells its own tale. Is it at all likely that Hnrtado ever 
heard of Francis I's daughter Marguerite (who appears under the 
anagrammatic name of Gratianiar), of Mansi (the Duchessed'Estampes), 
of Lattanja (Madame de L'Estrange), of Torsi (Brantome's belle Torcy, 
with whom Moraes was in love), and of Madame d'Albania (wife of 
,i..lin Stewart); 1 It is certain that Moraes was personally acquainted 
with must of them, and that he mentions Mansi and Torsi in a private 
lated Melon, December 10, 1541. That Moraes should write 
resentfully of these foreign court-beauties (who ridiculed his airs and 
graces as unbecoming to a man of his years) is natural enough. It 
v.niild be unaccountable in Hurtado, who was not in a position to know 
even their names, Lastly, there is a chronological difficulty in accepting 
the ascription of Palmerin to Hurtado. According to his own state- 
ment, he was fifty years old in 15S2, and was therefore fifteen when the 
first volume of the Spanish Palmerin was printed off on July 23, 1547. 
It would follow that he wrote the text when he was thirteen or fourteen. 
This is wholly incredible, and puts his claim out of court. It is only 
jusi t" add that, apart from the acrostic, which appears to be a boyish 

1. L, K. II. 6 



practical joke, Hurtado never personally claimed to be the author of 
falmerin, and in the third stanza of the acrostic he seems to point out 
that the book is of foreign origin : 

enello despierto 
tod na liia flores : de dichos notables 
OJtndo sen tend as : que hod Baludables 
rolwndo la fruta de ngenos guertos. 

Mr Purser has established beyond doubt the priority of the Portuguese 
version by Moraes. He may be right in conjecturing that the Spanish 
text was written by the Portuguese author of the Spanish romance, 
Don Flomndo de Inglaterra, and that it was revised by the bookseller, 
Ferrer. But that is a secondary matter. As to the main point there 
Cannot be two opinions. 

James Fitzmaurice-Kelly. 



Vomedia/aniosii del Em-lnni del I>en>i»n'n eompresta par el doctor Mira 
de Mesaua (Barcelona, 101 ' .' ). Edited, with an Introduction and 
Notes, by Milton - A. Buchanan. Baltimore: J. H. Furst Com- 
pany. 1905. 8vo. 144 pp. 
Mr Buchanan's edition of El End-urn del Demonio is a useful and 
conscientious piece of work, and it speaks well for his thoroughness 
that only one text of this famous play has escaped him. This is the 
text contained in the Se.rtu Parte mentioned by Schack, and there is a 
certain note of scepticism in Mr Buchanan's reference to it: 

The other lexta i«irt% 16"i4, referred to by Sdiink alone u-f. La liarrera, pp. 689, 
705), I have not succeeded in finding. A cupv of tho 1U54 (?) edition is in the 
Ticknor Library .('<-/..%,„■, lsTl>, p. UK), but as Sir Wadhu kindly informs me there 
in no date on the title-page, but only on the burl- of the book I 

There is, however, no doubt as to the existence of an extra Sexta 
Parte, for a copy of it exists in the Bodleian Library (Arch. 2. iii. 21) 
with the following printed title-page : Sexta Parte de Coinedias Nuevas 
Escogi'das de las Mejores Inge/lion. [Device] Can licencia, En Zaragoza, 
Par los Herederos de Pedro de Laiwja del Reyno de Aragon. AUo de 
165^. A Costa de Roberto Duport, Mercader de Libras. This is not, 
indeed, the Sexta Parte indicated by Barrera a* being known to Schack, 
for that Sexta Parte appears to have been published at Madrid; the 
volume in the Bodleian Library seems to be a reprint of the Sexta 
Parte of the Madrid Esr.ogidas, and is to be distinguished from the 
Dudosa Parte sexta noted by Barrera on p. 705. The Dudosa Parte 
sexta does not form part of any recognized collection ; it is a made-up 
volume, containing sueltas of the plays in the Zaragoza reprint (1654). 

These details are mentioned here to complete the bibliographical 
history of the text given in Mr Buchanan's excellent introduction. The 
present edition is reprinted from the Tercera Parte de Comedias de 
Lope de Vega y otros Auctares, published in 1612 at Barcelona by 



Reviews 83 

Sebastiiin de Cormellas. As Cormellas was an enterprising provincial 
pirate, no special authority attaches to most of his reprints; but, since 
the 1811 edition of the Tercera Parte is inaccessible, Mr Buchanan has 
rightly decided to reproduce the earliest available text. As it happens, 
in the present instance (_ 'or me lias's text is at least as good as any other, 
and the reproduction is extremely accurate. Apart from la for lu (Acto 
Primero, 1. 9), I have nothing to add to the errata list, and the notes 
are sufficient and to the point. The only criticism to be made on the 
text is that it seems inconsistent to preserve the archaic spelling and 
to introduce the modern system of accentuation in the case of such 
words as inctinacit>n and aure'ys. There is a rather puzzling direction 
(p. 141) to "note the accentuation of nigi'Oinancia " in 1. 1458: 

Si apreuder [ligromaacfa 
quieres, eauenarln puedo,.. 

Some modern authorities may be quoted in favour of accentuating the 
antepenultimate, and a tew apparent examples of such accentuation 
might be found in Calderdn ; but there is no doubt that nigroma.ncia 
is normal now, and that it was normal in Mini's time appears from 
a passage in Lope de Vega's El Sarrir con mala estrella (Acto II. Esc. 
xh.): 

Eatudiv i] i groin a uc la 

Como to bo dicho, rii Granada. 

Another instance of the prevailing accentuation occurs in Tirso de 
Molina's Amur por sehas (Acto n. Esc. x.): 

Si se cmuegra, si eiimndraatra 
I'nrque estn nigromaacfa 
La traumea lo quo pa.su.... 

But these are points of no great importance. In all essentials Mr 
Buchanan's edition is a very sound piece of work. The studies on 
Mira and on the influence of El Ksclaro del Demoniu, promised in the 
introduction, will be no less welcome. 

James Fitzmau rice-Kelly. 



/.■( PaatoraU dramatiqiie en France il la Jin du X VI* et tut commence- 
ment du XVII' sihle. Par Jules Maksan. Paris: Hachette, 
1905. Hvo. xii + 524 pp. 
This elaborate study of well over 400 octavo pages, not counting 
ftpjMDdioee and the like, contains a minute record alike of the develop- 
no lit ni' the pastoral play on the French stage for a quarter of a century 
or more on either side of the year lb'00, as also of the origins of the 
funn and the influences under which it. arose. The origin, of course, is 
Italian and the subject is treated in some detail. As to the origin of 
bond drama in Italy M. Marsan adopts the orthodox view of 
tin- erolation from the non-dramatic eclogue. Chap. I deals with the 

6—2 



84 



Reviews 



antecedent conditions which in various degrees and in various manners 
influenced the development of the form: the mythological drama, the 
romance of .Sannazaro and the rustic comedy. The actual process of 
hvmIui.juii is tint, traced in any detail, the author being naturally enough 

I- Mined rather with the influence of the finished article than the 

method of manufacture — or should we say invention ? It is, however, 
i.'ili. i i uriuus to find him remarking in this connection: M. Carducci 
a puwt^ en revue, avec une Erudition precise et claire, la serie des 
i ■ n i> i i ■- <■-, mi h-squelles la pastorale s'achemine lenteraent vers sa 
(bum* definitive,' for though the remark is true enough it must be 
MDembered bbet the Italian scholar wrote his account of the works 
in question with the avowed object of disproving the view of the 
development of the eclogue, for evidence of which reference is here 

j [| i" his essay. Chap. II is a comparative survey of the work of 

Tanno and Guarini, in which stress is laid chiefly on the temperament 
mid fortune* of the two writers, and one is a little tempted to regard the 

li.nl ol ms si-iilnniTitid rather than literary. It is, however, evidently 

n< .1 iL mil. horn intention to give any regular account of the Italian 
BMtottJ drama as mien, or many works would have had to be discussed 
in t&h place which only find mention in subsequent sections of the 
book. l'lm|i. Ill deals at some length with the eclogue and drama of 
S|Nim, mid ('Imp. IV with the romance of that country, an important 
ketOf in all subsequent pastoralism. Chap. V, on ' Les influences 
- : it.'-- h:, <<l, |i> temperament fninrais,' deals under the headings 
' [/influence antique,' ' L'italianisrae,' and ' L'hispanisme,' with the 
DUUini ■!' in which the foreign influences made themselves felt in France. 
Subsequent chapters treat of the development of the French pastoral, 
of Hardy andd'Urfe, of pastoral from the Astrie to Racan, of pastoral and 
i. In- i infill* ol' I In 1 classical drama, and of the later trans format ions of the 
kind ending in the rise of the opera. Under these various headings the 
subject is considered in all reasonable fullness. Now and then indeed we 
come upon remarks which suggest that the work might have benefited 
by further revision, but they are not important. We will only cite one 
instance which might possibly lead to mi erroneous impression. On 

f. 31 the author soys: ' Or, a cet egard [the influence namely of the 
tali an pastoral in France], trois pieces nous donnent a peu pres toute 
son histoire: VAminta, le Pastor fido, la Filli di Sciro.' When he 
conn's in write his preface, however, he dwells upon another side of the 
case (p. viii): 'II en est d'autres [ceuvres], de valeur inferieure, mais 
dont Taction ne fut pas moindre.... Traduit par Rolland Brisset en 
151*1, le I'entiwento Amoroso inspire jusqu'en 1650 toute une serie de 
pieces et souvent, nous le verrons, e'est a 1'influence de Luigi Grotto 
que Ton doit reporter ce que Ton attribue d'ordinaire a celle de 
uuarini.' The work is provided with an admirable bibliography which 
supplies references to a good many books likely to be new to English 
students, owing to the unfortunate deficiencies of the British Museum 
both in the way of original editions of the less-known French and 
Italian writers and also, less excusably, and in spite of recent efforts, of 



Reviews 



85 



modern critical works by foreign scholars. On the other hand than 
is no excuse for the absence of an index. 

The subject of the pastoral is one which has a curious fascination 
for the literary historian in spite of the appalling dullness of the great 
majority of the works of the kind. What was it that lent vitality to 
this strange product of artificiality ? ' II est aise de prouver, par raison 
demonstrative,' writes M. Marssn, 'que la pastorale est, sur le theatre, 
le plus artificiel et le plus monotone des genres, — le plus incapable, en 
consequence, de s'imposer au public,' and proceeds to quote opinions to 
this effect by Beaucbamps, Schlegel and Alfieri. 'Par malheur,' he 
proceeds, ' les arguments les plus so] idea ne valent rien contre les faits,' 
and the facts show that the pastoral drama did impose itself on the 
taste of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in a most remarkable 
manner. It is that seeming paradox which has attracted various critics 
to the subject and for which they have sought an answer in a detailed 
study of the actual remains. Whether they have been successful in 
reading the riddle a later age will decide. Their works are there as 
witness to the interest with which they have pursued the search. 
Possibly in the case of Fiance there may have been a yet keener 
added to the inquiry. "LTtalie et I'Espague,' says M. Marsan, 
■ n'nnt paa seulenient donne a la France quelques sujets, quelques 
naaniee intellectuelles. Files lui out revele 1 'amour.' But of this 
question we are Dot prepared to judge. 

W, W. Greg. 



The Farce of Master Pierre Patelin. Composed by an Unknown 
Author about 1409. Euglished bv Richard Hoi.iihook. Boston 
and New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1905. 8vo. xxxviii 
+ XH) pp. 

Patelin appears to be enjoying a vogue amongst studeuts ol 
Uterature — a vogue, let it be hoped, due to its intrinsic merit as the 
high-water mark of fifteenth century French farce, as well as to the 
fascinating bibliographical problems which surround its numerous and, 
in all cases, rare early editions. In 1904 M. Emile Picot edited for 
the Societe des Anciena Textes Franco-is a facsimile reprint of what 
is probably the sixth known edition in order of antiquity, that of 
Marion Le Caron. In 1905 Mr S. F. G. Whitaker produced an 
English version, taken by a singular choice from the rather absurd 
eighteenth century adaptation of David Augustin De Brueys. In the 
same year is dated Mr Holbrook's translation, based more legitimately 

Upon il riginal text, and accompanied by an interesting introduction 

ujxtn the literary history of the piece and by facsimiles of the seven 
iroodcate from Pierre Level's edition, which is either the second or 
the third of those preserved. Mr Hoi brook is already favourably known 
by a careful article on ' Maltre Patelin in the Gothic Editions by Pierre 
Levet and Germain Beneaut ' in Modern Philology for June 1905. We 
do >i"i feel sure whether either of his publications was prepared in 



i DHniunce of M. Picot's work. Certainly his arguments for the priority 
■ i l..-..-i ';; edition to that of Benenut seem to us to fall before the fact, 
to whieli M. Picot calls attention, that Levet's fifth woodcut is a reversed 
em "I "lie of Beneaut's. There can be no doubt as to which is the 
original, for the process of reversing has brought the shepherd's crook 
into his left instead of his right hand, and the draper's pouch on to the 
right instead of the left side of his body. 

Asa translator, Mr Holbrook grapples bravely with the difficulties 
in bfa way; but unfortunately farce is made up of colloquialisms, and 
eiilloijiiiiilismsiiri' in>t. herbs iMsily tMpultlr Lfri-aiisphiiitaridi). We rammr 
imagine why any one should want to attempt the process. In the effort 
to be faithful Mr Holbrook sometimes succeeds in being wooden. ' Vmis 
luy rcsscmblez du visage Par dieu comme droicte peincture ' turns itself', 
line would think, naturally enough into ' Good heavens, you're the very 
picture of him ! ' But for Mr Holbrook it becomes ' I swear, your face 
is as like his as a regular painting." We are bound to add that we 
resent the copious stage-directions with which, in decent brackets of 
course, he expounds the text. They remind us of Mr Bernard Shaw. 
Literary history cannot accept the statement that. French farces came 
'mysteriously into being as early as 1277, when a little piece called 
The Boy and the Blind Man was performed at Tournay.' No doubt it 
is the case that no earlier French farce is extant, but this is not what 
Mr Holbrook says. 

E. K. Chambers. 



Tlie German Influence on Samuel Taylor Coleridge. An Abridgment 
of a Thesis presented to the University of Pennsylvania. By 
John Louis Haney. Philadelphia, 1902. 44 pp. 
Students of comparative literature must acknowledge a debt of 
gratitude to anyone who undertakes to throw light on that side of 
Coleridge's mind which reflected German contemporary thought and 
brought it within the range of the ordinary Englishman. No one has a 
better knowledge of the materials necessary to such an undertaking 
than I>r Haney, as is evident from his valuable bibliography of Samuel 
Taylor Coleridge (Privately published, Philadelphia, Egerton Press, 
1903), and in the present thesis on the German influence on Coleridge 
he has used them with care and judgment. Dr Haney contents himself 
with setting forth clearly the facts bearing on the question, without 
attempting to theorise as to the reason why certain German writers 
evidently exercised considerable influence on Coleridge, while others 
made little or no impression on his mind. There is little to be added 
which can increase our actual knowledge of the subject, at any rate, as 
regards its purely literary aspect, and the way is now open for anyone 
who will attempt to explain, for instance, why Coleridge found so much 
more to admire and therefore to imitate in Schiller than in Goethe, and 
why Lcssing and probably a host of less famous men influenced him so 
much more strongly than either. 



d 



Reviews 87 

It is ('specially in ten.' sting to note the slightness of the impression 
timde on Coleridge by Goethe. Even in his youth, when we might 
expect to se<- him carried away by the tide of Wertherism which swept 
« -vit England, we find, as Dr Haney points out, but a passing allusion to 
tli.' iiuise of the excitement in one of the Bristol lectures. The few 
ton poena Coleridge wrote are without a hint of the morbid senti- 
mentality of Wertlier ; they have, indeed, more of the quality of Goethe's 
own lyrics. It is dangerous to lay much stress on parallel passages 
LOw-a-days, and Dr Haney abstains from quoting the very tempting 
ones on Coleridge's and Goethe's poetic method, if method it can be 
called, in which Coleridge, on the one hand, defends himself against an 
Anticipated charge of egotism, urging that it is not egotism in him to 
»ing his own sorrows ' to rid his heart of them ' (Preface to the Poems. 
1796), while Goethe, on the other, telle US that his works are all 'fragments 
«f a great confession.' Dr Haney has pointed out in detail the relations 
"between Coleridge and the young Schiller ; he has gone thoroughly 
into the question of the Wallensteiit translation and has mentioned the 
■interpolations in the later version of O&orio (Remorse) due to its 
influence. Coleridge hoped to remove at some future date what he 
acknowledged as plagiarisms, and excused himself for them as follows : 
* As to my thefts from Wallenstein they came on compulsion from the 
necessity of haste and do not lie on ray conscience, being partly thefts 
from myself, and because I gave Schiller twenty for one I have taken, 
and in the meantime I hope they will lie snug' (Letter to Southey. 
Feb. K, 1813). With the later careers of the two greatest German poets 
Coleridge had little sympathy. This is the more strange in the case of 
Schiller as both he and Coleridge had the same philosophical bias of 
mind, both were earnest students of Kant and were to some extent 
-en what they considered the unsatisfactory points of the latter's 
-vst.ru t )f the numerous passages which might be brought forward to 
HOW Coleridge's lack of appreciation, if not positive disapproval, of 
Goethe's religious and moral attitude, Dr Haney has mentioned enough 
to prove his point. Carlyle perhaps hit the mark when, in explaining 
tin connection between the works of Goethe's youth and those of his 
maturity, he characterises the latter as the productions of ' a Believer 
ii In, 1ms been an Unbeliever, who believes, not by denying his Unbelief 
but by following it out, not by stopping short, still less by turning back 
in his inquiries, but by resolutely prosecuting them.' Coleridge, with 
all hi-, philosophy, was not able to complete a consistent system, and he 
never attained to the heights whence Goethe obtained the large view of 
lit. he arrived at in his later years. Coleridge had also been an unbe- 
. ii ■',-. a ■. :iimI had become a believer, but he did deny his unbelief and turn 
back in bis inquiries, in fact, he became involved in that mysticism 
woioa Englishmen in the early nineteenth century condemned ignorantly 
iw being common to the followers of Kant, but which Carlyle rightly 
declared was not characteristic of true Kantians or of the best German 
I the age (On the State of German Literature, 1827). Coleridge's 
knowledge of Kant, in spite of earnest study, was after all superficial; 






OM Hid.; of the German spirit, and shared to some 

lular prejudices which condemned the more advanced 

thought of Goethe and Schiller as immoral. This accounts probably for 
his lach of appreciation of them in their later development. 

With regard to the influence of Leitore on the poems of 1797— 98, 
I>r Haney i* right in not pressing too closely the analogies which 
various critics have; emphasised. The motive of the maiden aud her 
ghoMtly lom \t indeed common enough in English ballad poetry to 
rencWr it unnecessary to attribute Cole ridge's use of it to German 
In PHI ding Cltrixttibrl and The Ancient Mariner, however, in 
eoojanettOI) with tenure, there do seem to be echoes in them of certain 
■ if the German poem; these make it probable that, though 
JJIirger's ballad did not rouse Coleridge's enthusiasm as it did Lamb's, 
phrases and scenes of it. may havt lingered hauntingly in his mind and 
WB Hh jdl'eeieil the portrayal of scenes and situations in his own 
DMBU without his being cunscious of the influence. 

Mr M aiiey explains Coleridge's disappointment in Klopstock as being 
ilue tn tiie hitter's ' ignorance of early German literature and uncompro- 
mising attitude towards Schiller and other romantic writers.' This is 
hi MOOrdanoe with Coleridge's own account in jSotyrtUIOs Letters. 
Betting aside the fact that neither poet eould speak or understand the 
oilier* language— the conversation was carried on through the medium 
id Lain — which would be a serious hindrance to their forming any 
just, idea of each other's opinions, it is possible that Klopstock 's idealism 
was not of a kind to appeal to Coleridge; the religious views of the 
ilermiui poet would scarcely have satisfied the Coleridge of that date, 
who was far from orthodox and was even then on his way to Gottingen, 
i hi stronghold of rationalistic learning in Germany. It was just before 
leaving England for Germany that Coleridge had thought of translating 
ilie iil»'rtm of Wt eland, than whom a greater contrast to Klopstock 
eould not be found, and as late as 1811 Coleridge still maintained that 
vVieLnitl mi Germany's best poet. 

Coleridge's habit of making somewhat sweeping generalisations 
affords us ample opportunity of learning what he considered character- 
istic of German writers and therefore of gaining some clue as to what 
was likely to attract or repel him in German literature. In spite of his 
early admiration of Schiller's sublimity, he denies in later life all true 
anbumit] bo the Germans, saying their rule for it was to take something 
great and make it seem small in comparison with what they wished to 
elevate. Again, in his very unfavourable criticism of Gessners prose 
idyll, /'.i . n \</e Srlnfi'er. he blames the author for attributing to one of 
his characters his own thoughts and feelings, and adds that 'this is 
indeed general iu French and German poets— no French or German 
writer has a heart pure and simple enough for the metaphysics which a 
poet must have implicit*- if not explicate ' (Letter to Sotheby. July 13, 
IS02V It is needless to multiply examples, they are to be found evetr- 
wherc in his letters. Table Tall; and among the jottings of his *~*" 
I looks 



.- 



Reviews 



89 



Concerning the question of A. W. Schlegel's influence on Coleridge's 
Shakespearian criticism, about which there was controversy even in his 
own day, there is little more to be said. There are undoubtedly traces 
of his influence, but there is every reason to believe that Coleridge 
spoke truly when he affirmed that all the main ideas were his before he 
had seen Schlegel's works, which H. C. Robinson lent him after his 
course of lectures was already begun. It. is hardly likely that Coleridge 
could have modified his views at that date to any extent without 
introducing a serious element of inconsistency into his criticism which 

we d it. iind there. In corroboration of this view it maybe mentioned 

that Tieck, far from accusing Coleridge of plagiarism on behalf of his 
friend, said that though he could not speak highly of Coleridge's 
criticism in general, he had 'some glorious ideas about Shakespeare' 
(H. C. Robinson's Diary, selected by T. Sadler, 1872, i, p. 298). We 
find references in Coleridge's later letters to other German works froin 
which he hoped to gain help in his literary criticism, but to these also 
he probably only had recourse for guidance \\\ the working out of a 
Mi might already his. Apart from individual influence, Coleridge appre- 
ciated the German aesthetic theories. ' The Germans are good meta- 
physicians and critics,' he says, ' they proceed from principles previously 
laid down and thus, though they may be wrong, they cannot be 
»el f-contradictory ' (Specimens of the Table Talk of S. T. Coleridge, by 
H. N. Coleridge, 1H35, 11, p, <H5). He did not, however, follow their 

Stan in his own criticism, the best of which consists of brilliant but 
i:* jointed remarks uttered practically extempore in his lectures. 

While Dr Hanev has treated exhaustively the literary side of the 
question, he has, evidently with intention, almost entirely ignored the 
influence of German philosophical thought on Coleridge. Coleridge's 
indebtedness to the German thinkers still awaits an investigator. 
30BD< miDunt of Kantian influence there undoubtedly was ; numerous 
iges could be adduced to prove this, even if Coleridge had not 
draitted it, but anyone who seeks to set forth what this influence was, 
most bear in mind the admonition with which Coleridge says he would 
preface his metaphysical works: 'Once for all, read Kant, Fichte, etc., 
and then you will trace, or, if you are on the hunt, track me. Why 
!h.-n not acknowledge your obligations step by step ! Because I could 
not. do so in a multitude of glaring resemblances without a lie, for they 
had been mine, formed and full-formed, before I had ever heard of these 
■writers, because to have fixed on the particular instances in which I 
■ily been indebted to these writers would have been hard, if 
possible, to me who read for truth and self-sat is taction and not to make 

:i 1 k. and who always rejoiced and was jubilant when I found my own 

ideas w i-l I -ex pressed by others, and lastly, let me say, because (I am 
proud perhaps but) I seem to know that much of the matter remains 
mi\ own and that the soul is mine. I fear not him for a critic who can 
CDnfeund a fellow-thinker with a compiler' (Anima Poetae, ed. by 
K. H. Coleridge. 1895, p. 10b'). 

Josephine Burne. 



The Malune Soeirfij 



The Malone Society. 

A society called the Malone Society has been formed with t 
object of providing materials for the study of the early English draa. 
in the shape of reprints of the most authoritative early editions 
manuscripts of old plays, and also of documents bearing on the hi* t ■ 
of the drama or the stage. The society was founded at a meeting he 
at University College, London, on July 30, at which Dr Gregory Foete 
presided. An organizing committee consisting of Messrs F. S. Be 
E. K. Chambers, W. W. Greg, R. B. McKerrow and A. W. Pollard, -v 
appointed to draw up rules for the society, to receive applications 
membership (at an annual subscription of one guinea), to put work 
hand, and to report to a meeting of the society to be held early 
November. At the present moment four plays are in hand, nam 
Welth and Helth, St John the Evangelist, Poele's Battle of Alcazar, 



Greene's Orlando Furioso, Of these the first two were among "fch 
pieces, hitherto known only by name, which recently came to light 
Ireland-and were bought by the British Museum. It is hoped that 
four will bu ready for issue to members by the new year. Besides thui 
already mentioned, the following have promised their support to "fcl 
society : W. Bang, A. H. Bullen, Henry Bradley, Alois Brandl, G 
Churchill, W. MeNeile Dixon, Edward Dowden, Oliver Elton, Ew*l 
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Percy Simpson, George Saintsburv, (i. Gregory Smith, G. C. M 
Smith. All conimuiiicatiims should be addressed t-o W. W. Greg, 
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W, Bang, Studien zur englischen Umgangssprache zur Zeit 

Hemrichs VIII. 
H. C. Beechino, The Gardner's Pas&etatince. 
F, S. Boas, Love's Hospital by George Wilde, an unpublished 

Seventeenth Century Comedy. 
H. G. Fiedler, The Date and Occasion of Shakespeare's Tempest. 
H. Gillot, Les Jugements de la France classique sur 1'AJlemagne. 
W. W. Gbeo, The 'Plot' of Peek's Battle of Alcazar. 
W. P. Keh, Dante and the Art of Poetry, 
J. Lees, Heine and Eichendorff. 
H. OELSNEK, Calderon's La cisma de Inglaterra. 
R. Puiebsch, Neue Fragmente aus dem Peter von Stav/enberg und 

dem Busant. 
L. Ragg, Humour and Playfulness in Dante. 
J, G. Robertson, Italian Origins of German Eighteenth Century 

Criticism. 
A. Salmon, Etudes sur la prononciation de I'ancien francais et sea 

modifications en Angleterre. 
A A. Tilley, The Authorship of the Isle Sonnante, II. 

„ Rabelais and Geographical Discovery. 

Paget Toynbee, Boccaccio's Commentary on the Divine Comedy. 

Thomas Roscoe and the Memoirs of Benvenuto Cellini. 
Raymond Weeks, The Covenant Vivien in the Ms. of Boulogne. 
L. Wiener, Anglo-Russica. 



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BOCCACCIO'S COMMENTARY ON THE 
'DIVINA COMMEDIA.' 



In the summer of the year 1373 a petition was presented to the 
Signoriu of Florence, on behalf of a number of Florentine citizens, 
praying that a lecturer might be appointed to expound publicly, in 
Tlorence, the book of Dante, ' librutn Dantis qui vulgariter appellatur 
el Dante ' — of that same Dante who, seventy-one years before, had been 
i-iisly expelled from Florence, and condemned by his fellow- 
i-ituins to be burned alive, should he fall into their hands — 'igne 
KMnburatur sic quod moriatur 1 .' 

The petition in question, a copy of which is preserved in the 
Rorenl Ine Libvo delle Provuisioni for the year 1373, is to the following 
"«t:— 
' Whereas divers citizens of Florence, being minded, as well for 
res and others their fellow-citizens, as for their posterity, to 
EbUow after virtue, are desirous of being instructed in the book of 
herefrom, both to the shunning of vice, and to the acquisition 
of virtue, no less than in the ornaments of eloquence, even the un- 
learned may receive instruction ; the said citizens humbly pray you, 
the worshipful Government of the People and Commonwealth of 
Florence, that you be pleased, at a fitting time, to provide and formally 
rmine, that a worthy and learned man, well versed in tho 
! ;'■ of the poem aforesaid, shall be by you elected, for such term 

ly appoint, being not longer than one year, to read the book 

which is commonly called el Dante, in the city of Florence, to all such 
as shall be desirous of hearing him, on consecutive days, not being 
and in consecutive lectures, as is customary in like cases; 
and with such salary as you may determine, not exceeding the sum of 
s hundred gold florins for the said year, and in such manner, and 
under such conditions, as may seem proper to you ; and, further, that 

' A clause in the sentence nf March 10, 1302, pronounced acniufit Dante and others, 

i it* prcdictoruni nllo tempore in [uiliam diuti Coimmis peiveneril, talis per- 

:kn» ignt corauurntur sin qnocl u 



98 Boccaccio's Commentary on the 'Divina Comnwdia ' 

the said salary be paid to the said lecturer from the funds of the 
Common wealth, in two terminal payments, to wit, one moiety about 
the end of the month of December, and the other moiety about the 
end of the month of April, such sum to be free of all deduction for 
taxes whatsoever...'; and so forth 1 . 

On the ninth of August following, the petition was taken into 
eonsideration by the Signoria, and having been favourably reported on, 
the question whether it should be approved was put to the vote by 
ballot, the ayes being indicated by black beans, the noes by white, after 
the usual Florentine custom. On the votes being counted, it was found 
that there were 1S6 black beans to 19 white, being a majority of 167 
in favour of the appointment of a lecturer on Dante'. 

The voting having been secret, the names of the voters have not 

1 Milanesi, in hia edition of Boccaccio's I'omtnlo (Vol. i. pp. i, ii), gives the text of the 
petitiou from the Lihru ilrlk I'r-nvisioiti as follows : — 

•Pro parte quamphiriuiii civiuiii civitnlis l-'loiiiilie desiderantium tain pro Be ipsis, 
quara pro alii 6 civibus aspirare desiderftntibus ad virtutea, qniun etiam pro eoruiu posteru 
et deacendentibua, instrui in libro Dantis, ex quo tarn in fuga vitioruni, qtiara in acqui- 
Bitione virtu turn, quam in omatu eloquentie possunt etinm non Miimiinlilll infoniiari; 
revorenter aupplioatur vobis duiuims I'rioribus mtium et Vexiilifero Jimtitie populi et 
comnnia Florcntie, quatenus diKUemini opportune providcre et faccre solempnitec refor- 
mail, quod voa poaailis eligere unum valenteni et aapientern virum in huiuaruodi poeaie 
scientia bene doctnm, pro eo tempore quo veliUs, non maiore uniua anni, ad legendnm 
librum qui vulgariter appellatur el Btmte in dvilnle l-'lui r.'tiin"', omnibus audire voleutibuB, 
continuatifi dicbas nun fcrmtis, el |ct continuataa lectiones, tit in similibuB fieri solet ; 
et ounl eo salario quo voletifc, non maiore centum Horenorum auri pro anno predicto, et 
cum modis, tormis, articulis et tenoribus, dp quilius vohi- vi.Miitur can venire. Et quod 
enmerarii Camera comnm-. pmrlfriti . flnMHWl dictum salarium ditto sic electo dare et 
Bolveie de pecunla dicti Comunis in duobus tenninis siiv pi^his. videlicet medietalem 
ciroa finem mensiB decembria, et reliquam medietatem circa tincm nifflsis aprilis, absque 
nlla retentions gabelle ; habita dumtmat npodiia officii dovniuorum Priorum -, et visa 
electione per voa facta de nlii|ii" nd li-utmniii picdit.'tam et absque aliqua alia probatione 
vcl ride tic-nda de predicts vcl allium predictorum v«l si-.lenipnitato aliqua observauda.' 

! The record of the deliberation and voting of the Signorta upon the petition is 
preaerved in the l.ihro 'lilt? I'rurvitioni: — 

' Buper qua quidem 1'ilitiurie diiti douiiui l'riures et Yexellifer liabita iuvicein et 
ana cum officio goufal one 1-iornm Sotietatum populi et cum oiliuiu Duoilccim bonorum 
virorum Comunis Florentie deliberatione Kolempni, et demum inter ipsoa omneB in 
sufficient! nuinero cougregatos in palatio pupuii 1 l<iviitii, pnmitao et facto diligent! 
et seereto BCrtiptinuo et ubteuto parlilu ail fabus iiigius et albaa per vigintiooto ex eis 

So utilitato Comunia eiusdem . .doliberaverunt die vim menais august! anno dominioe 
carnationia ucccl<xxut, indictione xi, quod dicta petitio et omnia et singula in ea, 
contenta, admictantnr...,et observentur, , . , secundum petition!.-* elafldam enntinuutiam et 
ten or em.-.. 

'Item supradicto I'reposito, modo et fomia predictis proponents et partitum faciente 
inter dictos omnes consiiiiiriui. dicti c-onsilii in ipso tonsilio presentea, quod Cui placet et 
videtur suprascri plain quariiiiii provibiouuui disp^neiileii) pro digendo ununi ad legeudum 
librum Dantis, que sic incipit : " Pro parte quampluriuin civiuni etc."...admicti et obsei- 
vari,,,et execution! mnndari posse et debere,...det fabani nigratn pro lie', et quod cui 
contrarium seu aliud videretur, det fabam pro non. Et ipsis fabis datis, recollectis, 
segregalia et numeratis . et ipnorum couailiariorum voluntatibus esquisitis ad fahas 
nigias et albaa, ut moris est, repertnm fuit clxxzti es: ipsia coneiliariis repertia dedissa 
fabas nigraa pro lie. Et aic secundum foruinm provisionis eiusdem obtentum, Grmatum 
et reformatum fuit, non obstaulibus reliquia ivim ex ip.'is cousiliariis repertia dedisse 
fabas albaa in contrarium pro non.' (Milaneai, op. cit., Vol. L p. ii.) 



PAGET TOYXBEE 



99 



beet) preserved, otherwise it might have been interesting to note to 
what families the dissentient minority of nineteen belonged. It is easy 
to conceive that tin.- members of certain Florentine houses, whose 
forbears Dante has placed in Hell, or otherwise branded in the Divina 
Gommedia, might be disinclined tu vote for a proposal, which would 
make it admissible for the poet's scathing remarks to be repeated 
publicly, and perhaps commented on, before friends and foes, by an 
official lecturer in their own city. Members of the Adimari family, for 
who had been Dante's near neighbours, and were his implacable 
enemies, could hardly be expected to relish the reference to their low 
origin in the Paraduso, and the denunciation of their house as 

V oltrscotJita schiatta, che a' iuttraci 

Retm it chi fugge, ed ft chi mostra il dente, 

O ver la txirxn, com' ngnel ai placa — 

K>lent brood, who are as fierce as dragons to those who fly from 
them, but to those who show their teeth, or their purse, are as mild as 
lambs' (Par. xvi. 115 — 117); nor would they care to have their fellow- 
reminded that of one of their clan (Filippo Argenti) Dante could 
exclaim 

Uimta iinii i- die sua iiioinnria fregi — 

(/n/viii.47); 

and that another (Tcgghiain Aldobrandi) was consigned by the poet 
to the most disreputable circle of Hell, 'tra le anime piu nere' (In/, vi. 
Ho ; xvi. 41). For similar reasons we should be prepared to find among 
UK! Opponents of the petition descendants of the Abati, of the Cerchi, 
of the Soldanieri, of the Chiaramontesi, of the Donati, and many others, 
whose memories are held up to execration in the Commedia, as enemies 

country, or as thieves and swindlers. 
Within three weeks of the approval of the petition by the Signoria 
a lecturer was appointed in the person of ' Dominus Johannes de 

i, honorabilis civis florentinus.' The actual record of Boccaccio's 
appointment has not been preserved, the leaf of the Libro delle Prov- 

r the year 1373, containing the entry, having unfortunately been 
torn out at a comparatively recent date'. It was still intact in 1604, 
Bra from a statement by Filippo Valori in his Termini di mezzo 
Jtilievu e d' intent Dottrina printed in that year", in which he sayB: — 

' II qual Boccaccio, oltre al dirsi Maestro dell' Eloquenza, fu stimato 
• li tal dottrina, che e' potessc dichiarare quella di Dante, e percio, 1' anno 



sd., p. 554, col. ii. No. 200(1. 

7— 2 



100 Boccaccio's Commentai-y on the ' Divina Commedia' 

mille trecento settanta tre, lo elesse la Citta per Lettor pubblico, con 
salario di cento fiorini, che fii notabile ; e vedesi qiiesto nel Libro delle 
Pro v vision! 1 .' 

The information, however, i3 supplied by another document, in the 
Libro dell' Usciia delta Camera-, preserved in the Arclnvio di Stato di 
Firenee, which records the payment to Boccaccio on December 31, 
1373, of fifty gold florins, being the first instalment of his salary as 
lecturer on Dante. In this document it is stated in so many words 
that Boccaccio had been elected to the office on the twenty-fifth of the 
previous August, for the term of one year, at a salary of one hundred 
gold florins, which year commenced on the 18th of October following' 

Boccaccio gave his first lecture on Sunday, the twenty-third 
October*, 1373, as we know from an entry in the diary of his fellow- 
citizen, Guido Monaldi, who, among the notable events of the yt 
records : — ' Domenica a di ventitre di Ottobre comincio in Firenze 
leggere il Dante M. Giovanni Boccaccio.' 

The place where Boccaccio delivered his lectures is stated by 
Gaetano Milanesi, in the preface to his edition of the Comento (no 
doubt on the authority of Tiraboschi*), to have been the Church of 
' Santo Stefano al Ponte Vecchio,' that is, the Church of Santo Stefano 
and Santa Cecilia, close to the Via Por Santa Maria. Milanesi. however, 
wbxme statement has been frequently repeated by subsequent writers', 
ia in error on this point. We have the evidence of one who himself 

1 Bee Manni, Itlorui del tlecniiierone, p. 101. 

1 The teit of the original document is given by Milanesi (op. cit., p. iii} as follows 
' 1378, 31 decembris. 

'Domino Johanni de CcrtaUo honoriibili oivi tloreutino electo per dorai 
Artium et Vexillifcruin -I untitle dieti populi et Columns, die xiv mensis augusti proxime 
preterit* ad legondum libruiu qui mlgariter appellator it Dante, in ciTitate Florentie, 
pro tempore et termino unius anni incepti die decimo ottavo mentis ottubris proximo 

Seterili et cum uitlaria centum tlorenorum auri pro anno qnolibet, aolvendorum eecun- 
im furuitmi reforiiiatinniK oonniHi ili>'ti populi et Comunis de hue materiii loquentis, pro 
ipnlus domini Joirannis snlario et paga primornm set mensiuni ilicti tampons, iuitiatis 
die decinio ottnvo mensis ottubris proume preterit i, pro diinidio totius dioti salarii, vigor* 
eiectlonia de eo facte, in nunnuii Horenorum quinquagiiita auri.' 

3 Maoni (op. cit., p. 100), Tiraboschi (Vol. v. p. 744, ed. 1823), and Colomb de 
Batines {MM, /inn'., p. Dili), following a corrupt text of Motialdi's Dinriu, give tlie date 
of Boccaccio's first lecture as October 3, instead of October 23. That the former date 
cannot be correct ia proved by the statement: in the document quoted above (note 2) that 
Boccaccio's year n! oilier' lici;an on Ottuber 1", so that his lectures must have commenced 
alter that date. Moreover, Moiuilili records that Koecuecio began lecturing on a Sunday, 
wliereaa October 3, 1373, was a Monday. The correct date is given in the Prato (1635) 
edition of the Dfarta, 

* Vol. v. p. 744, ed. 1823. 

6 For instance, by Landau in his Giovanni Boccaecio, ttin Leben und teinc Werke 
(p. 233); by Cochin in his F.tudei Italiam/n lp. 167); and by Baedeker in his Northern 
Italy (ed. 1895. p. 417). Gardner, on the other hand, in The Story of Florence 
states (pp. 212, 34D) that Boccaccio lectured in the Church of the Badia. 



I of 
low- 
ear, 



PAGET TOYNBEE 101 

attended the lectures, to prove that Boccaccio delivered them, not in 
.he Church of Santo Stefano near the Ponte Vecchio, but in a still 
Tiore ancient church, next in antiquity to the Baptistery itself, namely 
the Church of the Badia, which was also dedicated to Saint Stephen 1 , 
ienvenuto da Iniola, who, as I have pointed out elsewhere', took pride 
i describing himself as a pupil of Boccaccio, in his comment on 
Dante's reference to the chimes of the Badia, in the fifteenth canto of 
the Parodist)', observes: — 

'In the inner circle of Florence is the abbey of the Benedictine 
minks, whose church is called Santo Stefano; where the chimes used 
i tell the hour more regularly than in any other church in the city, 
At the present time, however, it is sadly neglected and out of repair, 
B I noticed while I was attending the lectures of my revered master, 
Beoucek 'if Certaldo, upon the Divhm I'umntedia, which he delivered 
i this same church*.' 

Though Boccaccio was not more than sixty, he was an old man 
of his years, and infirm in heaith, when he began his lectures ; and he 
i hardly have hoped to carry to a close this last great undertaking 
I a busy life. In fact, he did not live to complete more than a sixth 
t of his arduous task, his commentary breaking off abruptly at the 
<eventeenth verse of the seventeenth canto of the Inferno. In the 
winter of 1373 he was attacked by a painful disease, pronounced by 
modern medical opinion to be diabetes*, which gradually weakened 
i and ultimately proved fatal. He was also greatly shaken by the 
: which reached him at Certaldo in the following autumn, of the 
death, of bis old friend and master Petrarch, who had died of apoplexy 
It Arqua on the eighteenth of the previous July". In a letter written, 

1 Later this church was 
Mum ill Hanto Stefano.' 
pp. 309, MO. 

» See the article on Brnvemtto if.i Imola and his Commentary on the Tiirina Coinnitdia, 
in my Dante Hindi,, and /;,,,.■„,,-/„., ( r|l . 2IH, 232 ff.). 

' Li in- 97-H. 

* "In interior! cireulo est Abbatia monachoritm sancti Benedict!, coins ecclasia dieitur 
Banctns Stephanos, ubi certiun et ordinatius jiulsubantur horaequaui in aliqua alia ceclesia 

eirilatis ; quae tanien hoilic est iiii>r<liiiutn i.i iuv'!.r(ii, lit vi,ii. ilnu lirem venerabilem 

pratceptorem roeutn Boccachim de Ortaido li ^eiitcm istuni nobilrm poctam in dicta 
KClesia ' (Itcnrienuti ,(,' liomhattti tlr lmola <:„uti-ntmn super I'tntl,- .lldi-jlfrii I 'o »i of d rViiii., 
■Villi,' j/riinuiii intdiji-e in hieeni editont, Snmptiliint (inilii.'lnii Wjirfi-li Vernon, ■ ■itrantc Jacobo 
Philippe Lacaita. Vol. v. p. 14S). 

' See Cochin, htmle* ItaliemifK ; Iloecare, p. IH7, a. 1. 

* Monaldi. in bin Iliario, kivcr AiK'iiut IK us tin- date of Petrarch's death: ' Venardi 

Uiosto niiiii M. Kraucesco Potmrca il gran 1'ueta ud Arquata presso l'adova 
del male di goociola.' Tliis i.-< certainly li mistake, as lliu news is mentioned in a letter 
a Snlulati to Benvenuto da Iniola, which was written from I'lorenoe on the 
Vtt of July, less than a week after the event. (See Epi't.iUirio di Coliocio Sointati, 
id. Nuvuti, Vol. I. p. 172.) It is somewhat strange that Boccaccio should not have beard 



102 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedta' 

at the beginning of November, to Franeescuolo da Brosaano, Petrarch 'a 
son-in-law, on the receipt of the news, Boccaccio gives the following 
melancholy account of his own condition : — 

' I was anxious to come to you at once, my dear brother, to mingle 
my tears with yours over our common loss, and at your side to breathe 
my laments to heaven, and say a last farewell over the tomb of our 
beloved lather. But I must tell you that ten months ago, while I waa 
lecturing in Florence on the Commediu of Dante, I was seized with 
illness, not so much of a dangerous nature, as long and wearisome. For 
four months past, at the entreaty of my friends, I have been in the 
hands, I will not say of physicians, but of quacks, who have not only 
increased my malady, but by doses and starvation have so upset my 
digestive organs, that I am reduced to a state of weakness hardly to be 
credited by any one who has not experienced it — my looks, however, 
tell their own tale to every one who sets eyes on ine. 

'Poor wretch that I am, you would find me sadly changed from what 
I was when you saw me in Venice ! the skin of my body, once plump 
enough, is all shrivelled up, my colour has gone, my eyes are dim, and 
my hands tremble, while my knees are so unsteady, that so far from 
attempting to cross the Apennines, I could only just drag myself out 
of Florence with the help of friends to my farm here at Certaldo, where 
I remain, more dead than alive, torn with anxiety, and wasting away 
in itil.hess, not knowing what, to do with myself, my sole hope of a cure 
being in the grace of God, who is able to overcome all diseases 1 ,' 

After referring to Petrarch's burying-place at Arqua, and to his 
books, and to Petrarch's legacy to himself of fifty gold florins for the 

of Petrarch's death until three months after it was known in Florence. It is evident from 
the tone of his reply to Francescuoln iia Brossaur., that the announcement of the latter 
was the first intimation he received of it. 

1 The original, "hich a printed by Corazzini in Le Lctttre Kdilt e Intditt di Mttttr 
Giovanni llncmcci<> (pp. Al~ foil.), runs as follows:— 

'Cam ettneta persolverem, amatissime frater, fnit animus venire illico daturus infor- 
tnnio tuo meoque debitus laehrymas, tecumqne in coeluni nc superos questus ToeOB, et 
ultiinum penes bus turn tanti putvis vale dictum*. Varum jam decimus elspsus est 
meuflis, postquam in patiia publico lenentein L'umoediam Dan t is magis longa, atque 
taediosa, quam discrimine aliquo dubia aegritudo Oppreesit, et duni per qnatuor menses 
non dicain inedicorum, sed fabulonnin. aniii.i.runi LuquiL-n ciusilia, sequor, continue 
aueta est, et potionibuh et jejuni is adeo a solito ordine exorbitare coacta «rf iiutritiva 
virtns, ut in debilitatem duvimerim fere hie.\|ierti! iuerc.lihih'm, cui satis lideni praestat 
aspectus tatan videntihns. Hell mihi mi aero I Louge alitor tihi viderer, quam is. 
quem vidisti Venetiis. Kihausta totius pleiii quondam n.rporis pcllis est, innnutatus 
Color, hebetatus visus, titubant genua, et mantis trenuilse factae sunt, ex quo nedutn 
superbos Apennini vertices, Bed vix usque in avituni Certaldi apmin, amieontm qno- 
rundam suffragio, deduct us e patria sum, ttbi semiviius et aniius, oeio mareens, et raei 
ipsius incertus consislo, I >-_i soliits. qui lebrtbu.-. iiupcrare potest, niedelam expectaus et 
gratiain.' 



PAGET TOTNBEB 103 

purchase of a dressing-gown to keep him warm while at his studies on 
winter nights', Boccaccio concludes: — 

'I am too ill to write morc,..,Even this short letter has taken me 
nearly three whole days to write, save for occasional intervals of an 
hour or two for the repose of my exhausted frame'.' 

It seems probable, from what Boccaccio says in this mournful 
epistle, that he never resumed his lectures after the attack of illness 
to which he refers. How much of the fragment of commentary he has 
left was actually delivered as lectures it is impossible to say. That 
the matter was carefully prepared beforehand is obvious from the 
elaborate nature of the divisions, and from several other indications to 
which we shall recur later. It is nut unreasonable to suppose that, 
though too ill to lecture publicly, Boccaccio may have occupied himself 
at Certaldo in continuing the commentary, in the hope of eventually 
resuming his course at Florence. But his end was not far off, and he 
died at Certaldo — it would almost seem pen in hand, for his last 
e^ntence is left unfinished — on December the twenty-first, 1375, rather 
more than a year after the above letter was written, having survived 
Petrarch, who was nine years his senior, by only eighteen months*. 

It win at one time supposed that Boccaccio, far from leaving a 
mere fragment, had written a complete commentary on the whole of 
tbe Divina Commedia; and a fourteenth century Comento', which in 
•OBH H8& is attributed to him, was accepted as his composition by the 
Academicians of the Crusca in the first edition ( 1 612) of their Vocaboiario, 
h- trail u in the two subsequent editions (1623 and 1691) s , and also 
liv BBrera] scholars in the eighteenth century, among whom was 
Mazzucchelli. It has been proved, however, by internal evidence, that 
(In* commentary cannot have been written by Boccaccio 9 ; and, further. 
we have documentary evidence to prove that Boccaccio left no more 
than the fragment which has come down to us. It so happens that 

1 Petrarch's will is printed by Frncnssetti in bis Frmiciiei Fetrarcae Epittoiat De 
Rebut VamiOaribus (Vol. m. pp, 537 B.). The bequest to Boccaccio rune aa follows;— 

' Johumii de Certaldo stu llocjutio, vcl'.'-uiuU- jl [minium tun to viro tain modicum, lego 
qiuruinnginta fiorenos uuri flu ilorentin pro unit veate biemali ad Stadium lucubratioueEquo 

iwtiirim ' 

1 'Tres fere dies toton, paucis inlerpositis harisad restiuirundaB pwrampei feeai corporis 
litB«, in Bcribeiido lisnc tuvrciii cpiatolam conBumpni.' 

■ Tbe date of Boccaccio's death is given by Coloooio Salntati in his letter from 
Florence to Fraitcescuohi da liraxsuno, written three days after the event. (See EpUto- 
... ,-;.i Salulati, ed. Nuvtiti, Vol. i. p. 226.) 

* This commentary, which is commonly known sa /' Ful-i tlorntei-iu, was printed by 
Lord Vernon at Florence in 1846, under the title Cliiuit supra Dante. 

■ I I.uikl LJjrfoli i'ii-li\eil t.. Lord Vernon's ./Jitiun (pp. 12-11). 

* See the l.t:i<i<ie ol Bigoli already referred to. 



104 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

after Boccaccio's death a dispute arose between two of his legatees as 
to the possession of the Ms. of his Comento. By his will Boccaccio left 
the whole of his disposable property, with the exception of his library 
and a few specific bequests, to the children of his brother Jacopo 
Boccaccio, who was appointed one of the executors of the will. His 
library Boccaccio left to his confessor, Fra Martino da Signa, an 
Augustinian monk of the convent of Santo Spirito in Florence, on 
condition that after Fra Maitino's death the books should become the 
property of the convent, to be there preserved in perpetuity for the 
use of the community 1 . When Boccaccio died, Fra Martino claimed 
the MS. of the Comento as part of the library. Jacopo, on the other 
hand, claimed it, on behalf of his children, as part and parcel of his 
brother's bequest to them. As the disputants could not come to an 
agreement, the matter was referred to the Consoli dell' Arte del Cam bio, 
to whom the claims of the two parties were submitted in writing. Fra 
Martino, it appears, was willing, if the decision was in his favour, to 
allow Jacopo to have the Ms., a sheet at a time, for the purpose of 
taking a copy of it, on the understanding that if the decision was in 
Jacopo's favour, the like facility should be granted to himself. This 
offer, however, appears to have been ignored by Jacopo, who claimed 
the Ms. outright. In the particulars of Jacopo's claim is set down a 
detailed description of the MS. in question, which he valued at the 
lowest at eighteen gold florins. In this description it is stated in the 
clearest possible terms that the commentary was left incomplete by 
Boccaccio, and only comprised sixteen cantos of the Commedia and part 
of the seventeenth. 

'Diuanzi a voi domando,' runs Jacopo's claim, ' ventiquattro quademi, 
e quattordici quadernucci, tutti in carta di bambagia, non legati insieme, 
ma 1' uno dall' altro diviso, d' uno iscritto, o vero isposizione sopra sedici 
Capitoli, e parte del diciassettesimo del Dante, il quale scritto il detto 
Messer Giovanni di Boccaccio non compie...' 

In the event, though that does not concern us here, it was adjudged 

1 Boccaccio's will is printed by Corazzini (o;i. etl., pp. 425 ff.J, The bequest of hia 
library is in the following terms; — 

'Item reliqint iviieruliili fiuui Martino de Si^im, Magistro in sacra theologin, con- 
TentUB Sancti Kpiritus Ordinis lit! remit arum Sancti Augustiui, omul's buos librtis, excepto 
Breviario dicti ttatatoris, cum ista condictioue, quod dictus Minister MartimiB possit uti 
dictis libris, et de eia cxhibere eopiain cui voluerit, donee vixen t, ad hoc ut ipse teneatur 
rogare Deuiu pro nnima dicti testatoris, et tempore suae mortis debeat cousiynare dictoa 
libroa conveutui fnitnmi Suneti S|iivii.i^. .— L l j «_■ aliijuu diumititiono, ct debeant micti in 
nuodaio armaria dicti loci at ibidem debeant perpetuo reiuanere ad hoc ut quilibet de diet© 
conventn possit legere et studere super dictis libris, et ibi scribi facere madam et formam 
presenlia tcetamenti et faeere in Tentorium de dictia libris.' 



PAGET TOYNBEE 



105 






by the Consoli that the MS. should be handed over to Jaeopo and his 
co-executors, as forming part of Boccaccio's bequest to his brother's 
children 1 . Although, as we have seen, the fact that Boccaccio's com- 
mentary was incomplete, was unknown to the Academicians of the 
Crusca at the beginning of the seventeenth century 5 ; yet this fact had 
been publicly remarked upon by Giovan Batista Gelli, in one of his 
lectures before the Florentine Academy, fifty years before. The 
learned Florentine hosier, who was well acquainted with Boccaccio's 
Comento, and utilized it in his own Letture aopra lit Commedia di 
Dante, says, after quoting Boccaccio's note upon Inferno xvi. 73—75: 
'E questo dice il Boccaccio; il quale non si truova.per essersi interpoeta 
a t.i] cosa la morte, che sia passato con la espositione sua questo luogo"/ 
And even before this the fact had been stated by Giuseppe Betussi in 
the life of Boccaccio prefixed to his translation of the De Gene«logia 
JJeoruiii, which was first published in 1547. After giving a list of 
Boccaccio's works in the vulgar tongue, he adds : ' incomincio a com- 
*nentare Latinamente la comedia di Dante, cioe una parte dell' Inferno* 

which means, not as might appear at first sight, that Boccaccio wrote 

iiis commentary in Latin, but that he wrote it in plain language, that 
it was, in fact, of a popular character. 

By the commentators who followed after Boccaccio his Comento was 
largely, one might almost say in some cases shamelessly, exploited. 
"Hir Anonimo Fiorcntino, tor instance, whose commentary was probably 
""written about thirty years after Boccaccio's death 5 , borrowed wholesale 
without once so much as mentioning Boccaccio's name. St.. far, 
ideed, was he from acknowledging his indebtedness, that in one case 
he actually indicates a false source for the information he has conveyed 
ban Boccaccio". Some idea of the nature of the Anonimo 's borrowings 
hiiiv be gathered from the fact that the first three or four pages of the 
introductory portion of his commentary are almost entirely made up of 

1 The document* relation to ''"» dispute lire printed by Mauni (op. cit., pp. 101-6). 
' Sue above, p, 103. 

' Lrttitm Sellim.i (1561 J, I.e-.ioue Sec„nd<i ; ed. Negroni, Vol. n. p. 112. Also in Ilia 
mi (loS;!), 1. e: tone Prima (Vol. i. p. 24), he says: ' ComineiitA il Boccaccio 
ilcuni capitoli di-lln prima csntiea.' 

' (leneologia de gli Dei. .di M. Giovanni Dw.cin:cin...lriiitiitfi el adontati per Muter 

< nisi tin Himiauo. Ayniuiitavi la Vita del Boccaccio. In Vinegia, j(li»i.vii. 
1 The us. from which l-'unfuiii printed his edition of ihe commentary (Bologna, 1800-74, 
illMM to have been written in 1343, that is, liiirty years before Iloccnecio began 
bl» lectures in Florence. Thia date, which appears to have been added by a later Land, is 
obiiuualy incorrect. The commentary i* now usually assigned io the end of the fourteenth 
tcntury or the beginning of the fifteenth. Hee Hegel, Uber den kutoritehnt Wert iter 
tare, p. 5!l. 
* See below, p. lull ; and Flm>), •']'■ cit., p. (SO. 



106 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

excerpts from Boccaccio 1 ; while the opening paragraph of the com- 
mentary proper is copied word for word from that of Boccaccio*. To 
give a detailed list of the passages thus appropriated would be beyond 
the scope of the present paper, but it may be of interest to draw 
attention to a few of the most noteworthy of them. The identification 
of Beatrice with the daughter of Folco Portinari and wife of Siniom.- 
de' Bardi'; the allegory of the three ladies in the second canto*; the 
account of Celestine V s ; the story of Paolo and Francesca"; the story 
of the lost cantos of the Commedia, which is told a propos of the opening 
ivnrds. 'In 1 1 i i v seyuitiind'i,' of tlv eighth e;i!itn of the Inferno 1 ; \.\y 
accounts of the Furies", of the Fates", of the valley of Jehoshaphat 10 , of 
the infernal rivers", and so on; — all these are conveyed, without acknow- 
ledgement, from the Comento of Boccaccio, as are a large number of the 
etymologies given by the Anonimo". For his account of the origin of 
the Guelfs and Ghibcllines the Anonimo refers to 'certe cronache 
tedesche,' which is a mere blind, inasmuch as the whole of it is taken 
direct from Boccaccio 11 . 

Benvenuto da Imola, who, as has already been mentioned, attended 
some of Boccaccio's lectures on the Commedia, and the first draft of 
whose commentary was completed in 1373", the year in which Boccaccio 
begun his course, does not make so much use as might have been 
expected of the Comento of his 'venerabilia praeccptor.' He. frequently 
quotes Boccaccio as his authority, but this is for the most part for 

I Anon. Fior. i. 6-9: Bocc :. 102, 97, 98, 92, 98-101, 84. 
- iaon. Hor. i. 12: Booo. 1. 104. 
;l Anon, Fior. i_ 42: Boec. i. 224. 
« Anon. Fior. i. 44: Bocu. l 247. 
• Anon. Fior. i. 09 : Boos, i. 205 ft. 
" Anon. Fior. i, 155: Booo. I, 476 ff. 
' Anon. Fior. i. 204 ff. : Bocc. n. 130 ff. 
8 .Anon. Fior. J. 220 ff. , Bocc. n. 195 ft. 
" Anon. Fior. i. 232 ff. : Booo. n. 177. 
10 Anon. Fior. i. 243-4 : Boec. O. 214. 

II Anon. Fior. i. 339-40: Bocc. n. 400. 

M The following may be quoted na instances, viz. palriarca (i. 101) ; amaztmt fi. 114) ; 
Achillt (1.152); luoi'rt. pliT-irt, uliil.ire. Ac. (i. 207-S|: A train* (I. 232 1 : ami, monimentum, 
,ep.i!c!iit„„,,U. (i. 235); ailL- (1.243); cimiteru (i. 244); ar/mi (i. 310-17); «• ntitro (I. 3181 ; 
rigaifno (I. 847); 4c. Ao. 

13 Anon. Fior. i. 247 ff. : Booo. ir. 225 ff. (see above, p. 105). Other passives in which 
the Anonimo lias borrowed from Boocaccio (some of which are noted tiy Hegel, op. ci'(.) 
are tlie accounts "I Aijiillv* (Anon. i'iui. i. 152: Bocc. i, 407-8); of the various kinda of 
tombs (A. F. I. 235 ff.: Boec. u. 188-il); of Pier dtlle Vigne (A. F, r. 323; Booe. ii. 335); 
of Brunetlo Latino (A. F. i. 354; Bocc. it. 400); of 1'riscian (A. F. i. 301: Boec, n. 420 \ ; 
of Gualdrada (in parti (A. F. i. 373-4: Booo. ii. 435); of Forll (A. F. i. 37S: Bocc. 
n. 450); of San Benedetto in Alpe (A. F. i. 378: Bocc. u. 451); and the notes, among 
others, on note (A. F. i. 379: Booo. ii. 453) ; and on the diver (A. F. I. 379-80: Bow. 
ii. 454) ; &c. iSo. 

" See my Vault Studirt and Btttarfitt, p. 221, 




PAGET TOVXBKF, 



107 









information received from him by word of mouth'. Benvenuto was, 
however, certainly indebted to the Comento for some of his material — 
for his quotations from Tacitus', for instance, as well as for certain of 
his references to Homer', and to Pronapides*. He mentions Boccaccio's 
tirade against the gluttony of the Florentines, which occurs in the 
■ "in Hi' hi on the sixth canto of the Inferno'; and he reproduces, without 
acknowledgement, Boccaccio's account of the recovery of the lost cantos 
of tin Coiumedia, already referred to 6 ; and also his story of Gualdrada 
ObI Kivignani and the Emperor Otto IV 7 . 

E '■■mi ■esco da Buti, who lectured on the Divina Commedia at Pisa 8 
about the year 1385, was acquainted with, and made use of, Boccaccio's 
Comento. He refers to it as his authority on three occasions*, but 
these by no means represent the whole extent of his indebtedness, 
Bnti'a commentary, to which he himself gave the title of Lettitra, as 
having originally been composed in the form of lectures, was revised 
and prepared for publication at the instance of certain of his friends 
and admirers, as he tells us in his Proemio™. It was finally completed 
in ES96, just twenty years after Boccaccio's death". Like the Anonimo 
FSorentino, Buti has borrowed very freely from Boccaccio in his intro- 
dnctory chapter, five or six pages of which are conveyed direct from his 
pndeceaaor'fl Comento", including a forma! recantation beforehand of 
any unorthodox or unacceptable opinions which might happen to have 
iiini in the course of his lectures 15 . A considerable portion of 
linti's commentary on the first canto of the Inferno is also taken from 
Boccaccio", as are to some extent his accounts of the nine Muses 16 , of 

1 See my Index of Author* quotr.l !■>/ [iem-rnntti ihi Iumln in his Ci-inmrtitari/ on the 
:m,.li« | printed in Report XIX /if the Ciiiihri,!/,,-, I.S.A., Dante Socitty), a. v. 
Boecmtchtl ; nlm> limit/- St ltd in and Rneurchei, pp. 232 ft., and p. 315, D. 4. 

• See Index of Author) quoted by ilenrruuto, s. v. Tacitut. 

' See Index of Author* quoted by Iltuceitnto, a. v. Humerus; and Dante StUdte4 -"id 
'■,.. p. 214, n. 2. 

• See Index of Author' quoted hy Bemrfptto, n. v. Pr/mnpiilei. 
I'- ■■>:■:;: ii"<-i . n. ■ 

• Benv. i. 273-4: Bono, n. 131. 

: Bern, i, 538: Bora. it. 43-5-6; Boccaccio tells this story (which be also includes in 
bis I>e ilulierihui Clarit, Cnp. ft.) on the authority ot tY.|i|m di IJoiylitsi) lloineuichi. It 
is given by Villani, with boihi? difference of detail, in liia Cnmica, v. §7. 

" PUa. following the example of Florence and Bolojina, was tbe third city in Italy to 
institute public lectures on the llivina Coiumedia. 

-,,.■:,, di Fr.wetev d/i linti tiiprti In lUrina Comedio (I'isa, 1838-62). Vol. 1. pp. 7, 

88T, 

'• Vol. i. pp. 4-5. 

1 See the colophon, Vol. in. p. 871, A passago iu the commentary on Canto vt of the 
ni written in iaH3 ; ae K Vol. tit. p, 163, 
i. 5-11: Bocc. I. 81-83, 80-1)1. 

; Boii, i. 11 : Booc. i. 91. 
l:,ni, i. II 16, 22-3,27-8,30.32-3,34,38: Booo. I. 154, 104-109, 112-14.117. 
"B-60: Booe. i. 906-7. 



108 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commcdin' 

Pier delle Vigne 1 , of the statue of Mara at Florence*, r>f Chiareutana", 
the 'giubetto*,' and so forth 1 . It is noteworthy that Buti does not 
repeat Boccaccio's story of the lost cantos, which is reproduced both by 
Benvenuto da lino la and by the Anonimo Fiorentino. 

Of the fifteenth century commentators only one, namely Landino, 
seems to have had any acquaintance with Boccaccio's Coinento. Giovanni 
da Serravalle (1416-1417) avowedly for the most part copies Benvenuto 
da Iniola,as does Stefano Taliee da Riealdone (c. 1474); while Giuuif.rto 
delli Bargigi (c. 1440) chiefly follows the Pisan Buti. 

Landino's commentary, which is the classical commentary of the 
Renaissance, and has been reprinted more often probably than any 
other, was first published in 1481, in the famous first Florentine edition 
of the Divina Commedia, with the designs of Sandro Botticelli". Landino 
made considerable use of the Coinento of Boccaccio, whom he describes 
as ' huoino, et per dottrina, et per costumi, et per essere propinquo a' 
tempi di Dante, degno di fede 7 .' He quotes the Cvmento directly by 
name eight times", and avails himself of it, without naming it, on 
numerous other occasions, chiefly tor the explanation of contemporary 
and historical allusions. For instance, his notes on Ciacco, Filippo 
Argenti, Fai-inata degli Uberti, the Emperor Frederick II, 'il Cardinale,* 
Azzolinn, Pier delle Vigne, Gualdradu, Guidogiierra, Jacopo Rusticucci, 
Guglielmo Borsiere, are all reproduced more or less closely from 
Boccaccio"; to whom he was also indebted for much of his classical 
information, as in his accounts of Phlegy as, Medusa, Minos, the Minotaur, 
the Centaurs, etc. 1 " 

Alessandro Vellutello of Lucca, the first of the sixteenth century 
commentators, whose 'nova espositione' was published at Venice ill 
1544, does not appear to have made any use whatever of Boccaccio's 
Coinento, As is well known, he poured contempt on Boccaccio's Vita 

1 Buti, t. 357: Bocc. u. 3SS. ' Buti, i. 367: Bocc. u. 858-4. 

1 Buti, i. 404 : Bocc. il 404. " Buti. i. 3G7 : Bocc. n. 367. 

s CI. alno Buti, i. 00: Bote. i. 309; Buti, 1. 106: Boca I. 877-8] Buti, i. 140: Bocc. 
I. 402. 

* A copy of thin edition, with th. hill cuiiplriiu-iit ( 1 1 i t 1 1 ■ L t •_- 1 i 1 '■[' ii.iUiivlli's designs of 
the Inferno, was sold at the Carmichael sale at Sotlleby' 3 (No. '_>7U) on March 24, 1903, 
for £1000. 

' Venice edition of 1578. fol. 48. 

» Ed. 157H. foil. ;ih. is (Hi,-,..,- imiL-.-l. .-)0, 78, MS 1 , 'JO. 

» Ed. 157S. full. lis. :,(), i;:t, C.i'-4, ',->>. To 1 , 88', 89. 

111 Ed. 1578, foil. 49, 55', 69, 71, 4o. Other paseagen in which Landino has utilized 
Boccaccio are the comments on the etatue of Mara, and Altila {foil. 77'(, Chiarentmna, 
Btunetto Latino (fol *4(, Pridian. Francesco d' Accorso rf c >l. Mj>), Monte Veso (foL 89 1 ), 
and San Benedetto (fol. 90). The note on lortm (fol. 4), which ostensibly is from 
Boccaccio's Comentu, in reality comes from Benvenuto da Iniola (I. 35), to whom it was 
communicated by Boccaccio. 



PAGET TOYNBEE 109 

di Bouts, as a mere romance 'tutta piena d" amorosi sospiri e lagi-imc 1 ,' 
Bnd it. is quite possible thut he had an equally low opinion of the 
lectures on the Commedta. 

Bernardo Daniello, likewise of Lucca, whose commentary was pub- 
ethumoualy at Venice in 1568, seems, like Vellutello, to have 
ignored Boccaccio altogether so far as his Comento is concerned'. 

The Florentine Gelli", on the other hand, who lectured on the 

i'<i»imedv:t before the Florentine Academy at various times 

[Ml and 1561, quotes Boccaccio's Comento in his Letters* 

more than sixty times — oftener than he quotes any other commentator, 

1 1 n lino 1 . Unlike his predecessors Gelli makes a point of always 

naming his authority. He introduces his quotations usually by some 

ouch formula as 'secondo die scrive il Boccaccio,' or 'il Boccaccio dice,' 

espone il Boccaccio.' Frequently he gives long extracts in 

Boccaccio's own words, 'le parole sue proprieV Although as a rule he 

quotes the Comento at first hand, on one occasion at least (for the story 

of the [ost cantos) he takes his account at second hand from Landino 7 . 

- not always accept Boccaccio's conclusions 6 ; but, on the other 

hand, he more than once declares that Boccaccio has explained a 

particular passage so well that he cannot do better than repeat what 

he has said: — 'Non saprei io per me trovarci miglior esposizione che 

1 See the opening sentence of the Vita e Cottumi del Poeta. prefixed to Vellntello's 
HBWUBtan . 

- Danielle) frequently quotes the lieeumeron and other works of Boccaccio; see, for 
instance, pp. 3, 5, 23, 41, 43, 49, S6, 110, 427, AC. .tc. The fact that Boccaccio's Comento 
had not jet been printed may perhaps help to account (or its being ignored by Vellutello 
and Danielle. Gelli says [Li'ttura Sul-ohiIh, I.nh>iir I >i:i- into. Vol. I. p. 2115, cd. Negroni) 
that Vclluiello follows Boccaccio in his interpretation of Infirm it. 6U, but there is 
nothing to show that he ig following Boccaccio any more than one oi the other com. 
mentators who give the same explanation. Cf. also Gelli, Lttlura Quinta, Ltiioar Seita, 
Vol. i. p. 6-13, ed. Negroni. 

" Gelli is beat known perhaps aa the author of I Ciiprii-ei tlel Ilnttnin, which was 
translated into English hy William Barker in 1568, under the title of The Fearfull 
Famia of the Florentine Couper. 

* In his various Letinre (twelve in all) Gelli commented on Inferno i-xxr, and on 
portions of Inferno xivi, Purgatorio ivi, xxvii, and Paradiio xivi. 

* That ia to Ray so far aa the first sixteen cautos. of the Inferno are concerned, on 
which alone Boccaccio commented. Landino is quoted altogether about ninety times, 
Benvenuto da luiola about seventy, Vellutello about thirty. Pielro di Dante about twenty- 
five, Bati about a dozen, the Ottimo Comento, and Jacopo della Lana, six each. 

* Oelli, I. 329: Boce. i. 444; Gelli, i. 672; Boon. u. 2110; other instances of verbatim 
quotations are Gelli, i. 544: Bocc. ir. 1153; Gelli, r. 610-11: Boce, u. 224; Gelli, I. 634: 
Bocc. ». 245; Oelli, l. 653: Bocc. ir. 252-3; Gelli, n. 6; Bocc. ir. 272; Gelli, u. 41: 
Bocc. n. 319; in this last passage Gelli's editor, Negroni, has attributed to Boccaccio 
a sentence which belongs to Gelli — the quotation marks should end at ' le mosche,' not 
at ' tale udzio.' 

7 EMUJ, 1.471. 

* See, for instance, i. 113, 382, 548, 603 ; n. 68-9. 



Boccaccio's Commentary on the 'Divina Commcdia 

quella del Boccaccio' (i. 29.5); again — 'Couoscendo di non poter far tal 
cosa uieglio che si facesse in questo luogo il Boccaccio, vi recitero le 
parole sue proprie' (I. 329). 

Colli, in fact, was the first to appreciate the Comento at its true 
value. He realized that Boccaccio was in a position to know accurately 
the history of many of the people and incidents referred to by Dante 1 ; 
and he recognized especially the importance of his interpretations of 
antiquated and obscure words and phrases'. But at the same time he 
was critic enough to perceive that Boccaccio's information was not 
always to be accepted without examination. He distrusts, for instance, 
his explanation of the tides'; while of his account of the origin of the 
Guelfs and Ghibellines he says roundly ' non puo esser in nuxlo alcuno 
vera*.' 

Considering the high reputation which Boccaccio's Commie enjoyed 
from the very first, down to the middle of the sixteenth century (as is 
evidenced by the manner in which, as we have seen, it was utilized 
successively by Benveuuto da Imola, Francesco da Buti, the Anonimo 
Fiorentino, Landino, and Gelli), it is somewhat remarkable that there 
should be only four mss. of it in existence. Of Boccaccio's own M.S., 
which gave rise to the dispute referred to above 1 , every trace apparently 
has now been lost. Of the four existing mss., all of which are preserved 
in Florence — three in the Magliabechiana, one in the Riccardiana — none 
claims to date earlier than the fifteenth century. Even of these only 
three are complete, the whole of the first portion of the fourth ms., 
as far as the beginning of the commentary on the fifth canto, having 
disappeared*. 

It is also remarkable, and not altogether to the credit of the 
Florentines, that the lectures in which their forefathers showed such 
keen interest should have been left unpublished for more than two 
centuries and a half after the invention of printing. Only four editions 
of the Comento have been printed. The editio princeps was issued at 
Naples (with the false imprint of Florence) in 1724, in two volumes 8vo., 
which form the fifth and sixth volumes of the collection of Opere Volguri 



* For example, adanare (Gelli, i, 379); agogiiare (i. 378); 
(n. 105]; liu/era (i. 32!»); t ient.ilr (I, 111!*]; f.ii (i.'33-l); j-n«,> (n. 
rotlt, (ii. 41) : ttipu (i. U3i) ; ,trozi» (i. m>) ; (<■« :„i.,n;- (i. ,W2l. 

» Gelli, tl. 158-9. 

' Gelli, r. 609. 

1 See above, p. 104. 

" See MUaoesi's editioo of the Couunto, Vol. 




FAGET TOYNBEE 



111 



i Prosa del Boccaccio published by Lorenzo Ciccarelli 1 . This edition, 

which was printed from a single (and, as it was then thought, unique) 

Ms., in spite of its once high reputation, is of very little critical value, 

owing to the serious errors of transcription and of the press with which 

it abounds*. At the end of the second volume are appended the 

Annotation* of Anton .Maria Salvtni, to whose exertions it was largely 

due that the Comento was at last printed with Boccaccio's other ivm-ks. 

More than a hundred years later, in 1831-2, a second edition, based 

same single Ms., was published at Florence, by Ignazio Moutier, 

i three volumes 8vo., which form volumes x — xu of his collected edition 

f the Qpere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio. Moutier claims to have 

wrrected several hundreds of errors and omissions in the text of the 

inceps', but his own, though undoubtedly a great advance upon 

is predecessor, is still far from being perfect, chiefly owing to 

the fact that the single MS. upon which he had to rely is itself not by 

i free from errors'. 

In 1S-14 Fraticelli published an edition at Florence — the third — in 

three diminutive volumes in a popular series. The text of this edition 

9 no independent value whatever, being avowedly no more than a 

heap reprint of that of Moutier. 

About twenty years later the first attempt at anything like a critical 

i made by Gaetano Milanesi, whose edition in two volumes 

s published at Florence by Le Monnier in 1863. Milanesi had the 

advantage over previous editors in that three more MSS, of the Comento 

bad been discovered since their editions were published. By the aid 

F these MSS. he was enabled to produce a greatly improved text, but, 

3 he himself admits in his Avrertimento, there are still many passageB 

in which the reading is obviously more or less corrupt 1 . 

Milanesi was the first to divide the Comentv into Lezioni, a con- 
venient arrangement which is found in two out of the four mss., including 
the one made use of by Ciccarelli and by Moutier", though they for 
some reason or other chose to ignore it. It is doubtful how far these 
Letioni, which are sixty in number, represent so many actual lectures 
delivered by Boccaccio; fa- not only are they entirely devoid of any of 
the conventional formulae which a speaker addressing a public audience 

1 Ciccarelli nnngrammatized bis name into Cellenio Zacclori, under which form his 
signature is appended to the dedication of the edition. In some copies the Coirwnfei 
volumes are numbered independently of the collection to which they belong. 

1 See Moutier's remarlia, and the list of trrata given by him, on pp. vi-ivi of Vol. t. 
of bis edition. 

* Op. fit.. Vol. I. p. vi. ' See Milanesi, op. «'(., I. v. 

1 See Milanesi, op. ett., I. vi. * See Milanesi, toe. cit. 



112 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Coinmedia' 

naturally employs when breaking ofl' or resuming his discourse, but 
they also vary very greatly in length. The shortest of them, for instance, 
the forty-third, occupies only four pages in Milanesi's edition, while 
the longest, the eighteenth, fills no less than forty', — a disproportion 
which would hardly be tolerable in the case of actual lectures. 

It may be noted here that in no part of the Comenio, as it has come 
down to us, is there much trace of the peculiar conditions under which 
it was composed. Boccaccio did not readily, it seems, exchange the 
r6le of author for that of professor, If it were not for a single passage 
at the beginning of his opening lecture, in which he directly addresses 
his audience as ' Voi, signori fiorentini*,' it would be difficult to gather 
from the work itself that it was composed originally for public delivery*. 
That the lectures were carefully thought out and prepared beforehand 
is evident, not only from the plan of the work, but also from the many 
cases in which points are reserved for future discussion. For example 
at the mention of Mantua in his second Lezione Boccaccio says: 'd' essa 
si trattera nel ventesiino canto di questo pienamente'; and of Dardanus 
in the fourth: 'del quale piii distesamente diremo appresso nel quarto 
canto'; and so on*. In like manner he several times refers forward to 
the commentary on the Purgatorio', and to that on the Pamdiso*, both 
of which, it is clear, were already to some extent plauned, though, as 
W6 know, neither of them was actually begun. In one instance a 
memorandum has been preserved, in the text, of a passage which 
was to be further elaborated, but which was eventually left un- 
altered'. 

The plan of Boccaccio's commentary was obviously borrowed from 
Dante himself. Just as Dante in the Convivio divides and subdivides 
each of his canzoni into principal and secondary parts", and expounds 
in turn first the litterale sentenza and then the aUegoria of each of the 

' Milanesi, u. 266-70; and i. 427-67. 

5 MiUinpEii. I. 81. 

1 It is significant that Boccaccio not in frequently DM! t e rit w t instead of parlare in 
■peaking of his lectures. For instance, in Lrz. *2: ' Perciocche d' ansa si trattera nel 
li canto di questo pienamente, qui mm euro di pifi sememe' (i. 120); again, in 
Ltc.10: ' Quanlunque questa materia d' am ore venga pienamente s dovere essere trat- 
intu nel second u libro di questo volume, nel can to im ; nondhneno...alcuna cosa qui ne 
reriveru' (i. ABO) -. mi J in J.ri, Tyi ■ • [Vreintclii*; di (.'alone pienamente si scriveri nel priluo 
canto del Purcalorio, qui a piii dime non mi distendo ' (u. 366). 

* Milanesi, i. 130 and 143; for other references in the case of the Injcrno, sec i. 412; 
n. 25. 170, 389, 439, 455-6. 

» Five times; see i. 480; n. G, 46, 57, 306. 

' Three times; see 11. 57, 177, 234. 

7 See i. 465; '(Qui del modo del vegghiare, e come di qua if recarouo i Marailiesi, 
e donde »eunero le vigilie}.' 

6 Cf. Coiivh-io, ii. 2, II. 58 ff.; 8, 11. 6 ff.; iii. 1, 11. 100 ft.; 2, 11. 1 ff., &C. Ac. 



PAGET TOYS BEE 



11 



>ems under discussion 1 ; so, in the case of the Commedia, Boccaccio 
divides and subdivides the poem and its parts 5 , and then proceeds to 
give first the literal and afterwards the allegorical exposition of each 
canto*. 

Boccaccio opens his first lecture with a modest reference to his own 
insufficiency for the task which has been laid upon him ; and he throws 
in an adroit compliment to his audience, whom he describes an ' uomini 

' alto intendimento e di mirabili- perspicacita, come universal men te 
nleta esser voi.signori fiorentini '.' After quoting (through the medium 

f Chalcidius") what Plato says in the Timaetts as to the propriety of 
Balling upon the deity before entering upon any serious undertaking, 
he proceeds to invoke the divine aid on his own behalf. This he does, 
not in scriptural phrase, nor in any form of Christian prayer, but, 
lough, in the words of Anchises in the second Aeneid: — 

Jupiter iiiiiiii |pnti']i.--, jirck-iliiis si fln-tcria ullis, 
Aspice inis : hoc tantum : et, si pietnte niereimir, 
Da deiude ami linns, pater !° 

excuse for this extraordinary combination of piety and 
paganism is that as the matter of which he is about to treat is of a 
poetical nature, so it is appropriate that his invocation of God's aid 
ahould be in poetical form. 

He then goes on to examine into the three points which he says it 
is customary to determine with regard to every learned work, namely 
of what sort and how many are the causes of it, what is its title, and 
to what department of philosophy it belongs. In his determination of 
these questions Boccaccio quotes freely, though without mentioning it 
hy name, from the so-called dedicatory letter of Dante to Can Grande 
della Scala 7 , as to the authenticity of which there is a wide difference 
Of opinion among Dantists, the tendency at present, especially in Italy, 
being to regard it a 



1 Cf. Convivio, ii. 1, li. 119 ff. : ' In adunque ...sopra ciuwunri umiranp ragioiiero prima 
la litterale sentenza, e appresao di <tucll« mnioneru la sua allegoria.' 

* Cf. Comtnlo, I. 103. 

* Cf. Comtnto, I. 10<i. 

* Cnmeittu, 1. 81. 

* Boccaccio does nut mention Cbalcidina, but th<? pafisage he quotes is from the version 
of Chakidias, in which form the Timaeuf whs familiar to mediaeval students before the 
revival of Greek letters. Boccaccio's quotation, as printed, differs from the received teit 
of the paaaaKC in Chalcidiun, in reading homimtnu mot tit for omnibui; and raptemur 
(altered hv Milanvsi into rit[iii-mur) l»f ruplamur. 

* Aeiuid n. 689-01. 

' Compare Cmaento, i. 82-5 with Kpi-t. i. S§ R, 0, 15, 10, 

' Ob the whole question, see the article l>y Dr Moore, in his Studiei in Dantt, III. 
384-869, where the authenticity of the letter is stronglj upheld. 

H, l. it. u. 8 



114 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

In discussing the title of the work Boccaccio has some interesting 
remarks as to the in appropriateness, to his thinking, of the term Comedy 
applied by Dante to his poem. Comedy, he says, as everybody knows, 
deals with low subjects and with persons of low degree ; whereas Dante's 
poem treats of persons of eminence, and of singular and notable deeds 
both wicked and virtuous, as well as of the effects of penitence, the 
ways of the angels, and the essence of the Deity, The style of Comedy, 
again, is humble and low.as befits the subject-matter; whereas the style 
of the poem is ornate and sublime, notwithstanding it is written in the 
vulgar tongue, while if Dante had written it in Latin it would have 
been still more sublime and dignified'. 

Dante's name, which he discusses in connection with the title of the 
poem, Boccaccio takes to be, not an abbreviated form of Durante, as it 
is now commonly explained, but a term significant of the poet's bounty 
— Dante, the giver — in placing the. treasures of his mind freely at the 
disposal of all who may be inclined to partake of them. He insists 
that Dante introduces his own name, not once, but twice into the 
Com/media'; firstly, by the mouth of Beatrice in the well-known passage 
in the thirtieth canto of the Purgatomo'; secondly, by the mouth of 
Adam in the twenty-sixth canto of the Paradi&o', With regard to the 
latter passage, he argues that it was especially appropriate for Dante to 
be named by Adam, to whom God assigned the task of naming all 
created things. The majority of commentators, however, differ from 
Boccaccio on this point, holding that Da te, not Dante, is the correct 
reading of the line in question. 

After deciding that the Commedia comes under the head of moral 
philosophy, Boccaccio proposes to deal with the subject of Hell. But 
before entering upon this part of his task, he once more apologizes for 
the feebleness of his powers ; and, further, in case he shall be betrayed 
through ignorance or inadvertency into saying anything that may be 
contrary to the catholic faith, he then and there formally recants and 
abjures the same, beforehand, and humbly submits himself in respect 
thereof to the correction of Holy Church". 

Having thus discounted the possibility of ecclesiastical censure 
Boccaccio launches out into a lengthy disquisition upon the matter in 
hand, namely Hell — whether there be a Hell, whether there be more 
than one, in what part of the world it is situated, from what point it is 

1 Comento, l. 81-5. « Comento, i. 90-1. 



PAGET TOYNBEE 



115 



A 

0. 

It 



>jzjroached, what is its shape and dimension, what purpose it serves, 
at»<3 lastly, whether it is called by any name other than Interims. To 
tbi^ discussion of these points he devotee what amounts to some ten 
j>r-i«ited pages in Milanesi's edition of the commentary 1 , at least half of 
tr»«5 matter being translated word for word from a previous work of his 
own, the De Genealogia Deorum — a practice in which, as will be shown 
Wter, Boccaccio indulged to an extent hitherto quite unsuspected'. 

The subject of Hell being disposed of, there yet remains, before we 
arrive at the commentary proper, the question why Dante wrote his 
poem in the vulgar tongue instead of in Latin. This question, says 
Boccaccio, much exercised the literati of the day. They could not 
understand how a man of deep learning like Dante could bring himself 

IV> compose such an important work in the volgare. Boccaccio's expla- 
nation, which is practically identical with what he had already said in 
his Vita di Dante*, is as follows: — 'Dante was certainly a very learned 
mail, especially in poetry, and desirous of fame, as most of us are. He 
began his poem in Latin, thus : 
B 



i'ltiuiu rt-i;iia oaiuuii fluido ci>li term inn mundo, 
Scintillas quae lata patent, quae prjiemia solvunt. 
Pro meritis cuiemnque suis, otu. 



But when he had made some progress with it in this fashion he decided 

to change his style. For he saw that liberal and philosophical studies 

w ^re altogether abandoned by the princes and great men who used to 

honour and render famous poets and their works. And he reflected 

tout if Virgil and the other Latins were almost entirely neglected, he 

Con ld not expect a better fate for his own work, He therefore made 

"P his mind to suit his poem, at least so far as concerned its outside 

' or, o, to the understandings of the present generation, who, if by chance 

wiey -wish to see any book, and it happens to be written in Latin, 

st mightway have* it translated into the vernacular. From which he 

"""'I'ided that if his poem were written in the vulgar tongue it might 

■"■Hit with favour; whereas if it were in Latin it would be cold-shouldered. 

7° ifcandoning his Latin lines he wrote the Commedia in vernacular 

'"^S, as we see *.' 

tioccaccio now at last, after this lengthy prologue, enters upon the 

"' Jv-ct proper of his lezioni, namely the systematic exposition of the 

I the allegory of Dante's poem. His commentary, like most 

* In- early commentaries, is of very unequal value. Some of the 



116 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

information supplied is of the most elementary, not to say childish, 
description ; while, on the other hand, a large portion of the work 
displays real erudition and scholarship, and is the outcome of considerable 
research. This curious mixture of learning and simplicity makes one 
wonder for what sort of audience Boccaccio's lectures were intended. 
In the terms of the petition the lecturer was to expound the Commedia 
tor the benefit of 'etiam non grammatici 1 .' But it is difficult to conceive 
that any audience of Florentines, even of Florentine children, however 
ignorant of Latin, let alone the 'uoniini d' alto intendimento e di 
mirabile perspicacita,' to whom Boccaccio refers in such flattering terms 
in his opening lecture", could require to be informed, U Boccaccio care- 
fully informs them, that an oar, for instance, is 'a long thick piece of 
wood, with which the boatman propels his boat, and guides and directs 
it from one place to another*'; or that an anchor is 'an instrument of 
iron, which hiis at one end several grapples, and at the other a ring by 
whieh it is attached to a rope whereby it is let down to the bottom of 
the sea 1 '; or that 'every ship has three principal parts, of which one is 
called the bows, which is sharp nnd narrow, because it is in front and 
has to cut the water; the second is called the poop, and is behind, 
where the steersman stands to work the tiller, by means of which, 
according as it is moved to one side or the other, the ship is made to 
go where the steersman wishes; while the third part is called the keel, 
which is the bottom of the ship, and lies between the bows and the 
stern"'; and so on. Boccaccio, however, seems to have acted on the 
principle that it is the business of an expositor to expound, and conse- 
quently he lets his audience off nothing — not even the familiar Bible 
stories of Adam and Eve, Cain and Abel, Noah and the Ark, Pharaoh's 
daughter and Moses, and such like". In (act, like certain modern 
editors, he is determined to empty his note-books, whether the infor- 
mation is wanted or no. For example, at the first mention of Aeneas 
he says, ' Although most people know well enough who Aeneas was, 
nevertheless I shall speak of him at length when we come to the fourth 
canto of this book 7 '— a promise, it is hardly necessary to say, which is 
amply fulfilled". 

Some not too friendly critic appears to have reproached Boccaccio 
for lecturing on the Commedia in this Way to the vulgar herd, declaring 
that it was a degradation of Dante's lofty genius to endeavour to bring 

1 See above, p. 1)8, note 1. ' Comcnto, i. 81. 

' Comtnto, i. 280. 4 Comtnto, u. 454. 

» Comtnto, II. 139. « Comtnto, i. 304 B. 

Comtnto, I. 818. " Comtnto, t. 847-50. 





PAGET TOYNIJEE 



117 



he u 
only 
but 
nfo 

Jinot 



it down to the level of the lay comprehension. Boccaccio replied to 
these strictures in a sonnet, in which he practically pleads guilty; but 
he urges in extenuation that he was induced to undertake the task not 
only by the advice of his friends, ill-judged though it may have been; 
under the pressure of the 'res angusta domi,' which made the 

ry attached to the lectureship an important consideration 1 . In 
MXWiber Bonnet, written apparently about the same time, he complains 
bitterly that if he has done wrong in revealing to the 'prufanum vulgus' 
the secrets of the Muses, he has at any rate paid dearly for his mis- 
d-.-oii-aiiour, inasmuch as Apollo has taken cruel vengeance upon his 
unfortunate body, not a limb of which but is ailing in consequence 1 . 

Ir was n.i doubt partly this tailing of his health and energies which 
ed Boccaccio to eke out his commentary with copious extracts from 
writings ■•! his own — an expedient to which reference has 
already been made'. The works which he has laid under contribution 
in this way are the De Casibiis Virorum Illustrium*, the De Claris 
tftfUeribus', the De Montibus, Sgtvis, Lacubus, etc.', and the De Genea- 
loyia Deorum. From the last of these, which was completed in the 
year in which his lectures were begun, he has borrowed something 
like a ninth part of the material of the Comento, amounting to more 
.han a hundred printed pages in Milanese's edition 7 . It is characteristic 
of the literary methods of the day that Boccaccio does not once refer 
to any one of these books by name, nor does he anywhere hint that he 
is making use of old material. 

To make even a rapid survey of the numerous other authorities, 
classical and mediaeval, emoted by Boccaccio in the course of his 
Comento, would be beyond the scope of the present paper. I may, 
however, touch upon one or two points in this connection which are 
of especial interest from the humanistic point of view. Boccaccio's 
references to two particular authors entitle his commentary to an 
important place in the history of letters to which, merely as a com- 

1 Opart, «J. Mon tier. Vol. in. Sod. viii. 

1 Ujicrf, eft. Moutier, Vol. in 9cm. vii. ' See above, p. 116. 

* C&MMUO, i. 177 (for Sardanaualus), 1«0 (Jngurtlm, Antiochim), 362 (Tarquiniua 
Superhut.), tar, (Minos); n 1* (Siriioiiidos, Astvagiif), 36 (Xerxtn). 65 (Croesus). 

a Comr-iWo, I. 143-1 (for CainilL), 211 (Ilia), 353 i ['Biillii'silwil, 36] iLavinia), 363 
(Locretia), 367 (J.il.r.), 137 |Eiir..|.ii), U8-51 (S^minmiis). 451-6 [L>itlol. -1.57-62 (Cleo- 
patra), 463-6 (Hi'Ii-n). J'.'S iZciiobiii); n. l!Hl lArr.misin). 13.". ((iunldnda). 

• CoHieiito, I. 479 (for Po): n, 51 ('faro .li Messina'), 149 (• logo ■), 184 (Rbone), 220 
C Tireno'), 368('Abilae Sella'), its". (' 9tae.no '), -Its !l (Monte Veeo, Appennino}. 

' ConxMH. i. (12-5, 99-101, 123-6, 128-35, 198, 201-8, 211, 211 6, 225 SI. 259, 270-1, 
S73, 284-5, 293, 296, 322-3, 312 50, 359 61, 390-1, 133-S. 442, 151, 467-73, 480-2.405; 
. 5, 11, 17-9, 72. 75-8, 83-90. 136-8, 170 1, 177-82. l'J5-202, 203 i), 268-9, 278-4, 
- 1, 308-9, 314. 315, 318-22. 327, 328, 337, 3ii2, 393, 399-100. 427. 




118 Boccaccio's Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

mentary on the Divina Commedia, it could never have aspired. In this 
work and in the/)e Genealogia Deoram occur for the first time in mediaeval 
literature quotations from the works of Tacitus, and from the Iliad and 
Odyssey of Homer. The story of how Boccaccio came to have access to 
Homer through the medium of a Latin translation, and of how this 
translation came to be made, has already been told elsewhere 1 . 
Boccaccio's quotations from Homer in the Cuiitento are six in number, — 
four from the Iliad 1 , and two from the Odyssey', — one being a verbatim 
quotation from the Latin translation just mentioned', of which the 
original Ms. is now preserved in the Bibliothequo Natiouale at Paris". 
Previous to the making of this translation Homer had only been 
accessible to mediaeval writers, as to Dante, for instance, in the 
miserable compendium of the Iliad in Latin hexameters known as 
Pindavus Tkebaittts; or in such meagre quotations as could be found 
in the Latin translations of Aristotle, or in the works of Cicero*. 

Tacitus was known by name to several mediaeval writers before the 
time of Boccaccio. He is mentioned, for instance, by John of Salisbury 
(d. 1180) in the PoUcraticus (viii. 18). as well as by Peter of Blois 
(d. 1200) and Vincent of Beauvais (d. 1264) r . But to Boccaccio belongs 
the distinction of being the first author of modern times to show any 
actual acquaintance with his works". In what way the works of Tacitus 
came into the hands of Boccaccio is a matter of conjecture. That he 
had in his own possession a copy of some portion of them is certain; 

1 ' Homer in Dante and in Benvenuto da Imola,' in ray Danlc StudUi and lieteiirthci, 
pp. 204 a. 

» Cmutnta, i. 347. 4(13, 467, 511. 
' CnmriHo, i. 97, 466. 

* Comcittv, i. 511; the passage (from Iliiiii, itv. 214-17), ns printed by Milaneai, runs 
as follows: ■ Et a poctoribus solvit eeston cingulum vu.rii.im, ubi sibi vohiptarin omnia 
ordinata erant, ubi inerat amicitia, atijue eupido, atque facundia, blanditiae quae (urant 
intellectum, htndiose licet acieiitium etc.' 1'or I'ltinnl (nil impos^iM,.; reading) Ciccarelli 
and Montier read furatae. In the us. of the translation ill the Bibliotheque Nationale 
(MB. Lat. 7HM1), which originally belonged to Petrarch and was executed for him, the 
passage runs as follows:—' Et a pectoiibus solvit Btttoo cjngaltmi ni iuni. ubi sibi volun- 
tarin omnia Facta erant, t'iii tertf uimcitiii utiiiu: eupido nt^ne i.'ulkieutio Ulanditiaeque 
furate sunt sensurn studioie set scientium.' This same |(i-.'iKt i- i]Ui'tt*d hy Boccaccio, 
together with the original Greek, in the third book of liU IV iltncaluiiia htontm, where 
the text of the translation agrees neither with that of the ComtHto nor that of the us. : 
' Et a pectorilni" Mbil oastoo dsgnlom van urn, ubi sibi voluntaria uuinia ordinata erant, 
□hi eerie amicitia atque eupido ati|ue facundia, blanditiaeque (urate mentem licet studiose 
seieutiuru ' (ed. 1532. p. 71). 

" See previous note. 

* See my Ihmtc Stmlirt and Rettareht*, pp. 304-5. 

* See Hortis, Open Lntiiie dtl Hwcaccio, p. 425. 

" St Jerome mentions the works of Tacitus; and a monk of t'ulda in the ninth century, 
one Kuodolpbus, quotes a passage which has been identified in the AmuiU; but from that 
time until he was brought to light again by Boccaccio, Tacitus seems to have been entirely 
lost sight of. 



PAGET TOYSBEE 



119 



or i» a letter written by him from Naples in January 1371, to Niccolo 
da Montefalcone, he urgently entreats his correspondent to return to 
him. t"..r fear of its getting further damaged, his Ms. of Tacitus, which 

had taken away: — ' Quaternum quern asportasti Cornelii Taciti 
queso saltern mittas ne laborem meum frustraveris et libro deform itatem 
anipliurem addideris 1 .' From the expression 'ne laborem meum frustra- 
veris' it has been concluded that this MS. was a copy, which Boccaccio 
had made with his own hands. But the fact that he refers to the Ms. 
as being already damaged, points rather to its being an ancient MS. 
Hortis' plausibly conjectures that Boccaccio may have managed to 
secure possession of this Ms. when he paid his famous visit to the 
monastery of Monte Cassino, of which he gave the well-known account 
recorded by Benvenuto da Imola. It wilt be remembered that he found 
the library quite unprotected, and the books lying about in a state of 
Otter neglect'. The MS. of Tacitus, now preserved in the Lauren tian 
Library at Florence, belonged originally to Monte Cassino, and it is not 
at all improbable that it was Boccaccio who rescued it from the careless 
keeping of the unworthy Benedictine monks. 

Boccaccio seems to have been acquainted with the twelfth to the 
sixteenth books of the Annals, and the second and third books of the 

t. In his Comento he utilizes chapters 56 — 7 and 69 — 70 of 
the fifteenth book of the Annals, for his account of the death of Lucan, 
'secondoche Cornelio Tacito scrive*'; and books twelve to fifteen of the 
same work, for his account of the career and death of Seneca, his 
indebtedness in this latter instance amounting to five and a half 
printed pages in Milanese's edition*. It maybe noted that Boccaccio 

» nowhere employs the title Annals, with which we are familiar, but uses 
the term Storie — 'secondoche scrive Cornelio Tacito nel decimo quinto 
libro delle sue Storie' — even when he is actually quoting from the 
Annals*. It is hardly necessary to add that the fact of Boccaccio's 
ha\ ing been acquainted with at least five books of the Annuls of 
ffectualty disposes of the theory, put forward some thirty years 
ago, that the Annals were forged in Italy in the fifteenth century by 
Poggio Bracciolini 7 . Of the Histories, so far as I can discover, Boccaccio 

1 Thin loiter ia printed, in a corrupt form, by Carazzini in his Leltere di M. Giovanni 
Hoeeaceio (p. 239). The corrections in the passage quoted in the text are duo to Hortis 
{Oprre Latiiie <ltl Tior-em-eic, p. 425, n. 4). 

* Hortia. lot, eit. 
3 See my Dantt Studies and Retcarehen, pp. 233-4. 

* Voaitnto, i. 333-4. i Comtnto, r. 397-40S. 
. i. 400. 

* See introduction to Furneaui'a edition of the Annatt (Oxford, 1884). 



1 

! 



120 Boccaccio 9 s Commentary on the ' Divina Commedia' 

made no use in his Comento, although he appears to have utilized the 
second and third books to some extent in a previous work, the De 
Claris Mulieribus 1 . To his intimate friend and literary correspondent, 
Petrarch, Boccaccio singularly enough does not seem to have communi- 
cated his discovery of the MS. of Tacitus — at any rate there is no allusion 
to the subject in such of their correspondence as has been preserved ; 
nor does Petrarch anywhere mention the name of Tacitus, which in his 
case may be accepted as almost conclusive proof that he had no acquain- 
tance with Tacitus' works 3 . 

I may mention, in conclusion, that I hope on some future occasion 
to deal further with this interesting subject of the authors utilized or 
quoted by Boccaccio in his Commentary on the Divina Commedia, on 
which I have barely touched in the present article. 

Paget Toynbee. 

1 See Hortis, loc. cit. See also P. de Nolhac, Boccace et Taeite (in Melanges de l'Eoole 
de Rome, torn. xii. 1892). 

9 See P. de Nolhac, Pftrarque et Vhumanieme, pp. 266-7; and Boccace et Taeite f 
pp. 6-8. 



TWO NOTES ON MILTON. 



I. The 'Ode on the Nativity' and the 
Poems of Mantuan. 

The Holofernos of Love's Labour's Lost exclaims (4. 2. 101): 'Old 
Mantuan, old Mantuan ! who understandeth thee not loves thee not.' 
Whether to understand John Baptist Mantuan, otherwise named 
Spagnuoli, be to love him, I shall not here attempt to decide. What 
I am concerned with is the question whether to read him is to under- 
stand Milton better, or at least to perceive that in Mantuan he may 
have found suggestions for one of his early poems, the ode On Hie 
Morning of Christ's Nativity. 

As every one knows, the Hymn begins with the words, 
It whs the winter wild. 
In England Christmas falls in the winter, it is true, but did it in Judcea ? 
AVe need not consider what season it was when, according to probability, 
Christ was actually born: with this Milton would not have troubled 
himself. But how could he, who must have known that at the generally 
nccepted date Palestine Was hardly covered with snow, have so described 
it in his poem? Here Mantuan may have been his warrant. According 
to him, not only was it a northern winter in Greece and Italy, but also 
on the plain of Troy and in the cities of Assyria; hardly did Arabia and 
Syene escape. This is shown by the following passage (1. 70a, b; I quote 
from the edition of 1613, slightly normalizing the use of capitals, 
punctuation, etc.): 

Decide rant umbra ncmnrum; sine criuibus omnia 

ArHor ernt, nidonque avium moimtrabat inanes. 

Stabat apex Lydi gelidti uive cjuididtis Henii, 

ThauruH Hypcrboveos "Hienti vortico tiituw 

A(*;ipieiiM, hyomem AjayrUa apwKebat in urbes. 

Mivnaloii et llhodojieii, Pliolon, Erymmithon, et Onsnm, 

Idii'UK ruues A]Keuiniquc cocuinen 

Eiuerat frigtw penetrans Aquiloni* aeuti ; 

Siccaque brimiales iireUmt arva pruinie. 

Astrictique citos mid is Klitrmlibus amnes 

Perdidemtit cursiis, et cIiium vitrea Nympbio 

Teota subintrabiuit, tepid is ubi Muk'iber antris 



122 Two XoU$ on Milton 



<saAiUm bvbernat; sc wognine tanctw Enjphens 
k*%i¥AiV>, *ic Thrax Pindo qui labitar Hjetras, 
f'spulifcrque Padua, Laopdacmopioaqoe Enrota*, 
Kt Tanai* gelida oeierem qui diridit andam 
llyr#* aqua, Scythicuaque Hypanis. Xantans 
Vix Arabe* horti, calkbe vix anra Sreoes. 
Vix ag#?r Hesperiduia, vix ipse rirebat Hrmetas. 



It j* rffV«ffi po*mble that Shakespeare may hare had in mind the first 
two I if M* of thin [manage when he wrote (Sour. 73. 1 — 4): 

Tliat tiiiiD of vear tbou mayest in me behold 
Whitti y«llow leaves, or none, or few, do hang 
Upon thoMe bough* which shake against the cold, 
Ham ruihixl choim, where late the sweet birds sang. 

With hUiizh 4, 

No war, or tattle's sound, 

VVus licuiril the world around, etc., 

miiy In* roiiipamd Mantuan, Parth. 3. 1 (Opera 1. 67 b); 

•fain mans jam tollus Italo deterrita Marte, 
( 'uinaris lm|wriuin Komanaque jura ferebat 
J'iu i»rat, «t doinitum late placaverat orbem 
Tufa (julus; numjuatii litui, non arma sonabant, 
Kt sua hifrniitem ducebant limina Janum. 
N in 1km in liiirhisecam redigebat Martia falcem 
Anna fatar ; HognoM fodiotant enwibus agros. 

Tim \»uwi' mI' AngiiHtiiH was over sea and land, the temple of Janus was 
rlimufl, noitlmr triiiiipotH nor weapons resounded. Spears were beaten 
JMl<" |M lining hnokn. 

Milton'* (Mtiiiim 5) 

Wlii In IiIihIh of mini nit broodiug on the charmed wave 

jt* punillcliiil by MnutuitUH (1. 70b) 

lluluynhU WvUv varus nova pignora pennis 
•lain Itilli uuilotaut, primosque efferre volatus. 

Muiiliiuhb muupunion-pioturo (1. 70b) to Milton's stanza 6 owes 
rtiiiiir.tliiiig !♦» I ho Apoorvphul Wisdom, 18. 14, 15: 

Altulmut nunlio nov tilt* silentia cursu, 
Ahtruijiiu hoi touobm* tivinulis anientia namniis 
Lufttiuliuhl duhio tVitftrntoui luiuino terrain. 

Ilmo, K will I m nhworwtl, tho oarth is again described as frozen, while 
tho wintry uulil is unoo motv alluded to in 1. 69 b: 

Kt HUwt pulsis 

loat ftlUlis, *|WltV 

•muu ivivhibet volamine frigus. 



Uiuiitnw tiaunua mioat ftimut, ~*pplwa lig&to 
l-lHtidit, ut U % vU»n 



ALBERT 8. COOK 123 

With the beginning of Milton's stanza 11 (cf. stanza 7) may be 
compared Mantuan's (1. 73 a) 

Nam jubar inimensum emlo dedu.xcrat infans, 
Illustrique die niwtia disjeeemt umbram. 

What in Milton is prophetically asserted (stanza 14), 

* to tho peering day, 

is id Mantuan but a fear (1. 236 a): 

Fuit tremor usque in Tartars, et umbrse 
Tartarea.' timueic "nine* no terra delriaeena 
Concideret, Ntygiusque dutim* <>*teiideret astris. 

The 'Old Dragon' of stanza 18 may be of remote kinship, at 1 
with Mantuan's (1. 72 a) : 

Sunt quoquo qii 
Fronte aub ard< 
O.mmeruorent. 

Cf. Rev. 12. 4. 

The theme of stanzas 19-21 seems to ha' 
Mantuan. Thus (1. 236 b): 



been a favourite with 



Ei adyti.t puloi leruurea per i 
S|.iirnijienta vi;iiu lelores inier 
Tartara, seeretisque diu latuer 






And again (1. 



3 a): 



Jam nova progenies cii'lu di.wenderat alto 
Kt ]>i'ixlirv alius -Nirl'innn iiu:n'p.T;it. nnln; 
Dii PhlegctlioiitJi'i, rei;iirtt;L lyiviruiido longa, 
Et maria et terra* auiinis i-ulmtihua iBgra 
Cedcro compulsi, errabant deserta latentes 
Per iiomora extrctui gelido sub curdine uiiiiidi* 

Elsewhere Jupiter sjjeaks in a council of the heathen deities, and in his 
address (1. 197 a) we may discover possible hints for Milton's stanzas 
nbovi- referred to: 

At tieque nos tetupus soli pnevidimus illud ; 
Pnevidero alii Icnnirea quoquo. Barbara Memphis 
Novit, et .'Egyptus, Htm que *imu]ui.Ta i*ir illos 
Est mirata dies ; aliqito quasi U'ltita casu 
Et tremere ct niccato pallorem duccre vultu. 
Nee velut ante loqui, imitisque sileutia templia 
Observance, norm teatontia signs, tumultus. 
Ipsa quoque uruiat.is nuies conuurrere coalo 
Audiit Alpines trepidant Germauia motus. 
Sciiuua et ex gelidis tepidui" "•" 



Two Notes on Milton 

Fontibus, et noctu media* uluiaa.se [tor urbes 
Pane truces agitante lupo* rabieiuque ferente. 
Sit* fuit omnibus hoc turn fonnidabile tempos 
Spiritibus, tarn horrenda lues nostratibus urabris ; 
Ut Stygio quie in neno habitant «cli astra peros«' 
hidociles larvic, postquam diditvre voluta 
Siccula dena quator, vioinaque tempora gontis 
Christidos, ad Plutunciu ierint aibi tuta rogantes 
Septa, rata- ml Stygian bella ingressura lacunas. 
Incloluere igitur ruerito regiia omnia quando 
'.'"iniiiuiii r.iiiirnuii'- uiiihiiij uiiLTi-n; doleiniuiii est. 



The resemblance of what follows (Mantuan 1. 79 a, b) to the close of 
stanza 23, and stanza 24, is even more marked : 

Partheniees jirimo ingressu simulaebra per omnem 

Leginius .Kgyptmii snbita iccidisse ruina, 

Et collisa siilo. Jaouit resupimis Anubis, 

Qornibus auratis aolio niit lsia ab alto, 

Oecidit exteniplo luetu qiupaitua Osiris ; 

Sicut cum trepidi jier caica silentia furt*s 

N oct is eunt tacit i, vi^iluntque ad furta repente, 

Si densaa abignt lux improvisa tenebras, 

1 Hff'ugiunt, lueenique liinciil. uedimtque diei. 

Attoniti vales illis rasponsa dietnia 

Nulla dabant. stabatquo oculos imuiotus aruspex. 

Spanta sacerdotes tiniido legere deoruro 

Frusta uiniaterio ; wepit time perdere vires 

Catca superstitio, verique exurgere Patris 

Cnltus, et oceulto supermn latrea favore. 

Even Stilton's ' unshowered grass' might have been suggested — 1\ 

he could not have been ignorant of the classic authorities on the 

subject — by Mantuan's (1. 81a) 

-F.gyptiia pluviam noacit. 




II. 



' NAMANOOfl, 1 



The early commentators on Milton seem to have been much in the 
dark regarding the 'Namancos' of Lycidas 162, and it cannot be said 
that even down to the present the word has been fully understood. 
As long ago as 1785 Thomas Warton, in his edition of the minor poems, 
appears to have regarded the name as 'Namanco,' for, though his text 
has ' Namancos,' in his note he three times quotes the line as 

Looks toward Xamanco'a and Bayona's hold. , 
Todd, in his first edition (1801), did little better. After remarking that 
the name had been unnoticed by the commentators, he conjectured 
that Milton might have been thinking of Numantia (the ancient capital 
of the Celtiberian province, as yet unidentified, but near Tarragona, in 



ALBERT S. COOK 

■»■-- "» lorth-east of Spain), having perhaps found it so spelled 

- Jlilton's ' Damasco ' for Damascus, This would seem as though he, 
like War tun, was thinking of 'Namanco' rather than of 'Namancos.' 
-At the time of publishing his first edition, Todd was apparently 
^quainted with a communication to the Monthly Magazine, or 
H'-Stt'sh Register for June 1, 1800 (Vol. 0. p. 424), signed 'D. F.,' 
irn- 'writer of which also identifies Namancos with Numantia, adding: 
'1 »*.tu aware that this place was on the opposite side to Bayona; but 
' e "t it be remembered that they are no common eyes which look upon 
tHt? scene; that they are no less than those of an archangel.' Todd's 
afcfc*? mion was probably called to this by the memoranda consigned to 
tut; proprietors of his edition — according to his own statement in his 
e^iition of 1809 (i. vi)— by Dunster in 1805. In his note on the line 
^- c *clcl incorporated Dunster's criticism on the unlucky correspondent, to 
trx«_- effect that ' Milton scarcely meant to make his archangel look two 
vv "*Vys at once.' However, Dunster fell into the open trap which the 
correspondent had unwittingly left for him, by accepting the identifies- 
El « '»n with Numantia, and, in order to obviate any at rab is inal possibilities, 
8ll gTgesting that 'Bayona' was the French Bayonne. These hypotheses 
HP* -i-«_. however, dismissed by Todd in the edition of 1809, where he says 
^*~*».t he has been 'directed by a literary friend to Mercator's Atlas, edit. 
■**■ - JtitttA. 1623, and again in 1030 ; and in the map of Galicia, near the 
I " • i «n Cape Finisterre, the desired place occurs thus written, " Namancos 

' In this map the castle of Bayona makes a very conspicuous figure. 

* * l lton most probably recollected this geographical description of the 

t*«*.nish province.' 

"To the foregoing, Jerram, in his edition of Lycidas (1874), adds: 
-^ s * **]nancos also appears in Ojea's map of Galicia (1650), but seems to 

**-"^"* been afterwards omitted, as it is not found in Nolin's map (1762), 
*»«_»»- m tnat j- L(jp e2 (1784), nor in the Atlas National de Espaua 

I" 1 1888." 



Ml, 



rang: 



'1 cannot find it in an earlier issue dated 1606, nor is it given by 
"'*->her Ortelius or Heylyn. It appears also to have been omitted in all 
*^ maps published after the middle of the century. It is worth noting 
^-^t the 1636 ed. of Mercatoi- was the first printed in England, the 
'- *-tiT-press being translated; and it may have been from this recent 
^Mrce that Milton, writing Lycidas in 1637, first became acquainted 
v > ih the existence of Nainancos. Even there Namancos is not marked 



Two Notes on Milton 

in the general map of Spain, but only in the special one which 
illustrates the " Description of Galicia," n. 347. 

' Formerly it was usual in designing large atlases to mark important 
places not only by name, but also by some illustration of a castle or 
fortress etc. Now in the edition just mentioned Namancos figures as 
Namancos If (i.e. Turns), which suggests that it was not a town but a 
fortress; it may afterwards have been destroyed and this would account 
for its disappearance from later maps. Also it is illustrated by a con- 
spicuous drawing of a tower: did this catch Milton's eye?' 

Verity adds : ' In an earlier edition of his Milton Todd had suggested 
that the reference was to Numantia, " Bayona's hold " being identified 
with the French Bayonne, But geographically this was impossible.' 
Not all of these statements, as will be seen on examination, are 
accurate. 

In the light of what precedes, the following facts will be of interest 
to the student of Milton ! 

1. The form ' Namancos ' is wrong ; the name is ' Nemancos.' The 
error is due to Ojea (about 1604), and was perpetuated by succeeding 
cartographers. 

2. No tower of that name is known to have existed, the ' T.' of 
Ojea's map standing for ' Tierra.' 

3. The name Nemancos has been known since the early part of the 
10th century. 

4. Nemancos is the present name of one of the 36 arch presbyteries — 
an Englishman might call them rural deaneries — into which the arch- 
bishopric of Santiago de Compostella is divided. It contains 29 pirishes 
and 11 dependencies (filiates, or anexas). Nemancos does not now 
designate, and never has designated, so far as I have been able to 
ascertain, any town, village, or fortress, but rather a territory or 
administrative district, roughly corresponding in extent to a county. 

These statements will now be taken up in order, and the proofs 
adduced. 

1. 'Nemancos' is the form found in the Diccioxario Enciclopedico 
HispanO' Americano, Barcelona, 1887-99, and in Madoz, Dicoionurio 
Geografico, etc., de E&jxlTm, Madrid, 1 845-50, wherever there is occasion 
for incidental mention of the word, as under the names of individual 
parishes belonging to this deanery, etc. An express statement to the 
same effect is made in a letter from Sefior Andres Martinez Salazar, 
Keeper of the Archives at Corunna, who has been obliging enough, 
through the kind intermediation of my colleague, Professor Henry 






ALBERT a. COOK 127 

I'- Lang, the scholar in Spanish and Portuguese literature, to answer 
certain questions addressed to him, and thus to render an important 
service. As to the spelling ' Namancos,' this is due, I believe, wherever 
is found, to simple copying from Ojea's map, published for the first 
tinie, so far as I have been able to discover, in the Ortelius of 1606. 
The Ortelius of 1609, in the library of Yale University, has it as an 
inset whole-sheet map, numbered 18 (a duplicate number), and bearing 
C*j«ia*s name and a dedication by him in the upper left-hand corner. 
"ere occurs 'Namancos T,,' but without the drawing of a tower. 
According to Mr George C. Hurlbut, Librarian of the American 
Geographical Society, and my friend and former pupil, Professor 
Frederick M. Padelford, of the State University of Washington, 
'NamaoOM TV is found in the Mercator of 1613, 1619, 1630, 1633, 
a «d 1636. in the Blaeu of 163.5 and 1667, the Jansson of 1657-8, and 
th*-- De Wit of ca. 1650-60, and of ca. 1746. The Visscher (Otteus) of 
1 * OH has ' Namancos," instead of ' Namancos T.' On the other hand, it 
ia Hot found in Mercator before 1613, in the Jansson of 1628, 1630, and 
1 651, the Goos of 1662, nor the Theuniss of 1686 (cf. Jerram's statement 

With respect to Ojea, who must bo held ultimately responsible for 

-Alton's misspelling, we are sufficiently informed by Florez, Espaitii 

S, ':;/'-Ui!a 17. 181-2 (cf. Pardifiae, Varones Ilustres de Galicia). 

« Ctouiding to this authority, Hernando Oxea [Qjea] was born in Orense, 

^^ame a Dominican friar, went to Mexico as missionary, and returned 

t " r * Spain in 1601. Before 1604 he was again in Mexico, for in that year 

■** Wrote thence to the Dean and Chapter of Santiago de Compostella 

**a.fc he was preparing a general history of the kingdom of Galicia, 

^'"ich, whether completed or not, was never published, For this work 

e executed his map of Galicia, which is included in the large atlases 

' V*'«? uiida en los Atlas grandee). However, as he says in his Historia 

_ e ^ Apostol [Santiago], fol. 355, he was not satisfied with this map, and 

l ' 1 ' • aded to correct it. He returned to Spain a second time in 1614, 

P*>l>liHhed the Historia del Apostol in 1615, and then finished his 

J"UttityingB by going back to Mexico in August of the latter year, 

"*--* Wrote a book on the advent, life, and miracles of Chmt, published 

'" Medina del Campo in 1602, and a treatise on the nobility of Spain, 

"P'ch never saw the light. Tho statement regarding his dissatisfaction 

"••4 the map is significant, in view of his misspelling of ' Neruancos.' 

2- My colleague, Dr Rudolph Schevill, who at my instance has 
PXfl 'nined thirty or forty maps of Spain in the British Museum, from 



128 Two Notes on Milton 

1600 a.d. onward for a century or more, reports that in two or three of 
these he found ' Tierra de Namancos,' or ' Namancos tierra.' This accords 
with the fact that the Orteliusinap of 1U0!) contains similar designations, 
such as ' Tierra de Lnnia,' ' Tierra de Miranda.' 

3. A document of the year 915(Florez, Esjxihu Sagrada 19. 349 if. ; 
Lopez Ferreiro, Hist, de la Iglesia de Santiago 2. 37) assigns to the 
diocese of Iria (later Santiago) 'Trasancos, Labacencos, Nenutncos, 
Celticos, and Carnota.' Another document, referring to the year 930 
(the MS. itself is of the 13th or 14th century), has : ' In Nentancos Seta 
Eolalia in Donobria,' i.e. modern Dumbria (Ferreiro, as above, 2. 2). 
From a bull of Alexander III, A.D. 1178, we have : ' Villa de Ceia in 
Kemanciis' (Ferreiro 4. 52). 'Nemancos' seems to be formed like 
' Trasancos ' (see above), ' Aviancos,' ' Bisancos,' ' Duancos,' etc. 

4. The thirty-six arch presbyteries are named by the Diccionaiio 
Enciclopedico (18. 650), under the archbishopric of Santiago. These 
correspond, according to Safloc Salazar, to ancient geographical divisions. 
The names of the parishes and their dependencies are from the same 
authority, and were extracted by him from the official Guide of the 
archbishopric. As the full name of the parish includes that of the 
patron saint, e.g. Santa Maria de Finisterre, the name of the saint will 
follow in parenthesis the local name. They are as follows : Bainas 
(Antolin), Bardullas (Juan), Berdeogas (Santiago), Brens (Eulalia), 
Bujantes (Pedro), Castrelo (Martin), Cee (Maria), Gereijo (Santiago), 
Corcubion (Marcos), Concieiro (Pedro), Dumbria (Eulalia), Duyo 
(Vicente), Ezaro (Eugenia), Finisterre (Maria), Javifia (Maria), Lires 
(Esteban), Moraime (Julian), Morquintian (Maria), Mugia (Maria), 
(Maria), Olveira (Martin). Ozon (Martin), Pereirina (Julian), Puerto 
(Pedro), Salqueiros (Mamed), Sardiiieiro (Juan), Toba (Adrian), Tourinan 
(Martin), Villastose (Cipriano). The dependencies, with the names of 
the parishes to which they are attached, are: Ameijenda (Santiago), to 
Brens ; Berdoyas (Pedro), to Berdeogas ; Buituron (Tirso), to Bardullas; 
Cabcrta (Felix), to Concieiro; Carantoiia (Martin), to Puerto; Carnes 
(Cristobiil), to Cereijo; Duyo (Martin), to Duyo; Frije (Leocadia), to 
Bardullas; Nemiiia (Cristobal), to Tourinan; Olveiroa (Santiago), to 
Olveira; Redonda (Pedro), to Corcubion. 

Albert S. Cook. 



"Hie authorship of the -isle sonnante.' 



Isle des Ferremens. 
Chapter IX. 

This short episode of the Island of Tools forms the subject of 
chapter £x_ it { s decidedly dull, but that is no reason for rejecting 
****-lK)!ais's authorship. The genu of the idea is to be found in a few 
"lea of chapter 24 of Les navigations de Panurge which correspond 
"Mi-ly closely to the sentence Autres portaiis daguenets...cot(steaux of 
"Je Isle Sonnante. This in itself is in favour of Rabelais's authorship, 
■° r he is indebted to this chap-book, the origin of which is still an 
u *isoived problem, for certain ideas which furnish matter for the 
* °urth Books (pays Lanternois, isle Farouche and the Andouilles, 
de »th of Bringuenarilles). Marty-Laveaux takes exception to the 
Phi'use sabourc Vestomac as borrowed from an earlier book, but as 
"ub^iais has used it not only once but twice, there is no reason why 
* e should not have used it a third time. 

The three texts shew certain differences in the lists of implements, 

a 3 the Isle Sonnante naturally makes nonsense of some of the words. 

v *t bhfl most instructive difference is in the last word, which the Isle 

"'(ante writes brauete, the M.S. braiguette, and the 1564 text maniere, 

**e last reading is palpably wrong, as it misses the point completely, 

'"1 there is no doubt that the true reading is brayette, an older 

^ ,r "iii ..f br-aguette, which is correctly given by the Isle Sonnante in 

a ljter XL 

Isle de Cassade. 
Chapter X. 
Tin first thing to be noticed is that at the beginning of the 
* v ^iier the 1564 editor has introduced the words Delaisatuts Fisle 



130 The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnante' 

des Ferrements, continwasmes nostre chemin in order to connect this 
episode with the preceding one. But neither in the MS., which 
begins with Le jour ensuivant, nor in the Isle Sonnante, which has 
Le tiers iour subsequent, is there any trace of this connexion. The 
Island of Cheating is hardly more interesting or more productive of 
action than that of Tools. The account of it is at first a satire on 
satire and on the superstitious practices of gamblers, and then breaks 
off into ridicule of relics. A short passage is borrowed from Plutarch's 
treatise On Isis and Osiris, a favourite with Rabelais, and there are 
references to the Florentine manuscript of the Pandects, and to the 
handkerchief of St Veronica in St Peter's at Rome, which point to the 
authorship of some one who had visited these places. The following 
mistakes of the Isle Sonnante are worth noticing; Scyttes for Syrtes, 
pendettes for pandectes, and Apollo par as, Diane par deux, Minerve 
par sept for Apollo, Pallas, Diane, &c. 

Les Chats fourr£s. 
Chapter XL 

Here again the 1564 editor has introduced a phrase, Voulut vendre 
a un serrargent des chapeaux de Cassade, in order to connect this 
chapter with the preceding one, substituting it for auoit bastu un 
(le MS.) chicanoux passant procuration of the Isle Sonnante and the MS. 
Again also we are puzzled by a difference between the three texts at 
the outset ; 

Isle Sonnante: Ayant auttrefaie eu procuration la laissames et 
passasmes condemnation; 

MS.: De Id passasmes condemnation; 

1564: Quelques iours apris, ayant failly plusieurs fois & /aire 
naufrage, nous passasmes, &c. 

Thus it appears that in the original text there is a reference to the 
beating of the Chiquanous by Brother John which is recounted in 
IV. xvi., and further that the travellers are represented as sailing for the 
second time by the Island of Procuration inhabited by the Chiquanous 
(see iv. xii.). Leaving this difficulty for discussion till we reach the 
end of the episode, I note that in this chapter occurs the curious 
reading of the Isle Sonnante, Cytanes pro. et Ther., to which reference 
has already been made, and that in the next line es coups endurciz is 
clearly right as against des corps endurds of 1564 and ces coups advouis 
of the MS. Further, it may be noticed that the description of Osiris to 
which Grippeminaud is compared is borrowed from Macrobius. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



Chapter XII. 



The Ide Sonnante prints frereJehan des enliunineures for fren < Jehun 
J£tit<i>nit<eure.s, and it omits the words y sere: bien innocentes, which 
•re found in the MS. and the text of 15(54. 









Chapter XIII. 

Bourse monsieur is dearly wrung, but I doubt whether de cuir of 
trie MS. and the 1504 text is the right correction, griphons (last 
■antenee but one), with which the MS. agrees, is of course right as 
*g».inst gallons (1564). 

Chapter XIV. 

soixante et huict culms bunjnettes et /regales. Barguettes shoidd of 
QCXluae be barquettes as in the MS., which gives labia for colm;. The 
tr Ue reeling is doubtless calmtes. The 1564 text gets out of the 
difficulty by reading galeres and omits barquettes. It may be noticed 
tn«.t the number of vessels is 68 and not 78, which is Rabelais'* 
'■*v.<iirire number. There is a reference to Xenophon's treatise On 
""'•ting in Xeno/ihon eacrwant estre de la vennerie comma du cheiuil 
" e Traye yssus to us bona chefs de guerre, a sentence remarkable for 
lts * bold inversion, 

Chapter XV. 

A long chapter, chiefly composed of a conversation between Brother 

■ **nn ami Panorge, which, though not particularly amusing, is on the 

^"rn,b.. characteristic of both these worthies. Note the inversion in 

■ oetttty voyage mesne chanter and the old form of rien ne /aire 

' 1, iu 3), which is preserved in the Isle Sonnante and MS. but not in 

"'-' 1564 text Note also the following mistakes: mettre for mettoit 

k' V^rtiaps due to a confusion in the manuscript); Tliidee for l'hidre\ 
v*** for est-ce; eeUabrts eyes de paiithile for celebres ayes de Paiithile, 
i ''""tl,ilf! or PotUle being a village near Chinon. On the other hand 
"' Itle Sonnante and MS. should be followed in Feste de sainct 
r *tctr<>u, which the 1564 editor has heedlessly altered into /aides. Et 
"'""it Kurt* burin. Mr \V. F.Smith has pointed out to me that the 
" -r.'iicc to Semele and the two passages relating to the nether world 
"I ta Catpe ami Abila are all suggested by the ffypnerotomackia, and 
lt h this I agree. 

As regards the whole episode, its satire is bitter, even savage, to 



The Authorship of the 'Isle SotmarOe' 

the entire exclusion of humour. This is not Rabelais' s usual tone, but 
it is to be found in some passages of the Ringing Island. The portrait 
of Grippeminaud is decidedly powerful and has left a marked impress 
on French literature. La Fontaine, an enthusiastic admirer of Rob.-lai.s, 
borrows the name for sa Mojeste foitrree, in the table of The cut, 
the weasel and the little rabbit. Vauquelin de la Fresnaye, who 
was seventeen when Rabelais died, refers to hiin as the creator of 
Grippeminaud, and so dues Etienne Tabourot, who was born in 1549, 
quoting in his Bigarrures a passage from chapter xii. 

The strongest evidence in favour of Rabelaiss authorship is the use 
of the Hypnerotomackia. It is also to some extent in favour of it that 
the couplet in chapter xi is imitated from Marot, that the punning use 
of the word griffon for greffier (chap, xiii) also occurs in the same poet's 
Eufer, and that possibly the whole idea of the episode may have been 
suggested by that poem. It is carious that Grippcm maud's habit of 
interlarding all his remarks with the words Or (a, which becomes 
very wearisome, also figures in one of Des Periers's stories (xxi) as a 
characteristic of the speech of a Paris cure". These stories were not 
published till 1558, but Rabelais may have seen them in manuscript, 
or the same not very brilliant idea may have occurred to both writers. 



Isle des Apedeftem. 

This satire on the Chambre des Comptes, which forms the subject of 
chapter xvi of the Isle Sonnaitte, is omitted both in the M.S. and in the 
1564 text, and was not reprinted till 1567, when it appeared as 
chapter vii, where it is manifestly out of place. The reason for the 
omission is to be found doubtless in its tediuiisnes.s and too great 
technicality. That the omission was deliberate may be gathered 
from the peculiar numbering of the chapters which appears in the MS. 
in this place. For chapters xv and xvi are numbered respectively 
38. 15 and 39. 16, which seems to denote a special indication that the 
chapter on the Apedeftes was to be omitted, and that chapter xvi — 
evidently a fragment, the contents of which do not fully correspond to 
the heading (Comme nous passames outre, et comment Pamirge faiffit 
d'estre tue), for there is not a word about Panurge nearly being killed — 
was to follow immediately after chapter xv. But this omission of 
chapter xvi of the Isle Sonnante necessitated also the omission of part 
of chapter xv, which consequently ends in the MS. and the 1564 text 
with the words mains de douse francs. As the text stands in the Isle 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



133 






Sbfuaonfe the episode of the Apedeftes is closely connected with that of 

the- Furred Gits ;md follows immediately after it. M. Boulenger and 

tthan seem to have found a difficulty in thu words of Panurge, twits 

iftf, us da pays des savans, regarding the term savants as inappropriate 

to the Furred Cats, but it surely denotes the contrast between the 

Criminal Judges who were 'clerks,' and the members of the Ghambre 

des Comptes who were not, and who are therefore here termed Apedeftes 

(«Va&woi), If M. Boulenger's supposition that this episode has been 

wrongly inserted here is right, we have to suppose that the 'editor' of 

t "© Isle Soniiante invented either the conclusion of chapter xv from si 

'°*2 que Frere J than, or the opening of chapter xvi, down to print terre. 

*ni& is very unlikely. Moreover the reference to Gripperninaud at the 

close of chapter xvi points to a close connection between the two episodes. 

As regards the authenticity of the chapter, I quite agree with 

"- boulenger that there is no serious reason for not attributing it 

■° Rabelais. To find in it 'contradictions, incoherences, and defects of 

sr >'K-.' as Des Marets and Rathery do, is to be blinded by prejudice, for, 

w hatever its demerits, it contains neither contradictions nor inco- 

'"-■ i- ( ■ noes, and the style, as M. Boulenger says, is very correct. Indeed, 

'•^•Jiigh it has little interest for modern readers, it must have seemed 

*"-* Kabelais's contemporaries a powerful and vigorous piece of satire. 

To come to details, a forger might have invented Brother John's 

ex dnmation of Vertits d ' Extravugantes with its reminiscence of bishop 

*-* *nenas T and Panurge's oath Par la royne des Andouilles, but the 

"■*****■] inferences to Panurge's spectacles and to Epistemon as one who 

' > in l,.[^tM ( ,d .'ill languages' are touches almost beyond a forger's art. 

' ' - mention of Lamballe, a town in the neighbourhood of Saint Halo, 

w * ' i >_-li lias already figured in iv. 52, also points to Rabelais, who evidently 

k,, tw that part of Brittany. 

On the whole the evidence in favour of Rabelais's authorship of this 

~jf 'Wmltl (apart from its inclusion in the text of the Isle Soniiante) in 

," c *dedly strong, and, as it is difficult to separate it from the Furred 

!lt -s, it curies with it a similar presumption in favour of that episode. 

It is n feature common to these two episodes that they read like 

**>ahed work, without the hesitations, the incoherences, the rough 

«*'**<;ea that we meet with in the three preceding episodes. It is true 

"*>-t in the account of the Furred Cats (chapter xi) we come upon that 

""•"i hi- abbreviation in tin- Isle Soitnante which is the strongest testimony 

"' Ui( having been printed from an iinte vised draft, but no other similar 

^tQlGttions occur in these chapters, and it is just worth noticing that in 




134 The Authorship of the 'Isle Sonnante' 

the very passage where this appears there are various discrepancies 
between the Isle Sonnante and the other two tests, both of which have 
the following additions; advenant—ne recordent—ne veulent — retottrnons. 
Retournoits, dis-je, de par Dien. There is another difference between 
these episodes and the preceding ones. In the earlier books it is not 
Rabelais'* practice to introduce his own personality into his narrative. 
Throughout the Fourth Book there are not, I think, more than four 
instances of the use of the first person singular. But in the first ten 
chapters of the Fifth Book the narrator intervenes no less than nine 
times, four times in chapter x, twice in chapter ix, and once each in 
chapters ii, v and vi, In the 1564 text there is an additional instance 
in chapter vii. It may be said that this is an argument against the 
authenticity of these chapters. But Rabelais's rule is not so absolute as 
to warrant this inference. I rather inter that the intrusion of his own 
personality is a sign that these chapters had not been worked up into 
a final artistic shape. This is almost certainly the case with the episodes 
of the Island of Tools and the Island of Cheating (chapters ix and x), 
which have not received the impress of dramatic life characteristic of 
most of Rabelais's finished work. Similar instances are the episodes of 
the Island of Odes (chapter xxvi) and the Island of Satin (chapters xxx, 
xxxi). The same cannot be said of chapters ii, v and vi, but it is note- 
worthy that in v and vi occur two of the passages which M. Boulenger 
has adduced in support of his view that the Isle Smnaude was printed 
from a rough draft. 

Wc aiv thus led to the conclusion that not only was Rabelais the 
author of the episodes of the Furred Cats and the Apedeftes but that 
he had definitely intended to include them in his narrative. We are 
met, however, with a decided difficulty at the very outset of chapter xi. 
Why are the travellers brought back to the country of Procuration. 
inhabited by the Chiouanous. which they had already visited in the 
early days of the voyage ? Evidently this difficulty had struck the 
editor of the 1564 text, who has omitted all mention of Procuration. 
The only explanation that I can suggest is that these two episodes 
were meant to form part of the account of the homeward voyage-. As 
M. I,efranc points out, the travellers were evidently meant to return by 
the same route, and, as he also points out, there is nothing to show that 
the story is concluded with the Fifth Book. A more natural conclusion 
would be the marriage of Panurge and perhaps also the marriage of 
Pantagruel. My suggested explanation is of course a mere conjecture, 
but it may serve to accentuate the view that if the Fifth Book is by 



ARTHUR TILLEY 



13 



it is far from being in the state in which he intended it 
to appear. 

It remains to consider the date of the composition of these two 
egnaodefl, The only help that we get is from the references in the 
chapter OO the Apedeftes to the Eftravaguntea and to the Queen of the 
nga which shew that it must have been written after the 
of the Fourth Hook in which these are mentioned, Now 
ih Book was begun in 1546 and published in a complete term 
ui the beginning of 1552. But a fragment of it appeared at the 
beginning of 1548, and the natural supposition is that this comprised 
all that was written at the time. M. Lefranc indeed thinks otherwise, 
and suggests that Rabelais kept back certain chapters from motives of 
prudence, But at any rate there is no reason for supposing that either 
the episode of fhe Chitterlings or that of the Island of Papimanes was 
written at that date. In the early summer of 1548 Rabelais went to 
Rome and did not return till July 1550, Soon afterwards he applied for 
a privilege for the Fourth Book, shewing that he believed it to be 
complete, and it was granted in August. But was the whole book, aa 
.' !i;ivt it, written by this date, which was nearly eighteen months 
before its publication ? My own belief, as I have explained elsewhere, 
s that in order to secure the King's support in case of an attack by the 
Surhonrie or the Parliament, he made certain additions in the course of 
the year 1551, and that one of these additions was the whole episode of 
the Papimanes, which was suggested and inspired by the rupture 
between Henri II and the Pope in the autumn of that year. On this 
<\. [ii,ili,'>is the chapter on the Apedeftcs could not have been written 
until after that date, and probably not until the Fourth Book had been 
finally completed. The possible date of it,* composition is thus limited 
) the period between the last months of 1551 and the date of Rabelais's 
■ath, which took plaec at some time between December 1552 and May 
1554 — according to tradition in the year 1553. 

Though the episode of the Apedeftes is closely connected with that 

die Furred Cats, it does not necessarily follow that it was written 

nmediately after it. Rabelais may have written the episode of the 

'urred Cats at an earlier date, and then later on connected it with that 

ttW Apedeftes, by the sentence, Ainsi le vent grands rochers, 

ti terminates chapter xv. Our only clue therefore to its date is the 
Hijecture that it forms part of the narrative of the homeward, and 
P the outward voyage. If it does, then like the episode of the 
-ililiis it belongs to the last year or two of Rabelais's life. If it 



1 36 The Authorship of the ' Isle Sonnante ' 

does not, then we are free to assign to it any date between 1546 and 
Rabelais's death, for Rabelais may have refrained from including it in 
the Fourth Book as likely to bring him into difficulties with one of 
the very bodies whose animosity he had to fear — the Parliament 
of Paris. 

For this powerful and violent satire is obviously directed not merely 
against the genera! administration of criminal justice in France, but 
against the Criminal Court of the Paris Parliament, and the question 
has naturally been asked what had roused Rabelais to such anger and 
bitterness, so different from his ordinary tune of humorous and not 
ill-natured satire. Was it the decree of Parliament which temporarily 
suspended the sale of the Fourth Book > But Des Marets is doubtless 
right in saying that the vengeance is out of all proportion to the 
grievance. Or was it a later decree (which was evidently passed, though 
it has not been preserved) stopping the publication altogether ? 

Another suggestion presents itself. Towards the close of 1547 
a second Criminal Court was formed for the trial of heretics. It sat 
from December 1547 to January 1549, and again for a time from March 
1553, and so thoroughly did it do its work that it became known as 
La Chambre Ardente. Was it the proceedings of this court that stirred 
Rabelais, the lover of tolerance, the hater of persecution, to such unusual 
but justifiable wrath ? In favour of this view I can only point to two 
passages in the narrative, one in which it is said that the spoliation 
committed by the Furred Cats ' is found good by all human beings, 
except the heretics ' (chapter xi), and the other in which Brother John, 
in answer to Grippeminaud's imprecation that he may be wedded to 
a quartan fever, replies, ' Thou wouldost then marry monks ? Ho ! ho ! 
I take thee for a heretic' 



It remains to sum up the conclusions to which I have been brought 
in the course of my inquiry. The condition of the text of the Isle 
Sonnattte shews (a) that it was printed, at any rate as regards 
chapters i— x, from a rough draft, and that even in chapter xi which 
forma part of the two last and closely connected episodes there is 
a distinct proof of the lack of final revision ; (b) that the proofs were 
never revised by the author; (c) that of the five episodes of which it is 
composed, the last two are continuous and may have been written at 
the same time, but the other three are quite distinct both from one 
another and from the last two, and may have been all written at different 
times with no idea of continuity. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 137 

On these grounds alone we are, I hold, justified in rejecting alike 
the hypothesis of an unscrupulous editor working upon Rabelais's 
authentic fragments and that of an out-and-out forger. And this view 
finds additional confirmation when we come to examine the chapters in 
detail. In every chapter we find passages which point strongly, though 
not inevitably, to Rabelais's authorship, while there is not a single 
passage in the text of the Isle Sonnante which is demonstrably not by 
him. My explanation of the genesis of the work is that some person 
made a copy of certain of Rabelais's papers, and put it in the hands of 
a printer without attempting to edit them or taking any further trouble 
in the matter. 

I have advanced certain conjectures as to the period at which 
Rabelais wrote the various episodes, but in no case do I profess to have 
gone beyond a purely conjectural stage. I trust however that this 
inquiry will stimulate other students of Rabelais to examine not only 
the Isle Sonnante but the whole of the Fifth Book in detail, for I am 
convinced that it is only by patient investigation, chapter by chapter, 
that the difficult question of the authenticity of the Fifth Book will 
be solved. 

Arthur Tilley. 



QUELLE UND ABFASSUNGSZEIT DER SONNTAGS- 
EPISTEL IN DER IRISCHEN 'CAIN DOMNAIG.' 



Der altirische Trakl-at dieses Naniens, den O'Keeft'e in firiu. 
Journal of the School of Irish Learning, Dublin, n (1905), S. 189 ff„ 
kritisch heratisgegeben hat, ist als (ilied einer eben so merkwiirdigen 
iila langlebigen Fiktion zu betrachten. Das Erzeugnis finer der 
dunkelsten Perioden der wostlichen Kirche. sah sie das Tageslicht 
mcines Wissens zuerst gegen Eude des sechsten Jahrhunderts in 
Spanien oder Sitd-* !ulli>.n. \ iolK-icht unter dem Einfluss einzelner 
Culottes der zweiten Synode von Macon (585) und des Edikta Konig 
(iimtrams vom 10. November desselben Jahres. In Prosa zumeist, 
sel tenor und spaterauch strophisch oder in Reitnpaaren — man kann dann 
an eine Reimpredigt denken — breitet sich diese Fiktion in Gastalt 
oines vnui Hinmiel gefallenen Briefes Christi mit dem Gebot der 
.Sonutagsheiligung. ofters aber auch als Predigt oder Traktat ttboe 
denselbon, alhnahlich nach alien Himmelagegenden aus ; nord warts bis 
nach Island (in zwei zeitlich stark getrennten Stosst/n) und Diineinark, 
westlich bis nach Irland, siidlich iiber Athiopien und Abyssinien, 
wahrend sie sich nach Osten hin bis nach Syrien 1 und Arabien, ja 
selbst bis an die Malabar- Kiiste fortpflanzt. Und sie lebt, zum 
Sehutzbrief gegen Kugel, Krankheit und Kindsnote geworden, noch 
heutigen Tags. 

Doch wir haben uns hier nur mit einem irischen Sprosst-n dot 
Fiktion zu beschaftigen. Schon einmal habe ieh in einem Anfsatz, 

: Vgl. jetat M. I3iUncr, Dtr cum Hiuinwl ,h hitleiif If riff Chritti in itincn morgrn- 
Uindiiehtn Vtniantn [Denktchrifttn der Wittur Akudenut, Band u). Der dnseUttt S. 217 
iiiiNtrt'-|iriidit']!i;ii Verinutiuig, daa koptUch Terfasali! Sclniil.i n >].- 1,-t/ten MSclyivr- 
llllmnri I'l'trua von Alusundrien uabe don Atisloas ?.nr Entslehung des Himmelsbriefes 
gegeben, indtnj es, wold in Ilnlieu. zu eimin vom Himuiel nefallenan lateinischen 
Christ us brie fe versrbeitet wordeu »ei, veriuag icu mieb nicht aDiusobliessea bus Grilnden, 
die nnilt'i ivnrts zar Spische kommen bo] leu. 



R. PRIEBSCH 139 

* The chief sources of some Anglo-Saxon Homilies,' in Otia Merseiana 

^Publication of the Facility of Arts of the University of Liverpool), 

a, pp. 129 — 147, die Frage. nach seiner Vorgeschichte im Voriibergehen 

^estreift; aber meine damalige Ansicht hat sich bei eingehendereni 

SStuiliutn der irischen Uberlicferung in einem Punkte nicht unwesentlich 

-verse lioben, und der betrifft das Verhaltnis der Sonntagsepistel in der 

Odin Domnaig (C) zu einer ags. Honiilie (P), als deren Verfasser 

Ich einen gewissen Pehtred nachzuweisen versuchte, der urn das 

Jahr 830 in der Provinz York lebte und ein Buch zusammenschricb, 

s ihm ob einzelner un dogmatise her Satze und Ansichten von Soiten 

■■ iii'--— geistlichen Oberhirten Zorn und Verfolgung eingetmgen zu habcn 

tcheint 1 . 

Xach dem oben fiber das Wesen der Fiktion gesagten wird man in 
t Sonntagsepistel der Cdin Domnaig, d. h. in ihren eiisten 19 Para- 
^raphen, keine irische Originalarbeit vermuten. Darum also wird es 
sich zunachst handeln, unter den hbenius zahlreichen Gliedern jenor 
Fiktinn dasjcnige hcrauszufinden, das dem irischen Text am nachsten 
Bteht, eventuell seine direkte Quelle gebildet hat. Da sich bei solchen 
IFragen Detailarbeit nun einnial nicht vermeiden lasst, so scheint mir 
«ine tabellarische Anordnung des Stoffes am zweckmassigsten. Ich 
seize also in die erste Spalte die §§ 1 — 19 der Cdin Domnaig in der von 
O'Keetfe lieigegebciieii I 'bersetzung. in die zweite die entsprechenden 
Stellen aus P = Pehtreds Homilie, a", xi.iv, §§ 215 — 215, in Napiers 
Wulfstini. und aua M = Epistola de die aancto Dominica* in der Sliin- 
chen.-r Hs. des XL Jh. Lat. 9550, deren Text ich als Re prase n tan ten der 
lateinischen Hiinrnelsbriefe jener Redaktion' gewidilt hivbe, zu der BWei- 
Msobne I' und C gehoren. Unter P*. das ich einmal herbeiziehe, 
verstehe tell eine zweite vielfach abweichende Version von P, die sich 

1 Vgl. Otia Mtmiana, i, S. 141—142. Das wenige, wan wir iiber Pehtred wiBnen, erhallt 
■us cinem Briefe Egreds, Bi:;cliofn von Lindisfiuiif. nn WuIMki', Erzbisohnf von York 
(Stubby, Council*, m. p. (11B). Ann der Art, wie Pehtred mm Widerruf Mbruht werden 
loll, •elii-int hci v. .1 xupt-h-'ii, ilma er kein M.'iiich, Bouderu ein Pttrrxdiinlprieatflr Bar. 

■ j deb audi trfoht n lit Uewisiheit sagen, ob dan Such {War) l'ehtrads— wnhl 
einn S»mmlin)B von Honiilien und Traktaten— auf Latein oder in dec Volkiispraelie 
*liL'efn«nl war. Selbat weiin due craters dor Full wire, 90 setzt dooh der starke, Egred 
gt'fnhrlich diinkonde Einfluss dts Mnniiw nul si'iiii 1 iMiL'libandeute [in ririno Mi ntnttcnttt) 
hi. E. PWdlgteomrMhan in ihret Zunge voraus, so duss ram sein EiKeutunisreebt auf dip, 
IimIuIi am in jilngerer Ueeta.lt erhaltene, age. I'redigt audi dann nicht an Kit fc we if el n 
UiTwtrtr 

: Oedruckt, von P. Delehave, Sott titr hi Iroemle At In hurt An Cliri.t tombfe du del, 
Kt»d. Boysda df BelaiinR-, lii,ll.-l,n, CI. d.-s If ttms, 1S!K), n". 2, p. 17M B. 

■ Icli babe sic, Otia Ultritiiiiui, S. 112 mil n l^zeklini'l uiul Muni Chniiikter einec 

Bediktion i fcegemlWr dnliin bentiinmt, diss ihr nbjwvlii'ii vuli finer j;e" i ?(c'ii ekleklischen 

-ler Teitgcstitltun.;, die Riiilt-itniiu ■.■■iii/li^li Mill, iv.'ilirciul >ii- iinderBeita cinen 

Upilot; htrauwRebildel bat, in dem nn rinjinnt.] Uiwhof die Eolilbeit der hinimlinclion 

boUchaft bewhwiirt. Einen Test uieiner Bedi.ktioii i tindel mnn ebenda, 8. ISO -94. 



I In /)/,■ Soiui/aij.icpi^tv! in dcr irischf/t 'Cain Dmnnaig' 

ln-i Niipior als n". xliii findet, unter 8 endlich, das inehreremjilf 
rinl.iitt., wo M versagt, einc Epistolu sancti Sulvatoris auf fol. 231' d-.-r 
Ha. Add. 30,853 des British Museum, geschrieben im XI Jh. zu Silos 
in Sjjanien. 



0SM Domnaig: § 1, Z. 1—5: Here 

l»egins the Epistle of the Saviour our 
Lord Jesus Christ concerning the Lord's 
JJay, which His own hand wrote in the 
presence of the men of Heaven, und 
which was placed upon the altar of 
Peter the Apostle in Home of Latiuiu, 
to make Sunday holy for idl time. 

Z, !)— 11: When this Epistle was 
brought from Heaven, the whole earth 
trembled from the rising unto the setting 
of the sun ; and the earth cant its stones 
and trees < m high, for dread of the Creator 
inn! forjoy hI.-h, because of the attendant e 
of the angels who had tome with the 
Epistle; and so great was the din at 
that time, that the place opened where 
the body of Peter the Apostle lay buried 

Z. 11-13: When the abbot of Rome 
was at Um he MO the Epistle on the 



S 2 : This, then, wa« found therein, 
even to restrain men from transgressing 
Sunday. For whatsoever plague anil 
trouble has come into the world, it is 
through the transgression of Sunday 
that it has come. 

§3—1; There are, moreover, in certain 
eastern parts lw.-i.st-; which were sent to 
ii; and it is to avenge [the ' 



are pins of iron, and they have fiery 
eyea. They go into the vineyards and 
cut tho branches of the vine so that 
they fall to the ground; thereupon they 
roll about in the fruit, so that the grapes 
of the vine stick in these pins, and they 
bear them away to their alside. 

There are also locusts there— other 
animals that is. They have wings of 

iron that cut into everything which tliey 
encounter. Then they go into the wheat, 
and cut the curs so that they fall on the 
ground. That, too, is done to punish 
men for [the transgression] of Sunday. 



P (1. e, S. 220„— 30s): and drebten 
sendc his ageii ha ridge writ an Sep Petres 
lieahaltare in his cirican...and he ]>ast 

dyde, f<ir)«>ii l>e he wolde us geevjan 

hu he wi|> as gedon wolde, gef we noldan 
healdan sunnaudiEges bebod. 

[M : mAO.] 



i See 

Petres wefode, ]Kvt se atod wear]> eal 
ouhrered, and hio abiufode eal. and sio 
Wgon wear)> open gewoi-don and uubJi- 
dod, l>e Sec Petres lichama an leg 
under l*m weofode. 
(M: nihil.] 



P (S. 224 n .„) : and hio (to. Flor 
se papa and IVtrus >••■ l»sciip) hit fulidan 
niutiin See Petres altare. 
[M: nihil.] 

P (S. ailu-u): gef ge nc willap yet 
healdan sunnandaiges bebod , Mine 

l-ecuius)' get I't'er low mieel gmlile- one. 
M : Quia neacitis ilium custodire, 
propter hoc venit ira Dei super vos. 

P (S. 221.-,_,„) : uiuen, amen dico nobtO, 
quod uiisi(t) brucus in uobis, et non 
tiiiiiii-tns) eos. so|), tu>|> is, [net lc iow 
scege, {net ie siende ceferaa an BOW, and 
ge iow |ia ne andredau : )<a Betide ie 
gei'shopp.ii] aniifan ioweme hw.-ute, and 
ge pa. get gecyrrau noldan, JwuL ge wel 
gehealdan woldan hitie halgan sunnau- 
deg. 



S: Amen dico uobia quia mini super 
populum brueoa ot lncustas et non 

SI : (propter hoe veuit ira Dei super 
vos), et nagella in laboribus et ir 
bus ver-tris quae possidetis. 




R. PRIEBSCH 



141 



g 5 : This is what is enjoined by the 
heavenly Father in the Epistle : mercy 
nn the poor and infirm, and on pilgrims. 
The tears which these shed when no 
mercy in shown them fall upon the 
breast of the Creator Himself. It is 
He who punishes the evil which is done 



§ 6 : It is thus the observance of 
Sunday has Iieeii enjoined from Heaven, 
namely, from vesucr-time on Saturday 
ti> tierce on Monday. 



P (S. 222,. ,*) : ge me oft tynan gededan, 

|mi j>earfaiiclen|>editi> to iowriunhusuiu 

and ge hi tie noldan gohyran, ue inu nunc 
mi Idhmrti ies.se iiutdon ait heont geey£an : 
and [smite selfiiodige to iow c-onian, haitne 
ll0ldil.il gc liiotu nun god don. 

M : et qui ambulavorit ad tdiuiu locum 
...in die siuiL'todoiiiiiiii'ti nisi ad eeclcsiam 
lueatu nut intirmos visitare, flagcllahn 
vos duns uagellis. 

P (8. 222 L ,_ l; .): gef ge ue healda|. 
|w.ne halgan BunuaMOg fram nontlde 
lues setemesdeges '•)> |»es uionanilfges 
lihtincge 

11 : si non custudieiitis sanctmu diem 
douiiiiicuui do lidi'ii nona sabbati usque 
ad honun pi-imam see hie ferine., , 



S 7, Z. 1—8: Christ, Sou of the living 
(Sod, suffered cross and martyrdom on 
liehalf of the human race, mid rose from 
the dead on Sunday. Even on that 

ru-L'iiUht aluiie Sunday should lie kq>t 
holy. And on that (lay He will come 
on the day of Doom to judge the quick 
and the dead. 



SH: ' Whosoever shall not keep Sunday,' 
•Kith the heavenly Father, 'within its 
proper Irfjundariee, his soul shall not 
attain Heaven, neither shall he sec Me 
in the Kingdom of Heaven, uor the 
Archangels, nor the Apostles.' 



I L,'.>dcs 



jj 9, Z. 1 — 5: Whatsoever horse is 
ridden ou Sunday, it is a horse of fire 
in the fork of its rider in hell. The ox 
and the bondman and bondwoman on 
whom wrongful Iwndage is inflicted on 
Sunday, the eyes of all of them shed 
!<«l tears uf Mind, for God has 
frond that day for them all. 



P (S. 222 1T _ 23 ): ic eot 
and ic feola s;e|>n>wftdi> for low, ic w;cs ou 
rode iihangeii for iow, and ic dea|< ge. 
|>rowade for iow, and ic of dea|« anus for 
iow an Jkhhs halgau siimiaudeg, and ic 
an lienfiina.s iLstili an |«>ne lialgati eastor- 
suniiuuiheg, and ic sttte nu an |m swifcran 
lieall'e gndlicdet', and ic cuine to dclnonne 
cwicum and deadum an ]*)lie halgan 

ninnaodne, 

M: Ego ipse Iihl liioiesiirrcxiamortuis, 
cum passus sum pro vestra oiimium 
salute et in i[i>u i lie ivsuiTi'cl ii ii lis 1 1 ii vi i' 
eripui vos de inferno et a potestate 
diaboli. 

P (S. 22233—2230) : aoj., so|> is, ]>o-t ic 
iow secge, sc|»' ne gehealdat' |«nie halgan 
-■.ininaiidet,', minne reatanda3g...uiit 
riht.e fraui uontide [so sa^tcrnesdiegos 
o|i ]«es nionaudiegfs lihtincge, Jist he 
biji iiwerged .ui in weoruldc wcoruld, and 
ic him wi|«ncie, Jmnue he of pinna life 
geivit, and he ne hafaji nfofre diel mid 
me ne mid minan eenglum to henfouan 

M: Amen dio« vubis.si tuincustodieritis 
sanctum diem doniinicum de hnra noua 
sahUiti usque ad horam piiniatn secundae 
feriae, anathematiaiho vos cum patre 
meo, et non balwtis partem niecum 
neque cum an gel is mo is in saocula 
saeculorum. 

I 1 (S. BSVj}! ealle fy|ierfete nytonu 
( = qiiadrn|iedia) clfopjaf to rue, and ic 
liingehiere, and Ilium ni!l:i|. resto forgefiin 
an | e hal^Ui niinnaudeg. 

[M : nihil) 



142 Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen 'Cain Domnaig' 



Z. 5—6: For not even folk in hell a 
punished on that day. 



P (S. 21&J,.— 220„): and fcet is eac 
i'm|i, [net for [ijes dwges halgunge and 
wfti>rt>img« |iet ]\\ sauwla oufbi) reste, hi 
|ia l>eoli on witinegstowan (= purgatory), 



§ 10: 'Unless ye observe Sunday,' 
si.ith the Lord, ' within its proper 
boundaries, there shall come great 
tempests, and many liery lightnings, 

and thunder, tiud sulphui s Hiv.s, which 

shall burn trilt's anil nations, and heavy 
stony hail -storms, and flying serpents, 
and heathens shall come to you from 
Me,' smith Qod Himself; 'even a race 
of Pagans, who will carry you into 
bondage from your mvn lands, and will 
ofler you up to their own gods.' 



g 11: There arc, BHISVrar, five huge 
beasts and hideous in the depths of hell, 
seeking to come on earth to men to 
avenge [the transgression] of Sunday, 
unless Mod's mercy should boll liioin 



§ 12: This is the reward which is 
given for keeping Sunday holy : the 
windows of heaven will be open before 
them ; and (Jod will bestow blessing on 
themselves and on their houses and 
lands, and there shall k> neither poverty 
lan- hunger m the house in wliiili Sunday 
shall be observed, Wliutsnovrr prayer 
shall be asked of God at the burial -places 
of Saints, it shall lie granted to men for 
observing Sunday; and the earth shall 



hi reste from Inure nontide J«e» setenies- 
diegcs ii|> jia's iin>nand:cges Hlitinc^'. .u n i 
we yi'lvfap imrh g"des gifc, l*et hit swa 
sig, gif hi Criste her on life on fciiigan 
l-ingim gecweindou. ac |<a, |« to helle 
beeuma|>, lie cutual> hie na.'fre to reste, 
ah )>ar acwylnijafi mid saule on r»lu 
lichaman efter domesdtege. 

Aber vgl. P* (S.211„_z,): i»d is eac 
cuff, Jwt fur I'.ts dieges halguuge and 
weor^uiige ealle l,.-llir<trr onfort reste. gif 

I I'lre fulluht.es onfangeii hiefdon, 

fram nontide |>a?s Bii'teruesdoeges ofl 
moiiaudieges lihtincgc 

[-M: vi'.il] 

P (B. 223,_, s ) : so|> is iow secge, gef go 
lie healda|. |«nn' halgan i-unnaudeg mid 
rihte, |>jet ic siende gyt ofer iow micele 
stiinuas and hftgftlfltlUlM and tieogende 
neddra.n, \»i ge abera lie inegan, and 
sweli.ne leg; and ic lete hie)-enfo!c ofer 
iow, Jjii iow fi>! iiiiual- and inwra beam. 

11 : Iterum duo nobis, si nun custodi- 
eritis sanctum diem dominicum, tiiittam 
super vos grandinem, igneni, fulgura, 
cor uscati. 'lies, teiri| ■estates [seqientcs 
pinuatas S] ut pereant laborea vestri. 
et venit gens pagana quae alios iiccidit, 
et alios in captivitfltein ducit [of. S: et 
raisit super vos gentes mains. qui(!) 
ducunt filios et tilias vestras in eaptivi- 
tate], 

P (S. 221a,_3j): pa sronde dryliten .v. 
deor up of ac, mid nes amig man, fa.'t 
hiom wifistandiui imhte, ;er l-auue hie 
drehten eft fram luaniiiim hi anani, |>;v 
be geseah, |>:ut his haudgeweora RmraMV 

[M : nihil.] 

P (S. B33,m) : so> ys, |«et k io* 

-■'.■' "j.?. -ji.'f ■:■■ lieald.'l' | c 'l ii- balgan snn- 

naudey mid rihte |>onne ontvne ic 

iow heofenas |>eodan, and ie selle low 
iiM'nii^l'raldi' iv.i'^i.iiias and mine blet- 
sunge an iowrum husum to nytte a ol> 
lende eowres lifes, and ge tonne hio|> 
^i Ima.il'.'dc to me and to niinari halgan, 
and poinio swa hwtes swa ge biddaji 
an miuan nanian, eal ic iow sille. and 
ic blissige an iow and ge on me ; 



fce given to them here l>elow, and they 
.tshnll get Heaven beyond, and the Lord 
""will welcome your souls. 






S 13; • (."ideas ye 
---,11 1. h the Lord, 'I swear by my might, 
*ind by My only liegotten Son, even 
^,'lirist the Son uf iJud, and by My holy 
■Angela, a shower of fire shall come to 
•^•oii on the feast of John, and it shall 
Tfeill you all, men, youths, women, and 
"MiiaioU, and your souls shall be in hell 
thereafter without end.' 



[§ 14 — 15 : werden ganz v 
■A". (" Ihiminki einge 
it sum grossten Teil aus den 
Tseud<> August. Predigten u". 167, 2 
< M iguc. 88 c. SOTO) unci n". 280, 2 {ibid., 
•:. 1874, auc.h untcr den Aseetwtt 
nubia Bedas, Migtic 94 t:. .'>31, mid in 
■lein I'seudn-Alcuitiischou Lifer de, 
•/ii'iHM ojficiu, caii. 2 '. Migne 101 
c 1266) nisamniensetzt. Da Pirn allge- 

ineiiicii gut dam »tii t iiinl auHMidein 

ein Phis odor Minus m diesem Fall iiiuhts 
mbedeuton hat, druckc ich die Digntitiu 
Nier nicht wieder al> mid begniigfi illicit 
mich nut Aiifiilirung des Platzea, wo sic 
iu P in finden ist] 

S 17—18, Z. 2 : ■ This is what I forbid,' 
HtUl the Lord : 'On Sunday there shall 
lie no dispute, nr lawsuit, or assembly, 
ur strife, or bargain, or horse-driving, 
or sweeping the floor of a house, or 
iliaving, or washing, or bathing, or 
washing [clothes], or grinding in mill 
ur quern, or cooking, or churning, or 
Vitrn- weaving, or adultery, oi'juuniri iui; 
Iiy anyone beyond the border of his own 
territory, or racing, or shooting with 
■ arrow, ur riding on horse or ass, 
■ J r (Killing fm«|, ur swimming, or horse- 
riding, or splitting firewood, or coracle 
on water, or aiivthiiig involving wrong.' 
HMiv »nall do this on Sunday, 
Unless lie shall perform great penance 
f<ir it. hi* -mil shall nut attain Heaven. 



and ge bioji halige, forton ic earn ooi 
drihten. 

M: Amen dico vobis, si custodieritis 
diem dominium), aperiam vobis eata- 
racterem cooli in omni bono, et uudti- 
ulicabo fructus veatros, et dabo vobis 
pacem, et eloiigaho dies aimnrum vestro- 
rum, et maneo in vobis et vos in me, ut 
sciatis quia fgo -mu iluminus ut mm est 
idiuH praeter me. 

P (S. 223j,_33): soli is, j>a* ie iow 
secge, |m>t ic swerige |jurh minne iniht 
and jiurh mine |m lialgan leuglas, ehcru- 

bin and sairaphiu, gef ge no hcalda|> 

Vane haligan siinuandeg mit nbte, jioune 
cynie]! uiicel reng and still w and mtcele 
luigolstitnas ofer iow, and micel fer bit" 
anberned ymb J>a nion|tas utan, !« syut 
batene September and oetobcr. 

[M : niML] 

P(S. 217«— 220 a ). 

BC: ni/iil. Aber die Dign at io ist 

ge.k'-eiitlicli iingehangt an eiu latei- 
nisciies (ilii'd ilii/.-i'i- iudaktion, z. B. 
an die Epistcl iu MS. Roy. B F vi, 15. 
Jh. des lint. Mils, (vgl. meinen Artikel 
iiber 'John Audoliiy's Poem on the Ob- 
servance of Suudav' in the Fumiiud 

Jfimttafuy, p. BWffi.)] 



P (S. 223s,— 221 h ) : and io Mute wille 
forbiernan ealle eowor god and ealle, |>a 
l»e an unrihtum tidum yfel wyrca|>, o|t|ie 
he an Jiieiii dege olterne swinggie|>, oofte 
be has feorm»|t o>J>o hlafos bakc)> ofi|>e 
swereh oji^o cnytt, o|i|* he hiue ba|ia)>, ( 

o|i|>e he hine efese|i, o)>)ie he hiue scirj>, lAf'' 
oj>)ie be unalefedlice an lam dege gegeS, 
jireit he wcrig bi]>, ojil-e |* ainige unnht- 
nesse an |mu drege gefremclt; |»i |« hit 
do>, witan hie >amie, ]tict hie l>io|i ealle 
aworgde fram me in |ta iccan wita and 
hiora beam ealle butan icgbw ileum 

M: Si quia negotium fecerit aliquod in 
die aancto doininicn, c\tci luinabo eum, 
aut si aliquid in domo sua o[»ratur aut 
cauillos tonserit aut vestimenta larerit 
aut (in no in coierit, aut aliud quid inliciti 
opens iu die dominico esterminaho or- - 



144 Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen 'Cain Domnaig' 



LIS, 2. .1—7: '1 swear,' Mid the 
t of Rome, ' by the might of God 
tlio Father, Mid liy Christ's Cross, that 
this if no invention of mine, and no 
fiction hi- fable, but it is from God the 
Kith it t.lii-H Kpistlu w*n si'iit unto the 
altar of Peter in Home of Latinm to 
mnke Sunday holy.' 



...si quis proximtim iMusaverit in die 
sancto doiiiiiii'ii, Mil liiMTiitioTiem, aut 
contentionem, aut inclitum risum com- 
miscrit, iiiiiiittJim in etitti nmue malum 
ut deticiat et dispergetur. Auaserdew : 
Et qui ambulavcrit ad ahum locum aut 

auitaverit in die sancto dominico nisi 
ecclesiam meam, fiagellalio vos duris 
flagellis. 

P (8. M4a MBj): wit (Florentine 
and Peter) swerigat |>urh Nine micelan 
anwald uroa dryhtenes and >urh )« 
halgan Cristas rode, J* he for manna 
helo a firowude, Jiret hit is eal sol), |«et 
wit steoga]), Jwt fram nanuni eort>licum 
men (iios drrlltSH arendboc awritan ne 
wies, ne mid bocUece, ne mid meoiguni 
oarl>lii;mi] imdwenrcc, ac hit una on Soft 
Petres heahaltare funden hi" go writ >us 
awriteu mid geldnum stafum. 

M: Ego Petrus episcopus indignus, 
iuro jier Maientatein I 't-i qui fecit coelum 
et terrain, mare et omnia quae in els 
sunt, |>er Ihesiim Christum et per sanc- 
tam genotricem Mariftm elr. etc, quia 
iBtA epistola non formata est matin 
hfitniuis tieqtiG scripta, sed est scripta 
digito Dei et Domini tiOBtri Ihesu 
Chriati, et est trarismissa de seutimo 
caelo et de throno Dei in terrain fS: in 
wicni^incto altaro See Bftuduli in 
civitate N imago], 

P (S. 22Va>) : ond eghwilcan men is 
Iwbodcn }mi'h god selfne in Cristas 

noman , se )>e hebbe Jiis gospel on 

his gew<.'itldi>, t'ii't lie bit kutige and cyt« 
swi)* yeluiiilice gndes folce swa Jiurh 
liino selfim, gel lie gelaired sie, swa jiurh 
o|icr»e gelieredne mini, l>ontie he hitu to 
cmne. and gef he ponne |mt agemeleasej>, 
1'ii't he lietaji began |»is godspyl unel 
godes folce, pict hit ne nan raynstornion 
n. i -.<.-\\ tn.iinu i ivo|. dribten and |>ua a|- 
swor, Juct he wran awvrged fram tiim 
Mid fram ealhmi his halgiim in ]w tecan 

M : Praecipio vobis sacerdotibus raeis, 
ut unusquisque isUm epistolam mtendat 
popido suo, et attiruiate illis a rue trana- 
missaiu. Quod si non credidoriut, 
anathctuatizalxi ens usque in a 



Anch bei nur fliichtigem Blick wird jedem, der die vorstehei 
Tftbelle sich angesehen hat, die weitgehende Ubereinsti running zi 
C und M aufgetiiilen aein, ganz beaonders aber die noch viel i 



§ 19 : Any cleric who shall not road it 
aloud conscientiously to the peonies and 
nations of the world, his soul shall not 
attain heaven, but it shall be in hell 
forever. WIkmi^vit A\:\\\ va<\ it aloud, 
and shall write it, and shall fulfil it after 
hearing it, he shall not only have pros- 
perity in this world, but the kingdom of 
the other world for over yonder. 



145 



Beziehungen zwischen C und P, soweit diese Homilie von dem Briefe 
Christi. dem Ort und den Umstanden seiner Herabkunft handelt. Wie 
iat das zu erklaren ? Eines ist aicher. Pehtred kann niiht den irischen 
Traktat gekannt haben, denn er fiihrt fast durchgangig die Worte der 
Epistel in direkter Rede an, wahreud der Ire uns zuineist nur mit 
ihrem Inhalt bekannt macht. Doch vor ailem: Pehtred verriitunsja 
die Sprache seiner Quelle, wenn er als Briefanfang citiert: amen, 
amen, dico vobia ' etc. (vgl. §§ 3 — 4). Zweifelsohne, ihm lag eine 
Epistiilu Christi vor, die, wir dlirfeu hinzufugen, in derselben Weise wie 
S anhob. im Ubrigen sich aber ziemlich eng an M anschloss. So bteiben 
nur zwei Falle iibrig. Entweder C ist unmittelbar abhangig von P 
oder beide gehen selbstandig auf dieselbe gemeinsame lateinische 
Quelle X zuriick. 

Die erste Hypothese hat etwas verfiihrerisches an sich, wenn wir 
beobaehten, wie gering oigentlicb die Zahl der Abweiehungen zwischen 
P und C ist, die einer Erklarung bediirfen. Solche wie die Zugaben 
in C § 9, Z. 2—3 ('bondman and bondwoman') oder in § 19, Z. 3—6 (die 
Umkehrung des voraufgehenden Fluches) bereiten eben so wenig eine 
Nehwierigkeit. als die ausgefiihrte Beach reibung der 'bruchae' und 
'locustae' in C §§ 3—4, der natlirliche Ausfluss lebendiger keltischer 
Einbildungskraft; auch die Verlegung des Strafgeri elites von den 
Monaten .September und Oktober auf das Johannesfest (§ 13) bedarf 
keiner besonderen Rechtfertigung. Wenn der letzte Satz in C § 9 und 
die entsprechende Stelle 1 in P einen auffallenden Unterschied zeigen, 
del an das Dogma von Holle und Fegefeuer kniipft, so kommt uns ja 
P* zu Hilfe. und beweiat, dass die Entwickhing in P (sie steht, wie mich 
liunij . unter dem Einrluss der Gregorian isehen Fegefenerlcbre, vgl 
Ihnl. 4, 39) nur als ein 'afterthought' Pehtreds oder einea spateren 
Ji.?diikri>iN si'iin.'i' II ■ >i ■ i i I f i - zu lit'ti'iii'liirn ist. Ein wirklioher [Intezsehied 
ich erst in § 9, Z. 1 — 2, wo P ganz allgemein von vierflissigen 
Tieren spricht, die C absichtlich in Pferd und Ochs specialisiert haben 
ifiii-Hh-. Wenn Bich ferner einzelne Verschiedenheiten bei der Aufziihlung 
Verbotener Son ntagaarbei ten finden (§§ 17 — 18, Z. 2), so darf das nicht 

' S« beiulit But eincm popnlirea iilmibeii, der i 
der Pneiidn-Betfasc'lii'ii Homiiie, a". C (Miittiv, I'ntr 
B«h»nljiti;1i. Wbmn SU$v*giberiehU, Hd. 185, S. 1 
b%iti»chri Mi'iii'ti, dor in d.-r .n-ten Iliilfte den 13. Jll. 
Rung tclirioli. eben diese Idti- einpfiilirt, n-iihreud 
*t*«liil(t")ii gehiirijier lutein iwcher Hiii-I Chri.-ti diivoi 

BaUekaf " 
0) m d 

*w*i deuMclieti Predi^teD wieder, ftbgedrockt in Keiles Speculum eccleiiae, S. 178, 
**i der /-ntirhr. f. drut. Phil. (1894), H. 148 fl. 



■n lik'VJirihelii'ii Nit'dri-sclilng in 
ii. '.14, 501), erualten hat (vgl. 
Wie l'elilred mi hut imeh ein 
(lediclil iiln-r die SoiiDtngsLieili. 
lie Quelle, ein zu einer dritten 
sdmviiri l»ul. meine Auflgabe der 



K. L. K. II. 



10 



146 Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen 'Cain Domnaig' 

Wunder nehmen; denn diese Bestimmungen waren dem jeweiligen 
kirchlichen und staatlichen Usus unterworfen und mdem, worn 
irgendwo, so ist hier der Ptatz, an dem man auch mit Schreibererfind- 
ungen und -auslassungen — wir besitzen ja weder P noch C im 
uraprlinglicher Gestalt — zu rechnen haben wird. So liessen sich 
denn diese Abweichungen wohl unschwer erklaren; trotzdem wollen 
wir zunachst von vielleicht vorschnellen Folgerungen absehen und 
lieber einen Blick auf unaere zweite Hypothese werfen. 

Wenn P und C unabhangig von einander auf dieselbe lateinische 
Quelle X zurlickgehen sollen, so muss dieses X alle jene Punkte ent- 
hajten haben, die P und C gemeinsam sind, gegentiber M. Freilich 
M ist mir ein Reprasentant der Epistel unter vielen, aber ich bitte 
folgende Versieherung auf Treu und Glauben hinzunehmen : obgleich 
mir neben M noch zehn andere lateinische Glieder dieser Kedaktion n 
bekannt sind und ebenso neben P und P* zwei andere ags, Versionen, 
endlich je eine in me., afr., altwalisischer und altciiechischer Sprache so 
enthalt doch keiner dieser Texte 1 jene Stellen. zu denen ich in der 
Tabelle ein: 'M nihil' zu setzen hatte 8 . Besonders bemerkenswert ist 
aber, dass zwei daruoter, namliche jene, die (a) von der Ruhe der Seelen 
in der Holle (§ 9, Z. 5 — 6), (6) von der Strafandrohung mit tela fiinf 
furchtbarerTiere 3 (§11) handeln, gar nicht zu jenen Teilen von Pehtreds 
Homilie gehoren, wo er direkt aus der Epistola citiert. Dies sowobl als 
auch die Tatsache, dass m keinem anderen Gliede der Redaktion n oder 
auch I eine Spur davon sieh nachweisen lasst, macht es so gut wie 
sicher, dass diese Stellen nicht zum Gedankenbestand des ' Himmels- 
briefes ' gehoren, und eben so fremd war dieBem alien Anschein nach 
auch die Daratellung der Ereignisse, wie sie in P und C (§ 1) die 
Herabkunl't der gottlichen Botschaft begleiten. In anderen Worten: 
X ko'nnte nicht eine lateinische Epistel des M-(S) Typus gewesen sein, 
moglicherweise aber eine lateinische Homilie auf ihren Test basiert 
und mit Zusatzen nach Art der ebenerwahnteu ausgestattet. Darnaeh 
wtirden wir folgendes Bild von der Verwandtschaft zwischen P und C 
zu entwerfen haben : 

M-(S) 

X (hypothetischu lat. Homilie) 

/\ 

' Fiic eine kurze Aiiffiihrun-tf der meislfn derselbun verweise ich auf ' Johii Aud< 
Potm • etc. a. ». O. 8. 3«7, Anm. 2—4 u. S. 398. Anm. 1. 

3 Dieeinzige AuKiiahnif liihlct ilir DiiiwHv iliei Dominici, vj;!. oten zu §§ 14, 15. 

1 Auf diese kutuinc ich noch zuriick ; die crate tindeL sich mi) Schlue&e der Dig* 
zn der aie umpriiu^lieh geirisa nicht gehOrte. 



E. PKIEBSCH 147 

Und in der Tat, wir werden diesen St.ammbaum be.stehon lassen diirfen, 

freilich nicht ohne der Bestimmung von X als lateinischer Hotnilie 

einen kleinen, jedoch wesentlichen Zusatz beizufiigen. Dazu zwingt 

mich eine eingehendere Betrachtung der bereits erwaboten Stella von 

den ' filnf Tieren.' Nachdem Pehtred (Napier, S. 221„_, ) die ein- 

leilenden Satze dor Epistola nach der S Gestalt citiert hat (oben §§ 3 — 4), 

bespricht er weiterhin (Z. 15 — 27)' die darin angedrohten gb'ttlicben 

Strafen and filgt in einem Atem die eben gekennzeichnete neu hinzu. 

Dieser Straf-Korumentar, auf jeden Fall aber der Zusatz — denn C hat ihn 

jaaucfa — mtissten also dem hypothetischen X angehoren. Die Herkunft 

dieser funf so plotzlich hereingeschneiten Tiere hat mich lange Zeit 

beschaftigt, bis mir in n". XLH der Wulfstan Hoi>iiUeu,(i\e <le temporlbvs 

Antichristi betitelt ist, folgende Stelle aufstiess: S. 200^.,„ ' )>onne 

cuinaB up of helle egeslice mycele deor swylce swa njefre ;er gesawene 

wseron oP Bone tiinan.' Aus der nun folgenden B esc h re i bung (Z. 10 — 20) 

geht zur Evidenz hervor, dass der Prediger unter diesen 'egeslice, 

miceledeor' nichtsanderes verstand, als die 'locustae' Avr Apoc. ix, 7— 10. 

Nun bin ich aber meiner Sache ziemlich Bicher, wenn ich behaupte, 

dass auch diese Homilie Pehtred zuzusprechen ist. Einmal kHngt P 

(S. S25m_b) sehr stark an eiue Stelle dieser Predigt an S. 202 a -203,, 

ferner scheint tnir die Art, wie der Homilist S. lO?,,^ iiber den p6r- 

iind OwBendienst der Heiden, natiirlich der Nordleute, spricht, weit eher 

auf die Vikinger Periode— und das ist ja Pehtreds Zeit — zu weisen als 

auf das 11. Jh., die Zeit Wulfstans. Wichtiger ist jedoch folgendes: In 

■i. in Briefe BisoKof Egreds an Erzbischof Wulfsige liest man mit Bezug 

auf einen beanstandeten Satz in Pehtreds Buch: ' De die judicii vel bora, 

Domino attestants, quia scit nisi Die solus.' Stiintuen dazu nicht folgende 

Zwei Stellen in Predigt XUIganz trefflich? S.202,,_„: 'we agan ]>y swySe 

> « i i f ■ 1 <■ |>i-arfe, (net we wiB swylcne ege wrere beon...fi>r)'am |>e hit is nyr 

bam tiinan bonne ungeifflrede men gelyfan wyllaB,' und ebd. Z, 19—22 : 

' nml we geseoS and gelomlice gecnawaS be Sum tacniini, ]>c Crist sylf 

I ... i I", hjet hit georne iiealiecS to Bam dome be hesylf tocymB".' Unter 

Bolchen Umstanden muss man doch wohl annehmen, dass Pehtred selbst, 

^ozusagen von seinem Eigentimi zelirend, jener Stelle von den 'grass- 

1 I Nb BWl (Z. 27—261 ; ' bit wn?s gowordtn uti Egiplalmide ' gt-hiirti? sirlier iiiclit drm 
Original an, soniiern war pintnal eine Kandnoti/. |litTV"rK'*rufcn dnrch die t'berein- 
■tinimnn); di«ncr Straleti uiit sinpselnen der ijtyptiiohen Pligen), die auF irgend riner 
Hiuli- dei Uberlie letting in den Tesl tich eiriflchlich. 

3 Dniniwh wird nun ahulirhi- Sli-llen in I'i\»i»whrifti-n nder Mi>litun>;t-ii nicht niehr 

■ i. !.. wit- ilus will) I fi-si'liulifii i>l, /lit I 'ritii-i'iirK : ' aril Aus^ine d.-s Millpnimaa ' 

Vprwemien diirfen. Vgl. Jazu bp&omlrrs uueli I.. Wudsti-in, J'ii- i-*i-h<ituifin*eht lilrenffrtippe^ 

1 vui.s.TH. 

10—2 



QUELLE UND ABFASSUNGSZEIT DER 80NNTAGS- 
EPISTEL IN DER IRISCHEN 'CAIN DOMNAIG.' 



Der altirische Traklat dieses Xamciis, den O'Keefl'e in £nn. 
Journal of the School of Irish Learning, Dublin. II (1905), S. 189 ff., 
kritisch herausgegebcn hat, ist als Glied einer eben so uierkwilrdigen 
als langlebigen Fiktion zu betrachten. Das Erzeugnis einer der 
dunkelsten Perioden der westlichen Kirche, sah sie. das Tageslicht 
melius Wissens ztierst gegeu Eude des sechsten Jahrhunderts in 
Spanien oder Stld-Gallien, vielleicht unter dem Einfluss einzelner 
Canones der zweiten Synode von Macon (585) und des Edikts Ko'nig 
lliuitiiims vom 10, November desselben Jahres. In Prosa zumeist, 
seltener und spater auch strophisch oder in Reimpaaren — -man kanndann 
an eine Reimpredigt denken — breitet sich diese Fiktion in Gestalt 
tines vom Himmel gefallenen Briefed Christi mit dem Gebot der 
Sonntagsheiligung. tifters aber auch als Predigt oder Traktat iiber 
denselben, allmiihlich nach alien Himmelsgegenden aus ; nordwarts bis 
nach Island (in zwei zeitlich stark gt'treniiteii Stiissen) und Danemark, 
westlich bis nach Irland, slidlich iiber Athiopien und Abyssraien, 
wahrend sie sich nach Osten hin bis nach Syrien 1 und Arabien, ja 
selbst bis an die Malabar- Kliste fortpflanzt. Und sie lebt, zuni 
Schutzbrief gegen Kugel, Krankheit und Kindsnote geworden, noch 
hetitigen Tags. 

Doch wir haben una hier nur mit einem irischen Sprossen der 
Fiktion zu beschaftigen. Schon einmal habe ich in einem Aufeatz, 

1 Vgl. jetzt M. Bittner, Der nmi Himiu.-l ijrfiillene lirwf Ckri/ti in iriitcn mort/tn- 
WiulitctHUi lVi-*i',-iiC« [Ih'iil,»,-hnf!,'U dtr Wientr Akadcmit, Band 1,1). Der daftelbut S. 217 
;iu-nf-]iiicli['i"ii Wtmutuug, das koptiach verfaaate Schrvibi-n dea IfcUten Mirtyrer- 
bisehals l'etrus von Alexandrien habe den Anatoaa zur Entsteimrig dca Hininielshrk'lrs 
gegeben, indem es, wobl in Italien, zu einein yom Himmel gefallenen lateiuiscben 
Christ nsliriefe verarbeitet worden sei, vcrmag ich miek nielit anzuscliliessen aus Grilndeu, 
die anderwarte znr Spraohe kommen aollen. 



11. I'RIEBSCH 



149 



Das konnte, wie ich friiher meinte, bei einem . Besuehe Pehtrede in 
Irland gescheben sein, viel wahrsclieinlicher diinkt mien jetzt aber doch, 
dass eines Tages bti Re-gen oder Honnensehein ein wandernder irischer 
Geiatliche bei dem Parochialpriester Pehtred emkehrte. Ansicbbeider 
Wanderwut hibernischer Kleriker oder ihretn frommen Wunsche 'for 
godes lulan on elbiodignesse. beon' nichts eretaunliches. Wissen una 
doch, urn nur ciniges zu erwahnen, die ags. Chronik 1 , das Buch von 
Leinster' oder Bridfertus im Leben des hi Dwnstan' von solchen iriachen 
Wandervogein zu erzahlen ; und sollte nicht gerade Northumbria fur 
x ivlc von ihnen ein verlockendes Fahrtziel gewesen eein, jenefl Land, das 
ja ihrer Kirche seine Christianisierung in erater Linie verdankte, in dem 
der sanfte Aidan, dessen Gebeine auch nach dem Abzug der Scotti zum 
Teil wenigstensin Lindisfarne verbleiben,dann Finan uud Colman gelebt 
nnd gewirkt, und das auch Adamnan besucht batte ? Wie dem auch" 
sei, der Kern unserer Arinahme — Pehtreds Zusammentrerfen mit einem 
irischen Kleriker — lasst sieh schlechterdings nicht anzweii'eln, denn wer 
anders, als ein Ire ko'nnte ihm nun seinerseits von einer Sache erzahlt 
haben, die sich eben erst c. 824 in Irland zugetragen hatte und nicht vor 
859 in irischen Annalen Aufnahme fand, konnte ihm erzahlt haben von 
Niall Mac Iallain, der am Schlagfluss darniederliegend, weder Speise 
nc«h Trank beruhrte, wohl aber viele Visionen hatte, die teils wahr, 
teils fiilsch waren'. Und dieser Bericht — er war gewias farbenreieher 
als dor trockene Annalenstil verrat — verfehlte nicht semen Eimiruck 
auf Pehtred. Er fugle ihn, so gut das gicng, seiner Houiilie tiber die 
gtittliche Botschaft ein und das Residtat dieses Flickwerkes, dessen 
K&bte man noch sieht, war.jenaehdem der Liber Pehtredi Bisehot' Egred 
lat, oder ags. zu denken ist, ein X 1 , aus dem Pehtred dann fur praktische 
Predigtzwecke P ausgearbeitet haben mttsste, oder (ohne dieses latein- 
ische Zwischenglied) P, genauer dessen Archetypus, denu unsere 
tJberlieferung atammt ja erst aus dem XI. Jh. 

TJberschauon wir das bisher gesagte, so flihrt alles zu dem einfachen 
nnd wie mich diiueht, sieheren Schlusse hin : das Verhiiltnis zwischen 

> Vgl. Cb. Plmnmer, Two of the Saxon ChnmicUl, i, 8. 82 (ad ami. 891} und II, 8. 103. 

» Plummer, ibid, u, S. 194. Vgl. fe.net H. Zimmer. The Celtic Church (translated by 
A. Meyer, Loudon, 1903), p, 71 IT., Hurt besonders p. 91 f. 3 Migne, 139, c. 1439. 

* Diesen hintrji jsi-lii'n Kcm rttr Ni.ill--. ^eliiehte. wie vie una in P rntgev'entritt, habe ich 
unteratiitzt von ineinem F reunite Kiiiui Meyer, i'lia Mr.msiiiuu, S. 144 l>losnelegt. Hter 
sei nur der Eintrag in den Annalcn von Ulster (Hennexay, Unl.lin, 1~k7i iviederholl : i, 
8. 371. A.r>. 859. 'Niall, son of lallan, who suffered from paralysis daring 34 years, and 
who was disturbed by frequent visions, as well false as true, rested in Christ.' [869 - 3* 
= 834.] Hinzuiugeu kunn ich jetEt noch den wichligen Eintrag derselben Annalen 
i.U. 835: ' Great fears throughout all Ireland, via. a futewarning of a plague by Mae 
IiUarn of Mumter,' iuwiu seina numeutliche Anftihrung am Rande von Bl. 131* des 
Berner Codex Bongariianut 363 (vgl. Zeitt. f. keif, Phil, iv, 183 f.). 



150 Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen ' Cdin Domnaig' 

P und G, zwischen deni Nnrthumbrier Pchtred und dem Iron, deaaen 
Name una wohl atets verborgen bleiben wird, lasat aich im letzten 
Gninde anf ein gcgenaeitiges Gcben und Nehmen zuruckfUhren. 

Was inir an dieaem Reaultate abcram wichtigsten erseheint, istdoch 
der Umstand, dass wir hier einmal handgreiflich eine direkte literariache 
Beziehung zwischen Irland und North umbrien feststellen konDten, die 
ihre Ursache im mtindlichen (ledankeiiaustauach bat. Da aich gewiaa 
nicht annehmen laaat, dasa der hier beobachtcte konkrete Fall einzig in 
seiner Art iat, ao wird man difl Mogli'-hkeit uiiindlicher Verbreitung 
Btofflicher Motive durch iriache Kleriker in England aowohl ala ant' dem 
Kontinent, wohl starker ins Auge zu tiissen haben, ills i.-s meines Wisse-ns 
biaher gesehehen iat. Auch brauchen es nicht iinmer Visionsgeschichten 
oder andere geistlicher Art gewesen zu aein, die der wandernde Kleriker 
seinem aesahafteu Amtsbruder, der irische Moucb in einem engliachen 
oder deutschen Kloater seinen Confratribus erzahlte, oder wie sie des 
Studiuma beffiemeou jungo. Franken, beaonders aber Angelsachsen 
(klagt doch Aldhelin iiber ihre grosse Zabl) in irischen KlSatern zu 
hbren bekanien. Vielleicht daa meisto davon mag unfruchtbar verhallt 
sein; allein einiges wird — das bczeugt ja eben obige Tateache — zum 
litera rise hen Niedersehlng gt-langt sein, anderea, ehe es dazu kam, sich 
langf mtindlich nach der Weise der Volksmarchen im fremden 
Lande weiter verbreitet haben, bald nicht mehr unterscheidbar vom 
Eigengut 1 . 

Wir kehren nach dieser Abachweifung noch einmal zur Sonntaga- 
epistel in der Cdiu Domnaig zurtick. Obige Untersuchung gewahrt fllr 
sie den terminus a quo, namlich c. 830. Nun ware es ja mciglich, daas 

1 Bollte B'nlil Jit Saye van der vcrlnif'tR'ii Kirche, die in Uhlands hekauntem Oedicht 
(Friinkcl, lid. 2, S. '274 i mid Andepst'iiH vei wiindtt-'in iluirhrii |i(«'iisf)i.:ii VViiIltIulIJ Hefunden 
hat. iiicher gehoren ? In den Noten zum nit irischen Kulender ded Oengua (v({l. On the 
Cattiutar of llruiiur hy Whitley Stokes. Traitfictwii* ol the H,njal Irith Academy, Dublin, 
1B80) lesen air inner dim 7- Mai mil IW.uc; tml' die IJi^nLliiLiJsinile mini's irischen ileiligui 
Brecerin (Whitley Stokes, a. a, 0., p, Iixiiy) : ' With Breccan i.e. of Kihdruim Breccain 
on the confine of Dalaradin, and Dalriuda. In Daire Eehdrntoa i.e. in the north of 
Dalaradia on the confine of Pulnrudia and Dalriada he in (d. h. liegt cr begraben). Or it 
is in Mucraims in the west of Commuuht that hriire Eelidinmn i-. ami the tree of the 
church (d. h. eine Eiche wie man Hie vor die Kircheii nu pllan/eu ptlegte) in seen 
from the plain, and when one goes to seek it in the oakwood it in not found, and the voice 
of the hell is he.ird. and the psalmody there, and the church itself is not found.' Daas die 
Legeude, die aich urn (his Kirclilciu dea Heiliucu jiebildet Imt, alt ist, d. li. jedesfalla in die 
Zeit hinaiifieiehi, ala irisclu; Kleriker und Moiichr in grosser Zuhl nueli dem Koniinent 
nanderten und deutsche Kloswr v.a bevolkem halfen (vg). Zciltckr,/, deutich. AUerl. 31, 
119 ff.), ist iweifelli.H. Wie luicht knriri in einem solehen v™ eineiu iriachen Monch oder 
Pilger die gflhonnnilToilo HaRe erziililt mid durch den Muni] seiner Confratren, reap, 
(iastgeher, vielleieln durch die I'redigi n\~ Hiiide^lit'd, weiter vcrlireitet und su ullmahlich, 
losgtl6»t von l'erflon und Ort, in iunuer lireitcre Sehichten der Bevolkeiung gedrungen 
sein. Will man diepe Art'iiui.iiliitiiui nielu jri.lteii hissiii. so hleilit wohl nicht H iihrig, als 
selbatjiudiyi'ii I'rspnm^ ilei Motives hi'i Leiden Vulkern unKunehmeu. 



R. PRIEBSCH 



151 






nicht unser Anonymua selbst seine Abschrift von X in der Volksprache 

bearbeitet hat, sondern ein in spaterer Zeit lebender Landsniann desael- 

ben- Aber die Sprache dea iriachen Stiickcs kann, wie Kuno Meyer mir 

rnitteilt, deni 9. Jh. zuerteilt werden. Wenn der Papst, wie wir gesehen 

liaben (§ 1) einfach als 'Abbot of Rome' bezeichnet wird, so mag ea im- 

-tnerhin Erwahnung verdienen, dass in einem Texte des 9. Jh. der Vision 

<Jes Adamtiaii Papst Sylvester, und in einem Getlichte, das in dem 

iil testen irischen Martyrologium aufgefiihrt wird, Gregor der Grosse 

jj; enau ao genannt werden 1 ; und wenn das Sunntagsgesetz, die eigentliche 

^Jdin Domntiig, welcbe aich uninittclbar (§§ 23 — 33) an die Sonntagsepistel 

■*»nschliesat, unter den erlaiibten Ausnahrnen von der Sonntagaruhe 

-^mnfUhrt : ' rleeing before pagans' (§ 32), worauf wird aich daa aonat 

1.>eziehen, ala auf die pliindernden Vikingerhorden, die Pest Irlands im 

2£j. Jh. ? So findet sich also im ganzen irischen Texte nichts, was gegen 

««mbige3 Datum (c. 830) sprechen wiirde: man wird daher keinen Grund 

Inaben die Abfassungazeit der Epiatel ailzuweit von dem terminus a quo 

•^^»bzuriicken oder einen anderen Verfasser als jenen irischen Kleriker, 

■^czSer Pehtred das Material zur Niallepisode lieferte, anzunehmen, 

Nur luiisaen wir una mit einem Eintrag der Annalen von Ulster 

~i — nin Jahre 886' kurz auaeinandersetzen. Sie achreibcn : ' Eine Epistel 

^ mm mil dem Pilgrim nach Irland mit der Cdin Domnaig und anderen 

.^Sjuten Instruklionen.' Bezieht sich daa auf unsere Epistel ? Es 

-■ — - icheinl so, doch wenn die Annalen der vier Meister (editio John 

^CD'Donovan, 185(3) (inter dem Ja.hr 884 melden : 'Ananloen, der Pilger, 

t ■■..in- nach Irland mit der Epistel, die vom Hiimnel gegeben ward zu 

—^Jerusalem, mit der Cain Domhneigh mid gnten Inatruktionen,' ao aieht 

-«~J._t Kundige aua dem einen Worte Jerusalem sofort, dasa es aich hier 

:*nicht uni unsere Epistel, die des M-(S) Typus, handeln kann: dean 

■^K-Jerusalem ante portam Effrem 1st der Ort, an dem jcnc Brief-Gruppe 

Xmn Himmel gefellen zu sein vorgibt. die ich als Redaktion I bezeichne. 

•^ li.- .'lii'- bedeutende Rolle auf dem Kontinent geapielt und aueh ihren 

"^fPeg nach England gefunden hat*. Dam it ist auch dieaer Stein des 

—Anstusses aus dem Wege geraumt. 

Eine letzte Frage harrt der Erklarnng. Wie atimmt unsere 
Xtturong zu dem Inhalt der §§ C 20-22, der Nachachrift zur 
Sonntagsepistel \ Sie besagt, dass Conall Mac Coelmaine, der nach 
^J'Keeffe St Columba vorwandt war und c. 590 starb, auf ef 



1 Zimmer. a. ;i. ( 
> Vgl. O'KeeHe, s 
* Vgl. Otic Mm, 



152 Die Sonntagsepistel in der irischen ' Cdin Domnaig' 

Pilgerreise Dach Rom die Sonntagsepistel mit eigener Hand abge- 
achrieben habe aua dem Briefe, der vora Himuiel auf den Altar St Peters 
des Apostels, zu Rom gefallen sei; da es an der Zeit war, seinen Schrein 
zu erheben (d. h. als seine Gebeine [relics'] in einem Schrein zur 
Ruhestatte getragen werden sollten), da habe der Heilige einem 
Kleriker, der in der Sonnabendnacht vor dem Schreine einschlief, in 
einer Vision geoffenbart, dass die Epistel sich in der Lade betinde und 
habe ihm befohlen, daselbst nach ihr zu suchen und sic aller Welt laut 
zu verkfinden. 

Nun ist die Fiktion der Himmelsbriefe, wie ich oben S. 138 sagte, 
allerdings zur Zeit, da Conall gelebt baben soil, entstanden ; dennoch 
kann dieae Ubereinstimmung nur tin Spiel des Zufalls aein, da ja Alter 
der erschloasenen Quelle X und Sprache der irischen Epistel sie ins 
9, Jh. verweisen. Zudem wtlrden schon die auf den Reliqtiienkult 
beziiglichen Worte nach Zimmer nicht erlauben, diese Notiz iiber das 
achte oder, wenn der Stiden Irlands in Betracht kame, Uber die Mitte 
des Biebenten Jahrhundert.s hinabzuriicken. Doch konnen wir, meinn 
ich, auch die Grlinde sehen, die zu ihrer Einfuhrung Anlass gaben. 
Von den beiden Autoritaten, die Pehtred fur die Echtheit der Epistel 
ins Feld geflihrt hatte, behalt der Ire im Text nur die eine, den Papst 
('abbot of Rome'), ja er ist sugar gescheit gemig den Hugierten Namen 
' Florentius ' zu vermeiden, der so leicht zur Entdeekung dea Betruges 
fiihren konnte 5 ; an die Stelle des zweiten aber, so mochte ich schliessen, 
an den Platz des Bischofs Peter, der unmittelbar neben dem Papst 
eigentlich nur eine Statistenrulle spielt, setzt er in deutlich abgehobener 
Weise einen irischen Heiligen und gewinnt dadurch den Vorteil, semen 
Landsleuten einleuchtend erklaren zu konnen, wie der Brief Christi nach 
Erin gebracht worden sei ». Darin folgte er achliessHch nur dem Beiapiele 
anderer Iren, die ihre eigenen Schrii'ten etwa einem Benen, Columb 
Cille, Cormac u. a. unterschoben '. Wenn er gerade den aonst so wenig 
bekannten Conall einfuhrt, so kdnnte dieser Umstand im Verein mit 



1 Vg]. i 



3 Eine nicht weniger komplieierte March iiu'rie wurf fust visrhundert Jahre (1201) 
spater erfundeii, uui zu erklaren, wis Eunice, di-r Abt toii Flay in der Normal] die, in den 
Besitz der Epistolit Clirisii hum . die er. nierkwiirdig ^'pniig, wie I'etitred in der Proviuz. 
York pradigte. Vgl. Bogeri Wendover, flora Hittoriarvm, buuug. von H. (i. Hewlel 

* Vgl. Whitlej Stokes, Fflirt Otngiuio (1880), 8. 6. 



R. l'RIEBSCH 



153 



<W leider mehrdeutigen Erwiihnung von Am Mdr (§ 20) 1 und unserer 
Xenntnis von Munster, als Heiinat Nialls Mac Iallain (oben S. 
-Atim. 4), eine beachtenawerte Spur auch filr die Heiniat unseres 
Klerikera abgeben. 

Ich begniige raich mit einem Hmweis darauf. Im librigen ateckt 

S«ine Darstellung hier voll traditioneller Zllge. Lasst er den Heiligen 

a-uf eine Pilgerreise nach Rom geben, wovon historisch nichts bekannt 

zu sein acheint, bo legt er ihm nur bei, was er selbst oft genug geaehen 

<xJer gehort haben wird : ; und lasst er einen Priester auf Befehl dea 

J3eiligen die Epistel aus dem Schreine nehmen, ao steht wohl die 

Er-^ahlung von dem Engela-Buch (' the Angel's gospel '), das Columb 

CJilla durch des Engela Hand aua dem Schreine S. Patriks erhielt, 

nicfct allzu weit ab. Doch wozu nach weiteren Parallelen suchen ? Wir 

w ol len lieber der Einbildungskraft dea Klerikers, die sich ja auch oben 

§§ ?i— 4 zeigte, ihr Recht ztigestehen, derselben Kraft, die auch seinen 

"^ * z> *r»tinentalen Amatbruder, den Rcdaktor von S, die Kopie seim 

"^* i Kmnelsbriefes tnit den Worten schlieasen lasst: 'Eduni esse m (sc. Peter 

^-^ * ^*<hof von Nimes) vigilana media noctis orans pro facinora (!) mala mea 

^*-**3ivi hanc voCem et inveni hanc epistolam,' derselben Kraft., cliefemer 

i in den Eink-itungen und Schltissen der orientalischen Briefe ihre 

launliehsten Bluten treibt. 

R. Priebsch. 



*^<^ ' 



[NacHSCHRIFT: Die voraufgeheuden Auafiihrungen waren bereits 

MS. abgesch lessen, als Professor M. Fiirster die Freundlkhkeit hatte, 

; * *■ seine Abhandlung AUemjliwiie Preditttquellen (Herrigs..4rc/ii'e J CXVi, 

I ff.) zuzusenden. S. 308 — 310 erweiat Forater den Tractatw de Anti- 

t- »"-iiio (Migne, Pair. lot. torn. XL. 1131 und ci. 1291 vgl. auch Zeitsckr. 

' vin& Altert., 10. 2G5) als Quelle der 42. Wnlfatan Homilie, rferaelben, 

^^-^^a der ich oben wahrscheinlich zu machen suchte, dass sie Pehtred 

— »V*" *"" Verfasaer habe. Dies ware nun freilich ausgeschlossen, falla der 

*""«ktat, wie man gememiglich annimnit, das Werk dea Abtea Adso 

*~ ?l!)2) ware. Ohne auf diese Frage hier im einzelnen eiugehen zu 

*llen — der Kern meines Aufsatzes wird dadurch ja auch nicht berilhrt, 

tiuii jene Homilie Pehtreds Eigentum ist oder nicht — tnochte ich 

_^-*r folgendc Punkte hervorheben : (1) das Charakteristische in der 

* in Adso zugeschriebenen Form des Traktates (Migne, CI, 1291) ist der 






1 8. ii-it-ii O'Keeffe, a. a. 0., 8. 31S. 
• ■ Tgl. Zi miner, a. a. 0., S. 72 : am etwng ipnterer Zeit a. AcDalrn von Ulster a 

^J^'ile... a scribe and anchorite and Apostolic doctor of all Ireland rested happilj at 
^^» hii pilgrim age.' 



. na 



I 



154 Die Sonntagsepistel in der iriscken 'Cain Domnaiij' 

Passus, worin der ultimus imperator der byzantinischen Sage zum 
Frankenkcinig gemacht wird 1 . Diese Stelle i'ehlt nicht nur der aga 
Homilie, sondern auch dem Traktat in der Form wie er bei Migne, XL, 
1131 (uod auch in mehreren Has. deg British Museum) steht mit dem 
Anfang: ' De Antichristo scire volentes.' Warum diese Textgestalt (B), 
falls sie die jtingerc wart-, diese interessante Beziehungausgelassen haben 
sollte, ist schwer ersichtlich. (2) Die Stelle im Widmungsschreiben 
Adsos an Gerberga ' sicut mihi servo vestro dignata estis precipere volui 
aliqua vobis scribere, et de Antichristo ex parte certam reddere' geniigt 
gewiss nicht zuin Beweis von Adsos Verfasserschaft, denn er kann auch 
ohne diese Worts Liigen zu strafen, recht wohl einen alteren Traktat, 
der aus Bibelstellen und aus Lehnneinungen der Kirchenvater zu- 
summengestellt war (' Don autem quod dico ex proprio sensu fingo vel 
excogito in libris authenticis diligenter relegendo haec omnia scripta 
invenio,' Migne. XL, 1131 = ci, 1292 li) mit Haut und Haaren (oder doch 
nur mit geringen Abiinderungen) ausgesc brie ben haben, gerade so gut. 
wie der Klausner A I wir ms in Gorze bei Metz fur die Vorrede. abgeschen 
vim leiehten, durch die Widniung an Heribert von Kbln veranlassten 
Anderungen, ihn selbst, fiir das iibrige den Text der B Gestalt aus- 
schrieb. (3) Es ist auffallend, dass gerade jene Stellen, die so gut zum 
liber Peldredi und jener anderen Homilie (P) stiuimen — die Zeit- 
bestimmung des jUngsten Geriehtes und die Hollentiere — in alien Fass* 
ungen des Traktates (ich habe neben dem Material bei Migne auch j 

mehrere Hss. des British Museum verglichen) absolut fehlen. Ich .i 
bleibe dabei, dass Pehtred hier seine Hand im Spiel hatte. Und M 
deshalb dlinkt es mich doch hochst wahrscheinbch, dass beiden — der —a 
Homilie (n°. xlii) und Adsos Traktat — eine gemeinsame altere Quelle £ 
zugninde liegt, die man gem, wennschon nicht notwendigerweise, v a 
Alcuin wegen seiner nahen Beziehungen zu England zuschreiben -^~ 
mochte.] 

1 Eg ccheint erwsbneiiflwert, dass pine liter dem Alcuin ziiKPSfihriebene Vila .intirhritti, — ~ 
111. YiH' des MS. Additional 111!]!} dienen Abschmtt etitliait; sie uuterschecdet aich nut -3* 
durch das Fehlen der Vorrede und des Epilrips Ton Auboh Traktat. 



Thomas lodge as an imitator of the 
italian poets. 



The extent of Lodge's indebtedness to the French poets of the 
Xa cteenth century, notably to Bonaard and Desportes, has already been 
^*****tied out — to a certain degree by Mr A. H. Bullen in the Introduction 
■I^l-*- vii — xv) to his Lyrics from Elizabethan Romances (1890), and n 
■^^- r *ticularly by Mr Sidney Lee in the Introduction (pp. lsiv ff.) to 
^~"_^' *--zubethait Sonnets (1904), and lastly, by myself in the Athenaeum, 
****** 4017 (October 22. 1904). In the present note, I propose to show 
****-t Lodge did not confine his attention to the French poets, but wa9 
**-* *"i lost Bfl fond of making raids on Italian as on French ground. I will 
•^*° the sonnet-cycle Phillis, on which Lodge's fame as a poet has 
1 therto mainly rested, to exemplify my contention, hoping some day 
' Btlow that the romances also were inspired in part by Italian models. 
To begin with, sonnet xvn of Phillis (' Ah fleeting weale, ah slie 
*-"' * i* ling sleepe') is a close rendering of Sannazaro's ' Ahi letizia fugace. 



hit 

""; 

It.., 



** Sonnu lieve,' as will be seen at once by placing the two en regard: 



t» (footing weale, ah slie deluding 
t in ..tie moment gniewt me ioye and 

H, l''OI.": 

1 v "^ ill* inv ImiH's ili.-isiiilue to tenrett in 
. Vaii.e ? 

^ t*VUHt tlie Snowes, tore nngrie mmne 
fci wee|te 1 
~^-l» noySHiniO life that hath no weale 
J^ in kee|>e, 

*" forward griefe hath forme and 
M -.- ^orkitij; might, 

- pkannrm like the .■■haildowcs take 
Stair ili^iii : 



Alii letizia fugtiue, alii sonno lieve, 
Clie mi dai gioja e pena in nn n 

Mento : 
Come le inie apetunze bai H|>arto til 

E fatto ogni uiia i:foria aJ sol c!i neve 1 
Lasso, il miii viver itia myoso e greve; 

SI [irot'niiilii dolor nell' olma acnto, 

(.'li'al mondn or non sarebbe uom si 
contento, 

So non fi>Bse il mio ben atato si brieve. 
Felice Endimion, cbe la sua Diva 

Sognando si gran tempo in braccio 



156 Thomas Lodge as an Imitator of the Italian Poets 

blisEe i» tedious lung and 



My pathe 

Twine hap[>ie thou Endemion that 

euibmcest, 
The line-long night thy loue within thine 

Where thou fond dreanie my longed 

woale defacest, 
Whitest Hooting and vncertaine shaddes 

thou plaoest 
Before my eies with false deluding 
charmes. 
Ah instant pweete« which do my heart 

reuiue, 
How should I ioy if you were true 



■ 'in, ae al destar poi non gli h 
schiva. 

bo d'un' ombra incerta e fuggitivt 
un [ninto al cor in 






As Lodge copied a good many of his sonnets from Desportes, himself 
an inveterate plagiarist from the Italians, it might be supposed that 
Lodge's immediate source was Desportes and not Hannazaro. In the 
present case, however, there can be no doubt, as the sonnet of Sannazaro 
quoted above is not one of those appropriated by Desportes from the 
author of the Arcadia 1 . 

Sonnet xxvi of Phillis (' He teach thee lovely Phillip what lone is ') 
is obviously an adaptation of Bembo's famous Capitolo : 'Amor e Donne 
care un vano e fello,' so frequently copied in the sixteenth century, 
while No. xxv ('I wage the combat with two mightie foes') is 
clearly suggested by Petrarch's ' Due gran nemiche insieme erano 
aggiunte.' 

Several of the Phillis sonnets are filched from the Rime volgari of 
Lodovico Paschale, published at Venice in 1549. This rather obscure 
Venetian appears to have been a favourite of Lodge, who incorporated— 
with acknowledgements this time — one of his sonnets in A Ifargariti 
of America (1596). Mr Sidney Lee (up. cit, p. lxxiii) has already 
supposed that some of the sonnets to Phillis come from that source, 
but as he gives no instances and the Rime of Paschale are extremely 
rare, I have thought it worth while to prove that three at least of 
Lodge's sonnets are drawn from the Italian poet. 

In the first case (Phillis, No. n), the translation is fairly literal, in 
spite of a few changes in the proper names : 

1 On Desportes' plagiarisms from the Italian |n»r- of. t'liiin-esco Flaraini, Hindi di 
itoria Utttraria italiana e ttranitra, Livorno, 1895, pp. 347—379, 433—139, who mott 
appropriately describes Desportes as ■ un poela italiauu camuffato alia franoase.' 




L. E. KASTNER 157 


Von sacred Sea-nimpbea pleasantly 


Ninfe de'l mar clie con soave errore 


'lir-[»irting. 


Solcato l'otida placida e tranquilla 


-A midst this mi trie world, where now 


Se mai d'amor senti.ste in voi favilla 




Pieta vi mova il.mio crude! dolore, 


Jf «s»ier loue, or louers sad reporting, 


Et voi c'havete piii benigno il core 


if t**i power sweet teares from your faire 


Vaga Arethnsa e gratiosa Scilla 




De'l vostro humor unargete qualche 


-A-nd you more gentle- hearted then the 


atilla 


_— rest, 


Ne'l vivo inceiidio de'l inio fiero ardore, 


*^ ***ier the Northren Noon-stedo sweetly 


Et tu Triton uella tun cava tromha 


streaming: 
■*-*^»»«l those moyst riches of your christall 


Queste parole con tal forza inspira 


Che la m in donna intendn 1'altogrido, 




II tuo, fidel; la dove il mar ribomba 


'-*"«=► quench the flames from my hearts 


E'l veuto freme e non si scerne il lido 


.Etna steaming. 


Di se non cura, e sol per te eospira. 


-A^nd thou kinile Triton in tby trompet 




^* ?*^ ruthfull accents of my discontent : 
* «=»«wt audit this treauell deaoUte and 






__^ hellish, 




^ <:> *«a(! gentle winde that listens my 




lament 




^kSay prattle in the north in Phillis 




"V\dierc I'liillin ».iiit» Damon ininutuci 








In the second case (Phillis, No. vi) Lodge 'a rendering follows the 


**^*-lian model more closely : 




I 1. is nut death which wretched men 


lliirti: linn c quel die innrir s'appella 


^» call dying, 

\\l** that is von death which I endure: 
■"^»eii my coy looking Nimpli (hir grace 


Ma quells e vera morte ch'io supporto 
Quaudo Madonna di pieta rubella 


A me rivolge il guardo acerlm e torto, 


^ enuying,) 


11 viver non e vita, vita e queila 


-y~ fa fail I frownes my domage doth 


Ch'ioprovo, se talhor, per mioconforto 


procure. 


La Donna mia ch'fe piii d'ogn' altra 


*t is not life which we for life ap- 


. bella. 


^* prone, 


Mi sia cortesc d'un be! guardo aocorto, 

Amor non b quel ch'c d'amanti Duce 

Amor fe quel cho da bcgl' ocelli viene 


* *. 1 that is life when on hir woul-soft 


X i«ipl>es, 


■,M'.i ki.-iscs, which do liatten 


Che m'han acceso il cor eon la sua luce, 


_^k loue: 


S'io dunque [judo, in stracci aftauni, c 


~^^ *>d di'iihling them do treble my good 


pane 




Muraviglia non 6, ch'a ci6 m 'induce 


"I'm neither loue the sonnc, nor loue 


Chi Morte, Vita, Amor, ne gl'occhi 


"^». the mother, 

* Men lanera praise and pray t<>; but 


tiene. 


■^* _ tlirtt lone is, 

~ IikI; ihe iii aye and I in heart do 




■~»-^ i bher, 

j^ ahen lnuj-c not llio 1 glory in my mis.se. 
i DM she who holdes my heart, and me 






in durance, 




II, 'tli lifi', death, loue and all in hir 




priicureance. 





Thomas Lodge as an Imitator of the Italian Poets 

In the last case (Phillis, No, xvm), the English poet is still more 
literal : 



Ah where two raging veuomes are 

vniteil, 
i Wliii 1 1 i,f tli.iii-elues disseuered life 

would seller;) 
The aickly wretch erf sicknesse ie 

acq ui ted, 
Which else should die, or pine in torments 

So tire, and frost, that holde my heart 

in ueasure, 
Restore those mines which tlit'iimelne* 

haue wrought, 
Where if a part they both had had their 

The earth long since, hir fatal! claime 

had cought. 

Thus two vtiited deathes, keepe me 

from dying, 

I burne in Ice, ;md > ^ 1 1 .■ k U ►_■ amidst the fire: 

No hope midestt these e-.taii.nics or fauour 



Qual duo Venerii uniti riiuoru tal' ors 
Soglioti d'alfanno trar, t di toriuetito, 
Che aefusser disgiunti in un nintnento 
Ogu' un di lor cagion di morte fora, 

Tal, so nii strogge il foco; mi ristorn 
Quel freddo ghiacoio che ne'l petto 

Ch'ognun per se m'havria di vita spento 

Ma fan due morti unite ch'io uoti mora, 

Ardo ne'l ghiaccio e tremo in mean 

Tra duo contrary mi torment a Amnre 
Ne veder posso il fin di quarto giooo, 
Ne Be ne'l ghiaccio son a tutte Fhore, 
Ne a'ardo pun Mclipmarwi molto o 
Anzi piii cresce ogn* hor i! n ' 



" 



lireode. 

Another favourite Italian poet of Lodge's was Lodovico Dolce, more 
famous in his day as a playwright and commentator than as a lyric poet. 
Lodge borrowed from him for his Margarite several sonnets and one 
lyric piece (a sestina, probably the earliest in English literature) which 
he describes as 'written in imitation of Dolce, the Italian poet.' Thus 
it might be supposed that Lodge utilized Dolce as well as Paschale. 
An examination of those of his sonnets (some four score) which I have 
come across in the various' Italian anthologies of the sixteenth century - , 
has not continued that supposition, however, but as I was unable to lay 
my hands on the collected Rime of Dolce in any of the English Libraries 
I consulted, it will be as well not to be too affirmative. Vincenzo 
Martelli, who is also quoted by Lodge in A Margarite of America, did 
not contribute the matter for any of the sonnets to Phillis, but a far 
greater poet than any of these, namely Lodovico Ariosto, served as the 
model for as many as five of the sonnets to Phillis. Leaving aside 
No. XXI ('Ye heraultes of my heart, mine ardent groanes'), already 
identified, I will content myself with printing the four following sonnets 
of Lodge, together with their originals in Ariosto. This course, better 
than any words, I venture to think, will enable the readei 
the close dependence of Lodge on the author of Orlando Fnriuso : 




L. E. KA8TNER 



pkatu. 









IT 



Some praise the lookea, and others 

S raise the lockes, 
eir fnira (jueenes, in loue with 

Some laud the breast where loue his 

treasure locks, 
-■V J I like the eie that life and lone 
afl'ordes. 
But mine of these fraile beauties and 
vnstable 
Sliall make my pen ryot in pompous 
utile: 

greater giftes shall my graue muse 
enable, 
«reat senerer browes shall ncuer 

praise hir huiiny-*weeter eloquence, 
' i ich from the fountains if triLL-wisdume 
flowetb : 

modest nieane that match eth 
eielenee, 

matchless© faith which from hir 
vcrtuc groweth : 
— ^^.nd coulii my stile hir bappie vertues 

"^K"ime had no power hir glories to 
enthrale. 

PkiUh, XXSL 
^r-'aireart thou Phillia, I so faire (sweet 
mayd) 
"^^ nor the sunne, nor I haue seetie 
;. more hire. 

■* = ^*' in thy chcekos sweet roses are 
» embayde, 

*" "^-d golde more pure than gold doth 
guilde thy bum 
^iweet Btts haue hiu'd their hotly on 
» thy tongue, 

^-*»il Hebe spiff! hir Necter with thy 

"^^ *■ feOUt thy necke do ail the graces 
_~ tlironge, 

"^^ * nl lav moil baites an might entangle 
death. 
In such a breast what heart would not 
j_ be thrall'* 

*~oiu such sweet amies who would not 
j. wish embraces I 

*^^t thy faire batides who wonders not 

"Xta. Bt ftU ' 

* oendcr it selfe through ignorance 
Hill WW I 
Yet naitholease tho wonderous giftes 

you call these, 
My faith is fjirro ni"rc wondcrfull tli:in 

l.I tbeae, 



Altri liiilora i! viso, altri le chionie 
Delia sua donna, altri 1'avono bianco, 
Onde formo Natora il [wtto e'l Banco, 
Altri dartt a'begli occbi oterno noine. 

Mi.- nun l».-lliv./:i i-nrnittiliil, onine 
Uningegnodiviiio.hamnssounquauoo; 
Un animo coal libero e franco, 
Come non senta le corporee some; 

Una chiara eloquenza che deriva 
Da un fonte di sapere ; una oneatade 
Di eortesi atti, e leggiadria non schiva. 

Che s'in me foase 1'arte alia bolitade 
Delia materia ugual, lie farei viva 
Statua die durcria piii d ! una etade. 



Madonna, *etc bella, e liella tallto, 
Ch'iu non veggin di voi coaa piii bella ; 
Miri la f route, o 1'ima e 1'altra stella, 
Che mi scorgon la via col lunie santo : 

Miri la boeea, a cui sola do vanto, 
t.'liednlceha il risoedolcehalafavella; 
E l'aureii crine, onde Amur fece quella 
Hete che mi fu teM d'ogni canto: 

O di terso alabastro il collo e'l seno, 
braccio o mano : e quauto iinalmeute 
Di voi si mira, e quanto se no crede : 

Tutto 6 mirabil certo: noudimeno 
Non ataro ch'io non dica anli tarn elite, 
Che piii mirabil molto e la mia fede. 



ge tia an Imitator of tin 



fhiUit, IXVH. 

m whilwt fearefull I your fi 



Sonetto xvn. 



Jiv vrieiprewu.il aweetnes that I game, 



MMUM 

■ 
gl-iry, 

■ ■ m ,; 1 i.f-i i iNiv-in-ii-ht shine, I dye 
for thought: 
Ho |huim] my ioyos us doth a new plaid 

Aii'l urn' | ]■•> nigh breaths all delight 

to nought. 
Ha in niv m;]tc I line not, but for you, 
Pdi .yrin I line, and you I loue, but none 

elte: 
Ob Miun Mn eyes whose light I line to 

V iewc, 
Or jsiore forlorne despis'd to line alone 

Looke swoete since from the pith of 

oontemplation, 
Lone gathereth life, ami liuing, breed- 



Fhillii, sxviii. 

Not eiiuselesse were you ehristned 
(gentle flower.) 

I In' ruin i.l liiilli, tliu ntlli'l' flllli/ics pride, 

For she who guides both faith mid fancies 
In yum* Dun roloiin'K wrapes bir Iuory 
u of you hath whitanes without 



Occhi miei belli, mentre ch'io vi miro, 
Per dolcezza ineRabil ch'io ue sento, 
Vola, come falcon ch'ha seco il veuto. 
Da memoria da me d'i>gni martiro : 
E tosto che da voi lo luci giro, 
Amaricato reato in tal tormento, 
Oceana of their Chn a'ebbi mai piacer, non lo ram 



my loue and neuer 



Ne va il ricordu col priiuier aoapiro. 

Non sarei di vedervi gia al vago, 
S'io aeutissi giovar, come la vista, 
L'aver di voi nel cor sewpre I'imniago. 

Invidia b ben, se'l guardar mio v'at- 

E tanto piui:hi"|iipir utid'ioin'appago, 
Nulla a voi perde, ed a me tanto 
acquiata. 



Sonttto \ 






staine 

St. fpoUHM 

1'iinli'd : 
And as the other sliadoweth faith 

againe, 
Suili i* my lasse, with no fond chauuge 

acquainted : 
And aa nor t.irant soune nor winter 

wim thin-. 
May eouer chaunge sweet Auiaranthus 

* hi'"- ; 
fa thia UtO loue and fortune ioyne 

togotlior. 
Will inner leaue to bee both faire and 

And -hould 1 loauo thou then thou 

pn.itl.ie elfel 
Nay first let Damon quite forget him- 



Non »enza causa il giirlin c l'amaranto, 
I/nno di fede, e 1'altro lior d'amore, 
Del bel leggiadro lor vago colore, 
Vergineillostrv.v'orna il vostro manto. 

Candido e pnro 1'un most.ra altrettanto 
In voi eaudnre •• purii-'i di corn; 
A!!' animo sublime I'altro tiore 
Di coatan/ji real dil il pregio oil vanto. 

Coin' eyli al .solo e id verno, luor d'usanza 
D'ogni altro gerrne, ancor che forza il 

sciolga 
Da! natio umor, senipre vermiglio 

Coal vostr' alta intexiono oneata, 
Percht Fortuna la sua ruota volga, 
Come a lei j«ir, non pud oiutar seiu- 
biansa. 



L. E. KASTNER 161 

If we add the above cases of plagiarism from the Italian poets to 
the numerous loans that Lodge has levied on Ronsard and Desportes, 
we come to the conclusion that of the thirty-eight poems of sonnet 
character contained in Phillis, twenty-four are filched from foreign 
sources, so that — leaving the few miscellaneous pieces and the annexed 
dreary and obscure Complaint of Elstred out of account — Phillis is 
little more than an exercise in translation from the French and the 
Italian, and one of the most impudent cases of literary ' larceny/ to use 
Puttenham's term, in the. history of literature. In all probability 
time will disclose the source of the remaining fourteen sonnets. 

L. E. Kastner. 



M . L. R. II. 11 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 



An Allusion in Webster. 

An interesting and suggestive reference made by Vittoria in her 
' Arraignment ' appears to have puzzled editors. With one consent 
they propose to tamper with the following passage in The White Divet, 
1G12, rig. E 4 (m, ii. 129—139 in Professor Sampson's edition) : 

Vii. Humbly thus. 
Thus low, to the most worthy and respected 
Leigier Embassadors, my modesty 
Ana womanhood I tender : but withall 
Ho mtangled in .1 cursed iicousatiou 
That my defence of force like /Vww. 
Must personate masculine vertue to the point. 
Find mee but guilty, seuer head from body : 
Weele part good fnndes : I stome to hould my life. 
at yours or any inaus introaty. Sir, 

Bag. Emb. Sho hath a hraue spirit. 



Except for some obvious errors of punctuation, the speech needs no— "" 
correcting. But in the sixth line Mitford proposed, most unwarrantably,^^ 
to substitute 'Portia' for 'Perseus'; it is not clear whether he read— 
' Portia ' or ' Portia's,' but in the one form or the other scholars haves- 
welcomed this undesirable alien. Professor Sampson, who does not> 
disturb the text at random, adopts ' Portia's,' and dismisses the Original 
reading as ' obviously wrong.' On the contrary it is demonstrably 
right. It is an allusion to contemporary literature. In Jonsou'* 
Masque of Queenes, acted and first published in 1C09, ' Heroiciue? 
Vertue,' played by an actor in the dress of Perseus, is a prominent 
character. Jonson describes the appearance of the twelve masquers 
seated on a pyramid of light in the House of Fame, — ' From whom i 
Person, by this time descended, in the furniture of Perseus, and ex- 
pressing heroique, and masculine Vertue, began to speaks 1 (Quarto, 



Miscellaneous Notes 

1609, sig. D 2). The speech follows with a marginal note added to the 
opening lines : 

The Antients expressed a. braue and masculine I'trlue in three figures. (Of 
Hercidet, AnMK tad finll'-i-o/i/aiit.) Of whiuh we oboOM that of IW>e>it, arm'd aa 
wee haue describ'd him, out of Hetiod. Scuto. Here. See Apollodor, the Gram- 
marian. /jS. 2. de Perteo.' 

The character, it should be noted, is not called 'Perseus'; it is 
' Heroique Vertue ' as typified by Perseus, wearing his attributes of the 
winged sandals, the cap of darkness, and the crooked sword. Webster's 
reference is therefore very explicit. He paid his famous tribute to 
contemporary playwrights in the preface to The White Divel, and 
eulogised ' the labor'd and vnderstanding workes of Maister Johnson.' 
There is some irony in the fact that scholars have overlooked the 
laboured and understanding reference. But, when once pointed out, 
it is obvious and may be added to the group of allusions from which 
Professor Sampson deduces the probable date of the play. 

Mr Charles Crawford has pointed to conclusive evidence that 
^Vebster was familiar with Jonson's masque. The 'doctrine of some 
-eat Inquisitors in Nature' that every royal or heroic form partakes 
i if the heavenly virtue was borrowed by Jonson from Spenser and 
tpplied to Prince Henry in the dedication. Webster appropriated it 
«lmoet verbally when celebrating the dead prince in A Monumental 
'iJniiuie, 1613, sig. A verso; the passage begins, 

Some great inquisitors in nature say. 

That Jonson, who disapproved of Spenser's style but 'would have him 
*-cad for his matter.' should draw freely on his philosophy and with the 
help of Seneca's 'rerum naturae inquisitor' at once express and limit 
the acknowledgement, was very natural ; but Webster's reborrowing is 
i curious as to suggest that he did not know the ultimate source of 
-Itin-i-'ii's inspiration. 

Percy Simpson. 



The Word 'Moillere' in 'Piers the Plowman.' 

It may be worth while to point out that the explanation of this 
■word as meaning ' woman, wife,' given in my edition of Stratmann and 
in the glossary and notes to Prof. Skeat's editions of Piers the Plowman, 
is altogether wrong. The sense in all the instances is that of the well- 
known law term viulier, 'legitimate child,' 'person born in wedlock,' 

11—2 



I 



Misci.'Uancous Notes 



1 representing the Anglo-French muliere (Britton) and the Law Latin 
mulieratiis. It is not necessary to argue the point, as a glance at the 
iges will suffice to show that the word can have no other than this 
meaning. In the A text, Passus ii, lines 87 and 101, the Vernon mk. 
stands alone in reading ' Meede is a Iuweler,' with defective alliteration. 
Other MSS. have the correct ' Mulyer ' or ' Muliere,' or some corruption 
of this. Prof. Skeat recorded these readings in the footnotes to his 
edition of the A text (Early English Text Society, 1867), but unfortu- 
nately regarded them as 'clearly due to attempts at improving the 
alliteration,' and therefore did not think it necessary to mention them 
in bis parallel-text edition published by the Clarendon Press. Perhaps 
it may not be superfluous to mention, for the benefit of students of 
Piers the Plowman, that the parallel-text edition, while itself indis- 
pensable, does not by any means supersede Prof. Skeat's separate 
editions of the three texts. 

In relation to the question of the unity of authorship of the three 
versions of Piers the Plowman, it is of some little interest to note that 
the authors of the A and the B texts (if they are different persons) 
both used correctly this rare law term, which some of the scribes who 
copied their work evidently did not understand. In calling it rare, I 
am of course referring to its use in Middle English, for which Piers the 
Plowman is the only authority; in the 16th century it was common 
enough. 

In B xvi, line 219, ' ne matrimoigne with-oute moillerye • is nou}t 
tnoche to preyse," the word moillerye has the collective sense of ' legiti- 
mate offspring,' as is clear from the Latin text quoted : ' Maledictus 
homo qui non reliquit semen in Israel.' The formally corresponding — 

Anglo-French mulerie seems to occur only in the phrase en mulerie, 

' in wedlock.' 

Henry Bradley. 



Drayton's Sonnets. 

Lovers of Drayton will find matter for congratulation in the manner 
in which Professor Elton in his admirable study of that poet's life and 
work has traversed, and it may be hoped, disposed of the arguments 
with which Dr Courthope supported his rather surprising and to 
Drayton not very creditable theory concerning the relations of the poet 
to his patrons. But one point of interest Professor Elton has avoided. 
In Dr Court hope's account of Drayton most readera have probably 



Miscellaneous Notes 165 

stumbled over three variants— misprints they can hardly be — from 
the accepted test of the sonnet which places Drayton once for all 
among the great poets of the world. It will have been noticed, for 
instance, that it is only by the substitution of Dr Courthope's reading 
'rise' for 'kiss' in the first line — 'Sauce there's no help, come let us 
kiss and part ' — that his interpretation of the poem as addressed to the 
Countess of Bedford is made possible. Dr Courthope has not stated 
the source from which his test is drawn, but I have failed to discover 
nny alternative authority to the Poems of 1619 in which the sonnet 
was first printed. If Dr Courthope has drawn on some manuscript 
source, with which the general reader is unfamiliar, he will, I am sure, 
see the desirability . if stating his authority. 

W. W. GREti. 



The Text of Gray's Poems. 

I da Dot know whether any editor of Gray has collated the text of 

he Fouhs edition of 1768 with that of the London edition of the same 

.".■:ir. which preceded this Glasgow edition by a little. The texts are 

jot quite identical. The Glasgow edition, a quarto — the first work 

printed by Foulis with so large a type, which was specially prepared by 

I >r Wilson— -is much the more beautiful book. The text followed a 

"fc ran script ion made with Gray's consent by Beattie. The following 

"Variations may be noted. In the Elegy ' the beetle wheels his droning 

Hight' (Dodsley); 'drony Hight' (Foulis). The earliest example of 

* drony' in N.E.D. is of 1824, 'The bats were wheeling their drony 

flights,' probably a reminiscence from this text of the Elegy. 'Grav'd 

on the stone' (Dodsley); 'his stone' (Foulis), The 'Hymn to Adversity' 

< Dodsley) is 'Ode to Adversity' (Foulis). The Greek motto to this 

■poem is not the same in F. as that in D. ' The Fatal Sisters' is not 

named ' An Ode' in F. In The Bard III, i ' In yon bright track, that 

fires the western sky ' (D.) ; ' tract ' (F,). I do not mean to record the 

variations, of which several will be found in the notes, but merely to 

:all attention to the fact that such variations exist. 

Edward Dowden. 



166 



Miscellaneous Notes. 



New English Dictionary.' 

the New English Dictionary 



'Connoissance' in the ' 

The earliest instance of 'Coi 
is from Bailey (1730-0). In his Anecdotes of Painting (1762-71) Horace 
Walpole says, in a passage quoted in the Dictionary : ' Being in search 
of a proper term for this science, Mr Prior proposed to name it con- 
noissance ; but that word has not obtained possession as connoisseur 
has.' We are not told where or when Prior made this suggestion, which 
apparently is not to be found in his printed works, otherwise we should 
have expected the quotation to be supplied in the Dictionary. I happen 
to have hit upon the authority for Walpole's statement recently, quite 
by chance, Prior's proposal was made in a private letter to Jonathan 
Richardson, the portrait -painter. Richardson relates the circumstance 
in his Discourse on the Dignity, Certainty, Pleasure and Advantage, of 
the Science of a Connoisseur, which was published in 1719. He was 
evidently very proud of the incident, for he prints his account of it 
in extra large type. He says at the end of one of his long-winded 
paragraphs : 

' Here being a full Period, and the first Opportunity I have had, 
I will inform the Publick that I have at length found a Name for the 
Science of a Connoisseur of which I am treating, and which I observed 
at the entrance of this Subject wanted One. After some of these 
Sheets were printed I was complaining of this Defect to a Friend, who 
I knew, and Every Body will readily acknowledge was very proi*-r to 
be advised with on This, or a Much Greater Occasion; and the next 
Day had the honour of a Letter from him on another Affair, wherein 
however the Term Connoissance was us'd ; This I immediately found 
was That, he recommended, and which I shall use hereafter. And indeed 
since the Term Connoisseur, tho' it has a General Signification, has 
been received as denoting One skilful in this particular Science; there 
can be no reason why the Science it self should not be called Con- 
noissance. Perhaps 'tis not without some Mixture of Vanity in my 
self, but in Justice to my Friend I must not conceal his Name; 'tis 
Mr PRIOR' (Ed. 1719, pp. 62-4.) 

Accordingly in the remaining portion of his Discourse Richardson 
brings in the word ' connoissance ' as often as he can, nearly a score of 
times in fact. The earliest instance of the use of this word therefore in 
the Dictionary should be under 1719. It is curious that it should have 
been overlooked, as the title of this very work of Richardson's is quoted 
for the use of the term 'connoisseur' in 1719. 

Paget Toynbi 



dyxbee. 



Miscellaneous Notes. 



'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight,' lines 697 — 702. 

In the account of Sir Gawayne's journey in Sir Gawayne and the 
Green Knight we are told how he draws nigh to North Wales, holds 
Anglesey on his left, fares over the fords by the forelands, over at Holy- 
head, till he reaches the bank again in the wilderness of Wirral, where 
he found few who loved either God or man. The geography seerns 
confused. Ought we not to read ' Holywell ' for ' Holyhead ' ? Riding 
from Camelot, Gawayne naturally entered North Wales from the south: 
• f he left Anglesey on his left hand, he would have to follow the line of 
the northern coast: he would pass over more than one ford by a fore- 
land, but more particularly the ford of the Conway by the Great Orme's 
Head, till he reached Holywell, where the Bagillt Bank stretches half- 
way across the estuary of the Dec Taking advantage of a low tide, 
Sir Gawayne would of course have had no difficulty in swimming Grin- 
g«j|«jt across the narrowed channel, and landing on the other bank in 
the wilderness of Wirral. But to swim from Holyhead to Liverpool 
se ^nis too great a feat to expect even from a knight of the Table 



*oun4 



R. W. Chambers. 



Notes on Barnahe Barnes' 'Devil's Charter.' 

V, 1319. To the references given on p. 123 of Volume I of this 

^ ew "*dt<, I can now add a passage where 'trillill' is used in a sense 

Sl, "'i]. ir to, if not identical with, that in The Devil's Charter. In The 

' i oemai , ei''i Holiday, v, 3, Firk says to his fellow-journeymen: 'And 

" promise you meat enough, for simp'ring Susan keeps the larder. 

'1 lead you to the victuals, my brave soldiers; follow your captain. 

^ fetsvel Hark, hark! {Bell rings).' At which they all shout: 'The 

^"■Icake-bell rings, the pancake-bell! Trillil, my hearts!' Evidently 

'''• Word is used as an expression of cheerfulness or high spirits, or as 

r ' incitement to cheerfulness, something like the modern 'cheer up.' 

"V. 1580. There can be no doubt that 'vitriall dildidoes' means 

K*s*.ss okta-/3ot.' There is ample support for it in the poetry of the 

''^turuinn, fop instance in The Works of the Earls of Rochester, 

ft a W lH BlOH and Dorset: The Dukes of Devonshire, Biickinijham.ihire, 

" u --. London, 1739, Vol, n. See The Discovery, p. 179; Dildoides, a 

^°«*q by Butler, the author of Hudibras, p. 182. 

A. E. H. Swaen. 




Origenes de la Novela. Tomo I. Introduction : Tntiado historico sobre 

la primitiva Novela espanola. Por D. Marcelino Mexks'ukz I 

Pelavo. {Xiiem Biblioteca de Atttores EepaTioles.) Madrid: 

Bnilly-Bailliere, 1905. 8vo. 534 pp. 
Predicadores de los Siglos XVI y XVII. Tomo i. Sermones del 

P. Fr. Alomo de Cabrera de la Orden de Predicadores. Con un 

discurso pretiminar de Don Miguel Mir, (Same Series.) Madrid ! 

Bailly-Bailliere, 1906. 8vo. xxxvii + 712 pp. 
Aiitvliiurii-tif'ttiti >/ Memories. Coleeeionadas e ilustraelas por M. Serrano 

v Saxz. (Same Series.) Madrid: Bailly-Bailliere, 1906. 8vo. 

■■I\\ i + 646 pp. 
i 'nDndinn </(• Tirso de M"liu(i. Totno I. Coleecion onlinada e ihistrada 

por D. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. (Same Series.) Madrid: 

Bailly-Bailliere, 1906. 8vo. lxxxiv + 680 pp. 
The idea of continuing the very meritorious and useful Biblioteca 
de Atttores Esjtnioles of Rivadeneym is a happy one, and a beginning 
has ben made with the above volumes under the most favourable 
auspices. The Xtiera Biblioteca de Autores Espa Holes, as it is called, 
is published under the direction of D. Marcelino Menendez y Pelavo, 
with the collaboration of a, number of distinguished scholars. 1*he 
' Prospectus,* written apparently by the editor-in-chief, while giving 
just praise to the older Biblioteca, calls attention to some of its short- 
comings, especially as regards the manner in which several text* mn 
edited, and also to many and important omissions. Speaking of the 
texti of the older Biblioteca, the 'Prospectus' says: 'Las condiciones 
cle la critica y de la filologia eran entonces muy diversas de las de 
ahora: los estudios de literature coinparada se han desarrollado por- 
tentosaniente en este largo periodo, y aunque con lentitud han logrado 
penetrar en Espana, se ha acrecentado el rigor de las exigencies del 
metodo, y aim el editor mas negligent* no puede menos de sentir hoy 
escrupulos que antes no preoeupsban al varon mas docto,' etc Of the 
omissions, the editor remarks : ■ Quedaron en ella (i.e. the older Biblio- 
teca) grandes vacios, que a toda costa procuraremos Uenar.' He refers 
to the number of important works that were not included in the former 
publication, and calls sapsoa] attention to the great dramatists: 'De 



Jieviews 



169 









los prineipes de nueatro teatro solo se reproduce integro el repertorio 
de Alarcon y el de Calderon (las Comedias, no los autos); se echan de 
inenos dos terceras partes del teatro de Tirao, y resuelta may caprichosa 
y de todas auertes mezquina la seleccion de los drauiatieos llamadoa de 
segundo drden, algunna de los cualea, como Guillen de Castro, Mini de 
Mescua y Luis Velez de Guevara, merecian occupar sendos tomoa con 
tanta razon como Rojas y More to,' etc. 

The opening volume, Origenes de la Novela, ia from the pen of the 
editor-in-chief, indisputably the first literary critic and scholar of Spain. 
This work reveals on every page the vast and accurate erudition of its 
author, and ia written in a style so clear, graceful and flowing that it 
captivates the reader. The task of writing auch a work was a very 
.great one, but for the author of the Historia de las Ideas estetlcas en 
Etpafta, and editor of Lope de Vega, that mar inmeiiso, the very 
magnitude of the undertaking must have had a peculiar attraction. 
The bonk begins with a review of the Greek and Latin novel; this ia 
followed by a discussion of the apologue and oriental tale, and their 
transmission to the western nations, especially to .Spain, and the fiction 
of the Arabs and Jewa of Spain. Then followa ft chapter on the influence 
of the Oriental novel on the literature of the Peninsula during the 
middle ages, and an account of the books of chivalry, all in great detail 
,nd evincing an astonishing knowledge of the whole subject. Nothing 
:ma to have escaped the author's reading, and it amuses our curiosity 
see what Sr. Adolio Bonilla (to whom the books of chivalry in the 
mcceeding volumes have been assigned) may add to the masterly 
exposition of this part of the work. The Caballera Ci/ar is discussed 
»t length, ' on account of ita remote antiquity and its curious contents, 
*is well as because it is almost entirely unknown in Spain.' This work 
in not an imitation of Amadis of Gaul, but, on the contrary, aa Eaist had 
firmed, the oldest Spanish novel (die dlteste selbstsUindige ka.stili.idie 
'iktion). Amadis of Gaul is treated with great minuteness, and here 
;he reader will find the best account, taken all in all, that has yet been 
-written concerning this, the greatest of all the old romances of chivalry, 
of which the only known copy of the first edition (Carago<;a, 1508) now 
leposefl on the shelves of the British Museum. An examination of the 
JJrioUiitja episode leads Sr. Menendez y Pelayo to the conclusion that 
the unknown author, translator .>r remodeller of A madia was probably 
not Vasco de Lobeira, but Juan Lobeira, a trobadur of the Court of 
King Denis, of whom two fragments of a Portuguese cancion are found 
in the Cancionero Culocci-Brancuti. The eatrilriUo of the cancion, which 
is reproduced in the villancico in Amadis, is not an irrefutable and 
linisivi- argument in favour of the Portuguese origin of Amadis, but it is 
an indication of great moment. The verses are probably of the close of 
the thirteenth, or at latest of the beginning of the fourteenth century, 
as no other poetry of the Cancionero is of less antiquity. ' While this 
Juan Lobeira, who figured at the Portuguese Court from 1258 to 1285 
was the refundidor of Amadis, he was not its author, for Amadis de 
Gaula must have existed before this time, but in what language, God 



170 



Reviews 



only knows.' The author cites the opinion of Baist, who denies the 
Portuguese origin of Amadis, but he nolds that Baist's arguments are 
not conclusive, — that they affirm too much or are dependent on mere 
conjecture. So this point still remains unsettled, though it is clear 
that Menendez y Pelayo inclines to the Portuguese origin of the 
romance: 'A pesar de los malos y contraproducentes argumentos con 
que a veces ha sido defendida la original idad portuguesa del Amadis, a 
mis ojos es una hipMesis muy plausible, y hasta ahora la que mejor 
concuerda con los pocos datos histi'>ric<is que poaeemos,' etc. (p. ccxx). 
Exceedingly interesting as this discussion is, as to whether Amadis, 
as we now have the work, was originally written in Spanish or in 
Portuguese, there is not even a conjecture by the author concerning 
the ultimate origin of the romance. Might not Amadis possibly 
reptvsi-nt ji French original whieh is now lost ? In reading Amadis of 
Gaul such a thought must occur more than once to anyone familiar 
with some of the French romances, particularly Lancelot. The matter, 
at all events, deserves closer study. Sr. Menendez y Pelayo rightly 
attributes Palmerin de Inglaterra to the Portuguese Francisco <W 
Monies, who lived in Paris from 1541 to 1543, as secretary of the 
Ambassador D. Francisco de Noronha, second Count of Linares. The 
subject has been entirely cleared up by the excellent work of W. E. 
1M \***' Purser. Palmerin of Engl and, Dublin, 1904, which as Sr. Menendez 

L^_<*—s-i»<- notes in the Appendix, hail not appeared when his account was written. 

lH Following the 'Romances of Chivalry' (which take up over one hundred 

pages) we have a chapter on the ' Sentimental Novel,' its origin, and 
the influence of Boccaccio and Eneas Silvio; then the 'Historical 
Novel,' and finally the 'Pastoral Romance,' which is treated with a 
mastery that leaves nothing to be desired. 

The publication of the Predkadores de los Siglos XVI y XVII, 
Vol. I, is an attempt by a well-known scholar, D. Miguel Mir, who is 
also a priest, to rehabilitate the almost forgotten Dominican Fr. Alonso 
de Cabrera. In his day Cabrera was a preacher who had a great 
reputation for the fervour and sincerity of his discourses, which are 
uli.'.lniely free from all affectation and artifice, and so clear, simple 
and straightforward as to be within the grasp of the most ordinary 
intelligence. His rich and picturesque imagination suggests a thousand 
means of explaining his thoughts with singular vivacity and clearness, 
and his only weakness is the too frequent insertion of Latin sentences, 
which was, however, perhaps not so great a drawback in his day as it is 
now. It is in vain that we examine the histories of Spanish literature 
for the name of Alonso de Cabrera. Amongst the works ordinarily 
accessible to the student he is mentioned only by Nicolas Antonio, in 
his Bibliuthecu hixpana nova. The learned editor of the present volume 
has succeeded in gathering a few of the main points of his life. 
Fr. Alonso de Cabrera was oom in Cordoba about 1549, of the noble 
family of Godoy Cabrera; he received a religious education and became 
one of the Parlres Predicadores in the Convent of the order in his 
native city. He continued his studies at the University of Salamanca, 



Reviews 



171 



anil before he was ordained a priest, went to America, preaching on the 
island of Santo Domingo, whence he returned to Spain, and became 
PtO&flBor of Theology in the University of Osutia; he was finally 
appointed Court preacher of Philip II. at Madrid. He died in the 
Convent of Saint Thomas, Madrid, commonly called the Convent of 
Atocha, on November 20, 1598, about two months after the death of 
Philip II., at whose obsequies he had preached one of his most famous 
sermons. Sr. Mir has certainly done a good service to his fellow- 
countrymen in presenting to them, in this handsome volume, the 
sermons of one of the foremost pulpit orators of the Golden Age of 
Spain. 

The distinguished scholar and bibliographer, Sr. Serrano y Sanz 
(now, we believe, Professor in the University of Zaragoza), who has 
been for many years connected with the Biblioteea Nacional, at Madrid, 
nnd to whose untiring pen we owe a number of important works, 
yresents us, in the A i.Uoliint/riifiax y Memoriae with a volume of curious 
interest. Sr. Serrano alludes to the fact that in past centuries auto- 
biographical literature was little cultivated in Spain, and lays stress 
■upon its importance as a historical document He points nut that the 
Kreat advantage of autobiographies lies in the fact that they are living 
documents; their value would be inestimable were it not for the vanity 
iherent in human nature, which falsifies deeds or exaggerates them; 
;onsequently they have been viewed with some distrust, as tending to 
■on fuse historical narrative with what is pure fiction. But even those 
f-ui tonographies which bear but a faint stamp of truth, as that of 
Xhique de Estrada, contain most important data with reference to the 
Wl mill condition of the epoch, concerning customs and manners and a 
thousand things disdained by official chroniclers and by the recognised 
-historians. Some of them, written by men in humble walks of life, — 
"by soldiers and adventurers, — show ns how very real was that vida 
_yncaresca which is described in so many books. There are passages in 
"the lives of D. Alonso Enriquez, of Miguel de Castro and of Contreras, 
-which seem copied from Lazarillu de Tormes, the Oran Tacnilo or 
ffuxman de Alfarache. Sr. Serrano divides his introduction into nine 
chapters, according to the condition or station in life of the writers, 
"beginning with kings and ending with women. These introductory 
Chapters, which cover a hundred and sixty-six pages, are full of curious 
information gathered frequently from the most recondite sources. The 
text given 'first is the Viaje de Tarqtiiu (from the original mss. in the 
Bibliotecs Nacional) of Cristobal de Villalon, a distinguished hellenist 
of the first half of the sixteenth century and the author of El Crotalon. 
This is followed by the Life of the Bishop of Zamora, Don Diego de 
Simaneas; the Life of D. Martin de Ayala, Archbishop of Valencia ; , 

.■■ del Mundo hecho por Pedro Ordonez de Ceiullos and other 
equally curious narratives. 

Perhaps no man living has a more intimate acquaintance with the 
whole theatre of Tirso de Molina than the distinguished Academician, 
D. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, to whom we owe, amongst many other 



172 



Reviews 






excellent publications, the work Tirso de Molina: Inveatigudones 
biobibliogiaficas (Madrid, 1893). Sr. Cotarelo has again powered a 
most important service to students of the Spanish drama by publishing 
those comedias of Tirso which have hitherto been practically inaccessible. 
The edition of Tirso de Molina originally published by Hartzenbuseh 
in twelve volumes in 1839-42, contained thirty-three plays, together 
with excerpts and notices of a number of others. The same editor's 
edition in the BibUoteco de Autores Espahales (1848) embraced thirty- 
six plays. Sr. Cotarelo is now publishing all the comedias that appeared 
in the original five Partes of Tirso's Comedias (1627-36), besides those 
which have been attributed to him with more or less probability. The 
first volume of this work is now before us, and contains three plays 
which had appeared in other more recent collections: El liurlador 
de Sevilla, La Venganza de Tamar (published in Calderon's works), 
and Siempre aytida la Verdad (printed in the volume on Alarcon). 
Sr. Cotarelo assures us that his edition is a faithful copy of the original 
impressions, only the moat obvious errors being corrected, to which in 
every case reference is made in a note. In only one important 
particular has the editor departed from this rule; he has changed the 
spelling in conformity with the usages of the present day. He says: 
' A la amirquica y absurda ortografia de los impresos del sigio xvii 
hemos sostituido la hoy corriente, en todo lo que no puede afectar al 
sonido de las palabras.' We can see no justification for doing this in 
the case of those plays which originally appeared in the five Partes of 
Tirso, as the author saw them through the press. For the I*. Francisco 
Lucas de Avila, 'nephew of the author,' who collected the plays in the 
last four Partes of Tirso's ComedUts, is in the opinion of Sr. Cotarelo a 
mythical personage : ' casi nadie cree hoy en la existencia de tal 
sobrino,' he says. If this be so, then the plays in these five volumes 
were collected and prepared for the printer by Tirso himself, and no 
matter how lawless the orthography was, it was undoubtedly that of 
Tirso de Molina, and should have been respected as such. With the 
reprints of Ortega and other eighteenth century booksellers, the case 
is, of course, entirely different. Sr. Cotarelo has divided the Acts into 
Scenes, but he has printed no stage directions which do not appear in 
the original copies. The lines arc not numbered. 

Sr. Cotarelo 's introduction, Vida y Obras de Tirso de Molina, is the 
most important and comprehensive essay that has yet been written 
upon the life and works of the great dramatist. The difficulty of 
finding personal notices of Tirso, as the editor says, lies in his very 
profession. He was a priest, and as such, the world knew little of him. 
Tirso de Molina was born in Madrid, in October, 1571, and studied at 
Alcala de Henares. He became a novitiate in the Convento de la- 
Merced at Guadalajara, on Nov. 14, 1600, and a priest on Jan. 21, 1601. 
Unlike Lope de Vega, he began comparatively late in life to write for 
the theatre, and we have no comedia of Tirso's dated earlier than 1605. 
Among contemporary writers Tirso is first mentioned by Claramonte, 
in his Letania mural (written in 1610), who merely alludes to him as a 



lie views 



173 






poeta comico. In 1615 Tirso de Molina visited the island of Santo 
Domingo; how long he remained we do not know, but on his return 
he was, for a while, in Seville and then in Sept. 1618 in Toledo. To 
this year belong, perhaps, his comedia D" Beatrix de Silva and his auto 
Xoa aermanos parecidus, ' representee Tomas Fernandez en la iglesia 
catedral de Toledo, entre los dos coros.' In 1620 Tirso resided in 
3Iadrid, and Lope de Vega dedicated to him his comedia L-> fingido 
verdadero; to the same year also belongs the comedia La Villanu de 
Vullecas. At this time he was a member of the Academia Poetica de 
Madrid, which from 1617 to 1622 met at the house of the pet 
Dr Sebastian Francisco de Medra.no, a churchman who had long resided 
in Italy. Tirso also published about this time his Cigarrales de Toledo, 
s. miscellany containing novels, lyric poems, three comedias, stories, 
descriptions of festivals, ballade, etc. The first edition is supposed to 
be of Madrid, 1621, which no bibliographer, however, appears to have 
»een, the earliest edition known being that of Madrid, 1624 (copy in 
the Salvsi library). From the prologue of this work we learn that up 
to this date he had written three hundred comedias: he himself says 
"within the past fourteen years.' In May, 1622, he was in Zaiagoza 
And about the middle of June again in Madrid, where he took part in 
the J lata poetica in honour of the canonization of San Isidro : in this 
contest Tirso failed to receive a prize. In 1625 he ceased to write for 
the theatre, doubtless the result of a complaint which had been made 
to the Council of Castile and a recommendation that the Council should 
■ imprison or exile the scandalous friar and prohibit him from composing 
any more comedias.' As a consequence, and much against his will, 
Tirso left Madrid. As a matter of fact, however, he wrote several plays 
in 1625, and at least one, La Huerta de Juan Fernandez, in 1626 ; but 
for nearly ten years after this we hear nothing more of him until he 
published the Tercera Parte of his Comedias (1634). He tells us in 
the dedication of this volume that in the past twenty years he had 
written four hundred comedias. Before May, 1626, Tirso was in Sala- 
manca, p rob; ibly an exile, and in this year he was appointed Comendador 
of the Convent of Trujillo, perhaps, as Sr. Cotarelo remarks, ' to sweeten 
the bitterness of his former persecution.' 

In 1627 the Primera Parte of his Comedias was published at 
Madrid and Seville; of the former edition, no copy seems to have 
survived, and it is known only through the Valencian reprint of 1631. 
Of the twelve comedias in this volume, Hartzeubusch had published 
eight; the other four are reprinted in the present volume. In 1629 
Tirso was again in Salamanca and probably in 1630 returned to Toledo, 
where he resided at the beginning of 1631. Here he devoted a year to 
the cuuiposition of his DeleUar apruvecliando, which he finished on 
Feb. 26. 1632, but which did not appear till 1635 (Madrid). It was his 
tiivuurite work and at its conclusion he promised a second part, which 
UBVUi appeared. Like the Cigarrales de Toledo it is also a miscellany, 
but is entirely different in character from that work. Instead of 
entertaining stories, it contains pious legends, instead of comedias, 



174 

M(fM sacrum erdales, instead of satirical verses, mostly devout 

Gici.iciil eoin positions, and three novelatt & lo divino. In 1632 Tirso de 
'flina mi named Gromtta general of his Order (La Merced), a position 
oemfud by Vr. Alonso Romon, who is also known as a writer 
:i.i". Jo 1634 the Tercera Parte of his Comedias appeared at 
TurtotMi (Francisco Martorell), before the Segunda Parte had appeared. 
■ r-'-ln thinks that this was a mere mistake of the title-page, that 
it wo* undoubtedly intended for the Sagtmda Parte, and that the error 
wn : amended by calling the part which appeared in the following year, 
i. h'- Siyindti Parte. Of the comedias of the Tercera Parts, seven wore 
['jinnl'il by lliiil/.. iiliiisch, the other five are printed in this volume, 
Uttong them LajvMida Arcadia, written in 1622, 'a tribute of admira- 
tion iiihI respectful homage to the great Master, Lope de Vega.' In 
|i;:i, r i, iih already mentioned, appeared the first and only edition of the 
Sr't'itida I'tirfr. -A' his Comedias. Of the twelve comedias in that 

Vol the (allowing are wholly by Tirso: For el Solano y el Torno, 

At»"i- ji ('''Ins hacvit Discretos fat the end of both of which Tirso 

i In. i i.ly itutea that he in the author), Esto si ijite es Negociar, and the 

I ili, according i" Sr. Ootarelo, is La Mujer par Fiterza. The other 

sight plny« In 1 thinks were also written by Tirso in collaboration with 

-.1 L i at uli»ls. The editor agrees with Sr. Menendez y Pelayo, who 

MM that If we had not been put upon our guard by Tirso's own words 
in the Dedication, we should read the whole volume as the production 
.,1 ,i Ingle wit, since the irregularities observed in the plays are no 
-M.iiei i, lian those which are to be noticed in the authentic comedias 
of Tim de Molina. The Quarta Parte of his Comedias appeared at 
Madrid, also in 1635 (Maria de Quinones). Those plays are little 
known, and only four were reprinted by Hartzenbusch. In 1636 Tirso 
published his Quinta Parte, "in Madrid, en la Imprenta Real.' of which 
only two plays have been reprinted in the former edition: Ameer por 
Arte Mayor and Marta la Piadosa. In 1637 he began the composition 
of tlil Bistoria General de la Merced, the second and last volume of 
which he finished on Dec. 24, 1631), and the autograph Ms. of which is 
now preserved in the Royal Academy of History. 

On September. 2!>, 1645, Tirso de Molina was made Comendador or 
Superior of the Convent of Soria; here he resided until his death, on 
Matrh 1 2, 1 648, at the age of sevonty-six. ' No writer of the time has 
pnngrved for us any notice of his death; nobody wept over his grave; 
the poets of Madrid had forgotten him, for in truth, he had already 
been dead to the world for many years. He was buried in the Convent 
"I Sulla, but owing to our barbarous political struggles his precious 
n maul', have been allowed to disappear.' Sr. Cotarelo has done a work 
that oompels our lasting gratitude, Let us hope that the secon< 
volume may not be long delayed. 

Hugo Albert Rennert. 



Andreas and the Fates of the Apostles. Two Anglo-Saxon Narrative 
Poems. Edited with In trod net ion, Notes and Glossary, by 
George Philip Krapp, Boston: Ginn and Co. 1906. 8vo. 
lxxxi + 238 pp. 

A critical edition of Andreas which should embody the results of 
modern scholarship, has long been needed. We are now indebted to 
an American scholar for one which may serve in many respects as a 
pattern to future editors of Old English Texts. The Fates of the 
Apostles appears here for the first time in its entirety, the twenty-seven 
lines in which the author has revealed his name being restored to their 
proper place. 

The 72 pages of Introduction contain full information regarding MS. 
sind editions, source, authorship etc. A chapter on the history of the 
legend of St Andrew is both clear and complete, while the detailed lists 
<tf parallels between Andreas and Beowulf and between Andreas and 
the known Cynewulfian poems, is valuable and interesting. Following 
the Introduction is a full Bibliography, occupying six pages. 

Necessarily the greater part of the Introduction embodies known 
results, and evidently the editor has been throughout more concerned 
to arrive at the truth than to attract attention. But, modestly as he 
puts them forward, he has arrived at some independent and valuable 
results. Dr Krapp shows the same modesty in his treatment of the 
text. He alters the Ms. only when alteration is necessary, and not 
merely to show his skill at guessing what his author might have 
written. Unfortunately he has not had direct access to the MS.; but 
Walker's and Napier's work have perhaps rendered that scarcely neces- 
sary. The complete glossary (06 pp.) at the end of the book, we 
MAime, was added at the request of the publishers. A glossary of rare 
words — in the notes a new explanation is given to several — would have 
been of more value. 

And now to some of the editor's conclusions. In discussing the 
presence of the MS. in Vercelli, Dr Krapp adduces facts (pp. xiii and xiv) 
which seem to render certain the view upheld by Cook that the 
Vercelli Book formed part of the library of Cardinal Guala and came 
therefore in the year 1227 into the Cathedral library. The Fates of 
tite Apostles and the runic passage our editor regards as one poem, the 
work therefore of Cynewulf. He holds Wulker's view regarding the 
authorship of Andreas, and to what has already been said on both sides 
he adds evidence deduced t'nun the vocabulary, which to our mind 
makes the testimony against Cynewulfian origin fairly conclusive. To 
the text and notes we have one or two slight emendations to offer. In 
I. 167 the definite article surely presents no difficulty: 'then the 
Voice.' Naturally the voice mentioned just before. LI. 171-3 are of 
course to be taken closely with this passage. A comma should follow 
viws {I. 169), and a semicolon xoeg (I. 170). L. 174: Is Cosijn's emen- 
dation necessary? cf. Gen. 107. LI. 496 and 499, notes: We see no 



need to picture the open sea : for a small vessel to keep near the'coast 
is not unnatural. Following Kemble, we should like to translate 
acrid by ' under full sail.' But enough of such details. 



J, H. G. Grattak. 



, 



Studien eur Sogengescliichte Englands. Von Max Deutschbein. 
t. Tetl. Die Wikingersagett, H or usage, Harelokxnge, Trwtansage, 
Boevesage, Gin/ of Wartvicksage. Cothen: O. Schulze, 1906". 8vo. 
xii + 2(H pp. 
It may be said without hesitation that this book is one to be read 
by all who are studying early English romance; it also gives help in 
various ways to readers with more general interest in medieval litera- 
ture. If it were only as bringing together the results of recent 
exploration, Dr Deutsehbein's work would be serviceable; but he has 
not been content merely to summarise other men's labour; though, very 
rightly, he gives many pages to restatement of the theories of Ward, 
Suchier, Stimming and others. The title, WH.ingerst.igeu, may at first 
seem paradoxical as applied to Sir Tristrem, Sir Bevis and Sir Guy; it 
makes one expect one of those ingenious forced theories which some- 
times flourish in the medieval garden. But the author is discreet and 
does not try unduly to bring Tristrem, Bevis and Guy into the same 
group as Horn and Havelok. His knowledge of literature is wide, and 
for the peculiar variety called ' literature of the subject' he has great 
aptitude. Some of the comparisons are perhaps a little strained, 
e.g. the romance of Solomon is brought in sometimes without necessity. 
It is going rather far to seek (p. 177) in Russian ballads of King 
Solomon for evidence as to the source of things in Sir Tristrem which 
do not require much explanation ; and at any rate the explanation could 
be found nearer home. The device for carrying off a foreign princess by 
means of a merchant ship — the heroic ravishers disguised as traders, 
travelling with rich wares — this is not the property of the Solomon 
legend, and might occur to different people without any literary 
borrowing. While, if literature is wanted, Gwydion's practical joke on 
Arianrod, when he and his son got themselves up as cordwainers, is a 
likelier model for Tristan than the Oriental story. The great fault of 
the book is that it does not make allowance for losses, ana assumes too 
readily that one may prove from what is extant in medieval romance, 
not merely what things were known, but what were unknown to the 
composers. This is too much, and leads Dr Deutsehbein into illicit 
process of the major, and other unfortunate methods. He tells us what 
the English at the beginning of the 12th century were not capable of 
inventing. ' Aber der Entstehiing der Hornnovelle A 1 und A* bei den 
Angelsachsen stehen schwere Bedenken gegeniiber. Zunachst waren 
wohl die Englander zu Beginn des 12. Jhs. nicht im Stande gewesen, 
eine solche Novel le aus eigener Kraft. zu liefern,' &c. Now with regard 
to this it may be submitted that no one knows anything certain about 



Reviews 



177 



the limits of English fiction, professional or amateur, in the reign of 
Henry I ; that the half-dozen octavo volumes which contain the extant 
Anglo-Saxon literary monuments of four or five centuries must surely 
be ivry fax from complete, Bran as a mere museum of specimens, The 
English by the 12th century had been educated tor hundreds of years 
in all sorts of narrative, from the story of the Volsungs down to 
Apollonius of Tyre, so that the ' eigene Kraft ' of the Anglo-Saxons 
cannot well be disengaged from their inherited accumulation of fables. 
Might not an Englishman, even in the time of greatest depression, have 
skill or fancy enough for such a very simple plot as that of the return 
of King Horn ? A more peremptory instance may be found on p. 81, 
where the subject under discussion is the story of the chieftain (Aiilaf or 
Alfred) going in disguise as a minstrel to the enemy's camp. This, we 
are told, cannot be found in literary form before 1100, and there/ore can 
hardly have been known in England during the Anglo-Saxon period. 
It must have been brought in from the Continent, along with the 
Solomon legend and other foreign machinery. (' Vor 1100 namlich lasst 
es sich in hterariseher Form nieht naclnveisen, und ist deshalb wahrend 
der angelsachsischen Epoche iu England kuwu bekannt gewesen,') 
There could hardly be a simpler case of this particular form of reasoning. 
It is a fallacy to which some men of large medieval reading seem to be 
prone: they are. apt to forget how much has been lost along with the 
Tale of Wade. 

It is necessary to call attention to this, because it is too common in 
such medieval studies to argue from non-appearance to non-existence, 
to think that a blank space in the historical museum can be made to 

£-ove a negative. But the value of this particular museum is not much 
ssened thereby. It is pleasant to follow the author's investigations 
throughout. His statement of the problems of King Horn is one of the 
clearest, and his discrimination of the elements in the story will be 
admired even by those who cannot quite accept all the details. It is 
in dealing with Horn and Havelok, the stories that have most of the 
Viking in them, that Dr Deutschbein is at his best; but the notes 
on the other three are interesting, and bring the results of previous 
enquiries into a comprehensible view, 

W, P. Ker. 



£Wya, Plays and Sundry Vertex. By Abraham Cowley. The 
Text edited by A. R. Waller. (Cambridge English Classics,) 
Cambridge: University Press, 1 SJOfci. 8vo. viii+ 500 pp, 
This is the second volume of the Cambridge Cowley, and we give 
it a cordial welcome. It contains the juvenile works, including the 
pastoral comedy Lovt'i Riddle, the two later comedies, The Guardian, 
:ted at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1041, and Tim l.'uth-r of ',/,,„,..„ 
(reef, founded upon this and produced in 1001, The Puritan ami (he 
< satire from the Bodleian copy, 1643, the Proposition for the. 
m. l. u. n. 12 



Reviews 

1 "■■ <■* ■>>' I. ■ ftrimenlal Philosophy, the Discourse Concerning 

Uaaernmeni oj Oliver Cromwell, and the Essays in Prose and Veri 
I" which U added the fragment, in heroic couplets. On the 
>'.,.< War. 

It 11 iMtii nil enough that Cowley's youthful poems should 

11 in kpite of the author's protest. They were published 

with the rest of his works in the folio of 1681, and reproduced 

i(t lUMtqunt i'<l it ions. In fact, as examples of precocity tin v BU 

■ matched euwwhere, and as such they deserve attention. The 

: ' i I Poetical B tott omt, which included Coiistantia 

}■!.,/, /.,..- I'm',, mux mid Thisbr, two elegies, and A Dream of Eh/stum . 
wio. pablliud in [688, rlwa the author was only fifteen years old. and 
thaw i ■ tlo i ■■.!■-' -rj bo doubt his statement, made in the second edition 
(1886) ih.n Puramui and Thisbe was written at the age of ten and 
( on i'ii,/, a ,i,i,i Philettu two years later, though they may have had the 
I" ii' lii of Inn revimun up tu the time of publication. We may lool~ 
■■■:; before W« find a boy of ten capable of writing in tl ' 
tj l. 



lan 
m, 






Shu 1000 )4! rw ™! '" l hnt which he requirti, 
l''nr [iit.li- Mii'iinu' niwil-*, where both consent; 
WIih t. In; Nil [imj; Inn! plodded, she desir'd : 
Whirh Wmw seeing, with blind Ghaooe conspired, 
And nmny a charming accent to her sent, 
Tlmt aha (at last) would frustrate their intent. 

Thiit ISemity is by Beauty's metina undone. 
Striving tu close these eyes that make her bright; 
.In i lil. i' ilin Mm. ii, wliiiti sceka tWlip.se the Sun, 



ii nil ln-r s| itemiour, all her lieama do c 
Si. -In-, who fcteheth lustre frora t" 
linili pUrjMaa In destroy their jjto 



i light. 



Alter |iiil'lii.'itiiut these poems remained practically unaltered, 
i k,, - i, m of the edition of 1637, whiofa is followed by Mr Waller, diffei 
,,nlv in i vi-iv iiw ntmintw bom that of 1633. The note, 'Enlan 
by the liUthor, 1 widen appears on the title-page of Pyntmue <<>i<1 Tfusbe 
in 1686] most ii'ti-r, B« to that poem, but to the fact that the mis- 
cellaneous oolleetion called Syfva lias been added to the little volume, 
which, in spite of sen'tal tit I. - ii:ig«*a, has continuous lettering of sheets. 
I m i in- I'l.n i iii.- pastoral called wm'i Riddle, written while the authoc 

n ; , weeti star School, may rory well pass, not only as a curiosity, 

. !.i -mm. extent, on its own merits; but it is doubtful whetht 

1 1,, pah .-I o dies which folio* ware worth reprinting, and it is cei 

that thf)' add littit nutation. We cannot agree 

Pepyi thai The Cutter a/ Coleman Street is in any sense L avery_ 
|ii.n rhe remainder of the volume is almost all of interest. The 
Or ><i*ll is a fine piece of imaginative writing 
■ in. h ought i" be belter known, and the Sstaifs are always weloamsi 
With regard *o the fVagtnont On the Late Civil War, first printed : - 
l,i7;i in it doee not quite correspond to the accoi 



■stiy, 
ether 
rtain 
wi,h 
good 




Reviews 



179 



given of the poem by the author, who aays that he wrote three books of 
the Civil War, reaching as far as the first battle of Newbury, ' where the 
succeeding misfortunes of the party stopped the work.' We must 
remember that Cowley, in the passage of the Preface of 1656 which 
was afterwards omitted, because it expressed too much compliance with 
the existing government, declares that he accounts it no less unlawful 
to rip up old wounds than to give new ones, and therefore he has been 
led not only to 'abstain from printing anything of this kind, but to 
burn the very copies.' What we have here is apparently a portion of 
the first book. 

The editor's work has been done very accurately, so far as we have 
been able to test it by comparison with the original texts; and all 
students of English literature must acknowledge an obligation to the 
Cambridge University Press for these admirable reproductions of early 
editions. We notice that Mr Waller promises us a third volume, 
containing further biographical, bibliographical and critical matter 
relating to Cowley. Perhaps it would be possible to reprint in this 
volume the Latin comedy, Naufragium Ioculitre{ written for performance 
at Trinity on Candlemas day 1038), without infringing too much the 

?riueiple of excluding the Latin poems, a principle which in view of the 
'/aiil-'runi Libri Sen: must be acknowledged to be sound. There is Et 
copy of the rare first edition of this play in the Cambridge University 
Library. 

G. C. Macaulaw 



Tin- [nlrrprettitiuii of Nature in English Poetry from 'Beowulf to 

ShaiuBpeare. By Frederic W. Moorman. (Quellea und Forsclt- 

unffen ntr Sprucli- mid Culluri/esi-liirlite der gerinttiilsclieii Votker, 

v v.) Strassburg: Trtibner, 1905. 8vo. xiii + 244 pp. 

English literature has some claim to be the home of Nature-poetry 

in modern times. The external non-human world has 'existed,' in 

a sense, for other times and countries; certain aspects of it 

have I" in expressed nnnv poignantly, or more brilliantly, by Dante, or 

i met !n', nr Hugo, than by any English poet. But in no other laud has 

that mute or inarticulate world so continuously, or with such brief 

mt< i rals, haunted the makers of songs, or told so powerfully upon the 

Coarse "t literary movementa, and the complexion of literary ideals. 

Th^re have been seasons of estrangement ; but the Return to Nature 

has been the rediiitegmtin mrn-i-i.s of lovers who have quarrelled. It is 

DOt for nothing that Brandos has classed the whole literary movement 

in these islands which corresponded to the Romanticism of the continent 

Under the rubric of 'Naturalismus': 'Nature' was in any case one of 

its dominant inspirations. And, at the opposite pole of our literature, 

the vivid sense of sea and shore in Beowulf contrasts with the vaguely 

hinted Pyrenean background of the < Hum son de Roland. 

Abundance of acute observation has, needless to say, been applied, 
during the last century, to the more striking examples of this preoccupa- 






Reviews 



' i. hi wuh Nature: and English criticism has latterly been seconded with 
- i L|nal acumen, and with more of exact method and minute 
hj a distinguished group of French scholars: one need only 
r.i. 11:1m the studies of MM. Morel, Legouis, and Angellier, on Thomson, 
\\'.'iilsw..rth, and Burns. But the less salient cases, the poets for whom 
Nature' was not a religion, or a principle, but a capacity of being 
, just when you're safest' by a 'sunset touch,' or by the gleam 
.'t daisy -spangled lawns through an open study door, and who never 
thought of writing 'Nature' with a capital N — all this intervening 
half- and quarter-light of the subject has been little regarded. Nor, in 
ivuscqiience, has any attempt been made, save on a summary scale, to 
trace the history of the sentiment of Nature through the whole course 
of English poetry, to distinguish its phases, its varieties, and its degrees. 
The nearest approach to such an attempt has been made in Germany, 
by Dr A, Biese, in his Die Entwickelunri des Natunjefuhl* n„ Mittdulter 
miii in ili-r Neitsett (1887). But England occupies only one section of 
this study ; nor is Dr Bieae's command of the obscurer regions of our 
literature exactly that of an Anglist in the stricter sense. Professor 
Moorman has thus, in essaying his present task, taken possession of 
a Held which no predecessor was entitled to call his own ; and he has 
done much to establish that title for himself. 

His fifteen chapters are distributed very impartially over the nine 
centuries of literature which close with Shakespeare : three being 
assigned to Old English, six to Middle English, six to the sixteenth 
century. The less obviously attractive poets and periods are as 
diligently worked as the great Makers and the Spacious Times; it 
was indeed just among these that diligence was most likely to be 
rewarded. The Middle English Romances are discussed at greater 
length than Chaucer, the early Elizabethans than Spenser. Nothing 
like completeness could possibly be achieved within the limits; and 
it indicates the amount of patient, minute research that has gone to 
the making of Dr Moorman's book, that we are often made painfully 
aware of these limits, as we should not be in a study which kept warily 
within the safe waters of general statement. The treatment is a little 
scrappy and disjointed, but the scraps are all genuine stuff, ' handwove.' 
The plan of putting each writer and work separately upon the dissecting- 
table, and reporting separately the character and constituents of his 
'nature-feeling,' makes the book less attractive to the reader than a bolder 
grouping of the facts might have been, but is perhaps more useful to 
the student. The distinctness of the historical sequence is won, how- 
ever, at some cost to the sequence in the kinds and varieties of 'nature- 
feeling'; and some repetition and overlapping are involved. Flowers, 
animals, landscape, trees, colour-sense, mountains, — all these and other 
Ingredients of the discussion checker the page; and one would some- 
times have desired a more continuous survey of the facts relating to 
each than the plan permits. But the materials for such a survey are 
there, and now and then a detached remark throws a mass of apparently 
unordered facts into luminous perspective. One may notice, for instance 



Reviews 



181 



the distinction drawn between the meagre 'Nature' of the Carlovingian, 
and the relatively abundant and detailed scenery of the Arthurian, 
romances; the reaction of the alliterative romance against the French 
school, showing itself in a recurrence to English scenery as well as 
to a native form of verse ; and the varied scope and function of 
landscape in the Elizabethan drama. The discrimination between 
first-hand and 'conventional ' Nature- painting, one of the fundamental 
problems of the whole subject, is consistently kept in view, though 
we are not quite confident that Dr Moorman always does justice — 
it is scarcely possible within his limits that he should — to the 
subtler questions which the problem in practice opens up. It is a 
nice matter, for instance, to assign the true value to the 'conventional' 
element in Chaucer's landscape. Everyone now recognises that we owe 
his multitude of May mornings and daisied lawns to no such spon- 
taneous, untaught delight in these things as gave us Wordsworth's 
celandines or daffodils. But we need not ignore nis delight in Nature 
because it is enriched and directed by his evident delight in the far-off 
reflection of Nature caught in the verse of Lorris or Boccaccio. The 
two sources of feeling, however, easily run together; they support and 
reinforce each other ; and when the actual and the traditional scenery 
are similar, no skill may avail to distinguish them. There is in any 
case no doubt of Chaucer's general preference, as an artist, for the trim 
and ordered landscape. But we should say that in this, as in other 
respects, the genial freedom of Nature won a securer hold upon his 
sympathies as nis mind and taste matured; and that the man who sent 
forth his pilgrims in admirable disarray to tell their tales, not in 
symmetrical decades, or in a closed garden, as in the Decameron, but 
as 'aventure, or cas,' or the whim of Harry Bailey might decree, along 
the Kentish highway, was also by this time no longer quite the poet 
who had described that severely uniform 'grove' of the Bake of the 
Dachesee, where ' every tree stood by hymselve, Fro other wel ten foot 
or twelve.' The Athenian forest where Theseus breaks in upon 
Palainiui and Arcite is no such magnified quincunx as this. But when 
all is said, it is clear that Chaucer was no fanatical lover of the green- 
wood, like the singers of Robin Hood and of Oawain. 

We have only been able to hint at the rich and varied contents 
of Dr Moorman's volume. Students of literature will be especially 
grateful for the care and insight which he has devoted to the Old 
English poets, too commonly treated as a preserve for the hunter of 
syntactic or phonetic game. We trust that the second volume, Upon 
Lin; period subsequent to Shakespeare, which we understand Dr Moor- 
man r.-i have in contemplation, may be published in due course. More 
has been done there, it is true ; but the need of a scholarly, acute, and 
Connected survey like the present is mi luss urgent. 

C. H. Herfoed. 



Montaigne, a Study. By R. Warwick Bond. London: Henry Frowde, 
1906. 8vo. 93 pp. 

This thoughtful and well -in formed essay will be welcomed by those 
who love tho writings of Montaigne. A short sketch of the Essayist's 
life is followed by a short survey of his thought. The comparison of 
Bacon with Montaigne is ;i passage of special interest. Having noted 
many points of similarity in ideas, Mr Bond proceeds as follows: 

'For Montaigne, after all, discussion is the main thing: he has too 
deep-seated a distrust of human powers to expect any very valuable 
result, and too little patience and industry to get t" the end of a subject. 
For Bacon decision, fruit is the object; his confidence in human 
capacity is boundless; and his own patience and industry are equal to 
enormous effort, if hardly to one commensurate with his mighty aim. 
Montaigne will enjoy, and suggests the same quiet Epicureanism to 
others: Bacon will achieve, and show others how to do so. There is 
a world between the golden mean of the one and the arduous ambition 
of the other; and the moral contrast is as marked as the intellectual. 
Montaigne's teaching exhibits the higher standard on all points of 
practice save the gratification of the senses. He upholds disinterested 
virtue; he expressly repudiates the political doctrines of Machiavelli, 
cannot away with falseness and dissimulation in princes, and does not 
believe in any profit to be reaped by wars of aggression. Nothing is 
worth more to him than his personal happiness and sell-respect. With 
Bacon success in life is the great object, and the doctrines of Miu.-likvelli 
colour his views at every turn. ..Montaigne's is as indisputably the 
warmer and the nobler heart, as Bacon's is the grander and more potent 
intellect.' 

Mr Bond refers to the excellent study of Montaigne by ' Mr M. E. 
Lowndes.' But may not the author of the Mssays have had another 
fille d'ailiance beside Mile, de Uournay ? 

Edward Dowden 



Maurice Sceve et la Renaissance Li/ommise. Par ALBERT Baur. 
H. Champion, 1906. 8vo. vi + 132 pp. 

Students of the French Renaissance should be grateful to Dr Baur 
for having turned his attention to Maurice Sceve. For though Sceve 
is far from an attractive poet, the Lyons school, of which he is one of 
the two chief representatives, forms an important link between the 
Marotic school and the Pleiade, being connected with the former 
through Marguerite de Navarre and Des Periers, and with the latter 
through Pontus de Tyard. Dr Baur has also done well to make Sceve 
the occasion for a general survey of the Renaissance at Lyons, which 
for a short period was of even greater importance than 
literary centre. 



,ris: 



Reviews 



183 



Considering the prominent position occupied by Sceve at Lyons, 
singularly little is known of his life, and Dr Baur with all his industry 
has added little to our knowledge of it. He modestly claims, however, 
to have 'extirpated certain errors.' Guided by M. Poidebart's researches 
he shews that Sceve's family had nothing to do with the illustrious 
Piedmontese house of Ceva. As regards his birth he accepts pro- 
visionally the supposition of M. Bucho that he was born in 1504 or 
1505, but suggests on the evidence of the portrait which appears on 
the title-page of Delie, and on certain expressions of the poet about 
old age, that he was born two or three years earlier, But this sort of 
evidence is not very trustworthy, and considering that Sceve's first 
work appeared in 1535, and that he began his poetical career in 1536, 
I should be inclined to put his birth later rather than earlier than 
1505. His death is usually given as 1564, but there is, I believe, no 
good evidence for this, and Dr Baur rightly points out that all we 
know about his later days is that he published his Micrwosme in 1562, 
and that he is spoken of as dead in 1575. He adds a conjecture of 
his own that he died in voluntary exile forgotten and unknown. 

In the first chapter Dr Baur gives an account of Lyons in the early 
days of the Renaissance. There are one or two names that I miss; 
such as Sanctes Pagnini the Hebrew scholar, Benoist Court the editor 
of the Areata Amoruin, Jacques de VenUmille the translator of Xeno- 
phon, and, as a temporary resident, Cornelius Agrippa. But on the 
whole the chapter is full and good. There is also little to criticise in 
chapters II and III, which deal with Sceve's youth and early writings. 
In chapter IV, on Sceve and the Humanists of Lynns, the references to 
Protestantism are not quite satisfactory. Les EvungeliqVM or Veux de 
I'JSwmgile was the regular name by which the Protestants called them- 
selves in these early days. The real parting of the ways between Pro- 
testantism and Humanism surely dates from the affair of the Placards 
in 1634, and the treaty of Nice in 153H marks only the culminating 
point of a policy which bad become inevitable. It is therefore strange to 
say that from 1536 to 1538 'there reigned in France a liberty of thought 
which is almost modern.' At the bottom of page 65 Dr Baur makes it 
Ippeai that Rabelais took refuge with Guillaume du Bellay in Piedmont 
as the result of this policy. I think there is some truth in this, but it 
should have been stated that Rabelais did not go there till 163!f at the 
carlii-s!., and then in the character of Du Bellay 's physician. That 
Sceve was a Protestant is a pure conjecture, without much evidence i" 
support it. 

In the chapter on Platonism, a subject of great interest, there are 
one or two corrections to make. Dr Baur does not know of the edition 
of La Par/aide Amye published by Dolt.it in 1542, or of the edition of 
L'Amt/e ilv ('ijurt published in the same year. Copies of both of these 
are in the Christie collection at Victoria University, Manchester, and 
are recorded in Christie's bibliography of Dolet. It is very doubtful 
whether the ordinary view that L'Amye de Court is a reply to l.n 
Par/aicte Aviye is correct. 



184 

I have not space to discuss Dr Baur'a treatment of Louise ] 
and Pernette du Guillet, but it is curious that he does not mention 
M. Boj*l edition of Louise Labe's works, where he would have found 
an excellent and sober account of her life. The character of both these 
ladies must remain a matter of opinion, but on the evidence before us 
it h neither scientific nor good manners to speak of Pemette du Guillet 
■I Scera'l mistress or of Louise Labe as a courtesan as if these were 
ascertained facts. I may add that the third Elegy in which Louise 
speaks of her age is evidently intended as an Envoi to the volume, 
and was therefore presumably written just before its publication. I hope 
that Dr Banr in his promised work on Sceve's poetry will deal more 
fully with the question of the influence of D/tie on Louise Labe's 
sonnets. I confess I am somewhat sceptical as to its existence. With 
reference to what he says on p. 115, I would call his attention I 
M. Vigney's L' influence itulienne chez les precurseurx tie la Pleiade, in 
which the influence on Detie of Serafino dell' Aquila is clearly set forth. 

An interesting chapter is devoted to the visit of Henri II to Lyon* 
in 1548. The preparations for his reception were intrusted to Maurict 
Sceve with the co-operation of Du Choul, Aneau, and others, and Scevt 
was ordered to write the official account of the proceedings. This wa 
published by Roville in 1549, and is chiefly known for the beautifu 
troodouta with which it is illustrated. Dr Baur attributes them fc 
Bernard Salomon, but I do not know on what authority. They havt 
been con | ect orally attributed by M. Bouchot to Corneille of Lyons. 

Arthur Tilley. 



/,(/ f'iif';iii- I'liilos»]>ln'i]>ie 'in XIX' sitcle: I. mum-tine Par Mari 

Citoleux. Paris: Plon. 1906. xi + 386 pp. 
Madamt Ad-ermann. Par Marc ClTOLEUX. Paris: Plon. 1901 

uii-r-249 pp. 

Dans ces deux important ouvrages, 1'auteur nous donne les premiers 
result-ate d'une eiiquete qu'il a entreprise sur la Poesie Philosophique 
au dix-neuvieme siecle. II a et6 naturellement amene, aftirme-t-il, a 
etiidiei' Luuartine 'parce qu'il apparaissait le premier en date, et ensiiite 
M"" AcluTiinuin pour des raisons personnel les.' C'est trop pen dire; 
si M. Citoleux a connu M.™* Ackenuann et a pu, grace a ses souveni 
OODMOrer uiie ettldfl tres vivante a cette femme de genie qu'on s 
comparer a Leopardi, c'est un interet de plus qui s'ajoute a son livre, 
Mais en rapprochant M"" Ackenuann et Lamartine, il a pu, sans fain tort 
a, ocean den deux, leur vendre enfin a tons deux la place qu'ils meritent, 
eelle-la parmi les poetes, celui-ci par mi les penseurs ; il a surtout cede a 
I'attrait de son sujet ; quels poetes out 6t£ en France plus ' philosophes ' 
Qttt .Madame Ackennann. tout le monde le recommit, et que Lamartine, 
M. CltoteUX I'a prouvi 1 . Quelques mots sur I'ouvrage qu'il a consacre 
a ce dernier sufriiont a indiquer l'originalite de ses apercus, la silrete 
do sa methode, et I'interet de ces eludes. 



Reviews 



185 



Lamartine pAi7o«o/)/ie ! Jusqu'ici on ie cedebrait comme un chanteur 
admirable, comme un reveur, comme Ie poete de 1'ideal, autant dire des 
aspirations les plus nobles sans doute mais aussi les plus obscures de 
1'ame humaine. M. Citoleux le premier a'cst avise d'aualyser chacun 
de sea poemes, d'en rechercher la gene.se, ri'en interpreter ie sens. 
Lamartine est un spiritualiste, il a voulu l'etre, et 1'histoire de sa 
pensee, c'est 1'histoire des luttes qu'il a soutenues pour affcrmir et 
defendre son spiritualisme. Cette histoire pent se resumer en trois 
periodes: 1. Dans les Meditations (1820), son spiritualisme s'appuie 
sur le christianisme ; decourage par un nialheur, il est pessimiste et 
n'accorde rien a la raison (scepticisme), il ne veut ecouter que la vois 
de son cceur, il est mystique: pour tan t den tendances nouvelles se font 
jour: deviendra-t-il rationalist*? En realite, son christianisme ira 
s'anaiblissaiit et le rationalising le reinplaeera peu & peu (Secoudes 
Meditations); 2. Des 1832 {Voyage en Orient), Lamartine se montre 
rationaliste convaincu ; n'ayant. aucun systeme bien concu, il se con- 
tente d'adopter la philosophic du jour, 1'eclectisme de V. Cousin; la crise 
religieuse est terminer. — Mais en meme temps dans quelle contradiction 
s'engage le poete ? II fut toujours tente de donner une arne a 1'univers ; 
aussi, contiant dans la methode ecleetiquc, il se laisse gagner par le 
pantheisme {Chute d'an Ange, 1835). D'ailleurs il ne cesse de proclamer 
en uienie temps I 'individuality de l'homme et de Dieu ; 3. S'apercevant 
de la contradiction, Lamar tine renonce a 1'eclectisme et au pantheisme 
(Courx de Litterature, 185(1); il revient au spiritualisme de sa jeunesse, 
mais k un spiritualisme moins douloureux et moins vague, que le 
rationalisnie eclaire et soutient (Le Desert, la Viane et la Mtiison). 

Cette pensee 'est partout nuancee des reflets de la vie,' non seule- 
meni de la vie personnels du p>iete, mais de la vie ruSme de son aiecle, 
et 1'histoire de sa pensee se nielc intiinement a 1'histoire meme des 
idees de son epoque. M. Citoleux a recherche en effet les aourcee de 
la poene de Lamartine ; il a montre avec beaucoup de precision tout ce 
que le poete devait ii J. J. Rousseau dont il a subi I'infliience faseinal.rieo, 
comtne tons ses con temporal ns : 'la profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard 
fut le catechisme du Rjimantisnie ' ; cette partic du livre de M. Citoleux 
est peat etre la plus importante. Loin de s'isoler dans un re.ve, ou de 
ponfoD tout ignorer, Lamartine a lu, il a medite les theorieicns de II 

Kliiique oomme Bonald, de Maistre at Lameimais, les (hencral.es et 
■ ecotuRDUtes ; entre la philosophic de V. Cousin et la doctrine de 
Lamartine, il y a des 'rapports smguliers.' Bref, la doctrine de 
Lamartine fut ' representative ' de lepoque, et sans doute elle ne fut 
pas seulement representative, car beaucoup de sys times et de theories 
qui agitaient les esprits alors sunt oublies aujoiird'hui, et la poesie de 
Lamartine reste vivante; mais pour en comprendre la valeur, il faut 
BOQTOir — rien n'est plus lacile desormais— en demeler tons les Bisoaente : 
les idi'i's que Lamartine a empruntees, et Ton comprendra ainsi pourqued 
il a ete taut admire de son sieele — les sentiments que le poete a troilTat 
dans sou arne, une des plus riches qu'on puisse imaginer. et Ion oom- 
prendra pourquoi 1'oeuvre de Lamartine survivra a son sieele. 



186 



Reviews 



Amen£ & comparer Lamartine a Gtethe et a Byron, M. Citoleux 
a eeritsur 1'influence de ces deux derniers des pages definitives (pp. 208, 
226 et suivantes). Lamartine disait a propos de Werther : ' la m^lan- 
colie des grandes passions s'est inoculee en moi par ce livre. J'ai 
louche avec lui au fond de l'abiine humain. Voyez ce que j'ai dit 
trente ans apres dans le pofeme de Jocelyn.' Com me Go?the, Lamartine 
est frappe de l'harmonie des choses ; cotnme Gcethe, il se laisse gagner 
par l'ainour du progres et de Thinuanite : la perfectibility et 1'activite 
turent tin reve romantique : la bonte et la majeste humaine en furent 
un autre. Lamartine semble avoir voulu register a l'influence de Byron; 
M. Citoleux a clairement marque toutes les differences qui apparent les 
heros byroniens et les hems de Lamartine, les uns qui ont couimis tous 
les crimes et possedent une vertn, 1 'amour, les autres qui n'ont pas 
de vices et qui s'eleveut par l'amour a toutes les vert us. Lamartine 
neanmoins a beaucoup eniprunte' a Byron, des inventions de detail, 
l'idee d'opposer la bonte et la perversity de lame humaine. surtout le 
sentiment de 1'infini. 

On voit par la que, si elle est eapitale pour 1 intelligence des ceuvres 
de Lamartine et pour l'histoire des idees au XIX* siecle, cette etude 
sur Lamartine, — j'en pourrais dire tout autant de l'etude sur Madame 
Ackermann— est aussi une importante contribution a l'histoire de la 
literature europeenne qui s'elabore en ce moiin.-nt. 

F. Gl-IHIN. 



Laurence Sterne in Germany. A Contribution to the Study <>/ the 
Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Eighteenth 
Century. By Harvey Waterman Thayer. (Columbia Uni- 
versity Germanic Studies, Vol. n, No. 1.) New York: Columbia 
University Press. 1905. 8vo, viii + 198 pp. 
Typei of WdtuAmtrM in German Poetry. By Wilhelm Alfred 
Braun. (Same series, Vol. n, No, 2.) New York : Columbia 
University Press. 1905. 8vo, viii + 91 pp. 
Dr Thayer has evidently bestowed a great deal of time and can an 
the production of his exhaustive monograph on 'Laurence Sterne in 
Germany,' no doubt one of the most interesting chapters in the literary 
relations of England and Germany in the eighteenth century. Some 
aspects of the question had been treated before in recent monographs 
that are enumerated by Dr Thayer in his very full and valuable bibli- 
ography, but never has the whole question of Sterne's influence on 
Gorman literature (translations, adaptations and imitations) been dealt 
with on so broad a basis. The learned author promises (p. 155) 
as a continuation of the present essay 'a detailed, minute study of 
von Thumme), Hippel and Jean Paul in connection with the English 
master/ 

After a short introductory chapter, Thayer first discusses Sarins 
position in Germany before the publication of the Sentimental Journey ; 



Reviews 



187 



the next chapter is devoted to the Sentimental Journey itself; the 
fourth deals with Sterne in Germany after the publication of Tristram 
Shandy — discussing the two works, his letters, sermons, and also works 
written in his style. The fifth chapter discusses in a general way 
Sterne's influence over all the German -speaking countries; the sixth 
characterizes his imitators, while the seventh sets forth the opposition 
to Sterne and his type of sentimental ism. A useful bibliography, well 
arranged, concludes the monograph in which no writer or work of any 
iinjwrtance seems to have been overlooked and which, on account of 
its well-balanced judgment no less than the completeness of the material 
brought together and critically examined, may fairly be called conclusive. 

Ihe author shows himself thoroughly well acquainted with the many 
books and pamphlets dealing with his subject in English and German 
critical literature, and in not a few cases he has been able to supplement 
and correct them. Corrections of standard histories of literature, books 
of reference or good monographs occur on pages 34, 35, 41. 42, 47, 92— 
93, 95, 106, 140, 154. There are but a few misprints, and these not 
important. On page 166, in the line ' Freund. ein erapfindsames Herz 
ist nicht fur diese Welt' the uninflected form empjindsam should ob- 
viously be substituted ; the reading einj>jiii<lsitnte$ spoils the alexandrine 
metre in which the extract is written. 

In his excellent treatise on Type* of Weltschxier: in Geriittm Poetry, 
that 'peculiar phase of lyric feeling which has characterized German 
literature, often in a more or less epidemic form, since the days of 
Werther,' l)r Eraun has given a valuable contribution to the Datura! 
history of ' Weltschmerz. The introductory chapter begins with a 
careful distinction between pessimism and Weltsenmerz, which terms 
are not un frequently used as synonyms. The author shows that 
Weltschmerz is entirely a matter of ' Gemilt,' while in pessimism we 

have the result of deliberate philosophic argument; heme Weltsob B 

is, to adopt James Sully's subdivision uf pessimism, a kind of 'un- 
reasoned pessimism.' Braun himself defines the term, which dates from 
an early period in the nineteenth century, as ' the poetic eajveBtton of 
an abnormal sensitiveness of the feelings to the moral anil physical 
evils and misery of existence — a condition which may or may not be 
based upon a reasoned conviction that the sum of human misery is 
neater than the sum ut' human happiness.' lie aiMs ' that, il is usually 
characterized also by a certain lack of will-energy, a sort of sentimental 
yielding to these painful emotions.' After this general definition, the 
author proceeds to classify, roughly speaking, the various kinds of 
Weltschmerz with regard to their origin either as 'cosmic' or as 
•egoistic,' the former proceeding from the general (the realization el* 
the sad fate of humanity) to the particular (personal Dnhappineaa 
looked upon as part of the common destiny), the latter going the 
opposite way from the particular to the general. He admits, however, 
that these types are not necessarily entirely distinct, and also justly 
points out that 'in some cases Weltschmerz may arise from honest 



conviction or genuine e 



i others it may be something entirely 



relj l cloak to cover personal defects. Sometimes it n 
due to n desire to pose as a martyr, and sometimes no more 
'■ mpl to :ip« the prevailing fashion.' 
Al'i'.'i' having settled these preliminary questions of definition and 
• •rigm, the author proceeds to the discussion of Weltschmerz in its 
etttnrud manifestations, as it finds expression in the writings of pro- 
iMiii.ni authors. Three Gorman poets are .singled out for detailed study 
i ■ ivpivsi'iiting distinct types under which the author believes that all 
otluT ]i.his of WYltschmerz may he classified and to which they will 
at least, he found analogous. A clearer idea is obtained in this way 
than if a great number of writers had been enumerated, but treated 
in less detail. The poets selected are Holderlin, Lenau, and Heine. 
I'lu v iv present 'three progressive stages of Weltschmerz viewed as 
psychological process: Holderlin naive, Lenau self- conscious, Hein 
endwvoHriog to conceal his melancholy beneath the disguise of s 
irony.' According to Braun, we have 'in Holderlin the ardent Hellenic 
idealist ; Lenau exhibits the profoundly pathetic side of Weltschmerz, 
while Heine is its satirist.' The detailed account of the life and writings 
of these three selected poets (Chapters ii — iv) is preceded by a short 
but good sketch of the historical background from which these figures 
stand out. Dr Braun rightly insists on the tact that Weltschmerz is 
essentially a symptom of a time of transition and conflict, and that 
it was in particular a characteristic product of a time when scientific 
exactness of thinking had not yet become an integral part of education. 
This accounts for the difference between the modern pessimism of Ibsei 
and the romantic Weltschmerz of the uncritical German poets of tht 
first half of the nineteenth century. 

In the chapter on Heine there is an interesting discussion of t 
ByrOBH! pose and a judicious estimation of Byron's influence in genera 
upon the German poet. Dr Braun rightly observes that in his 
Weltschmerz, Heine does not, like Byron, make his transition from 
the personal to the universal stage. Instead of becoming cosmic, his 
W r eltschmerz remains for ever egoistic. A very full bibliography is a 
welcome addition to the admirable treatise. 

Both monographs are deserving of high praise. They are models o 
what such investigations ought to be. Students of German literatun 
owe a new debt of gratitude to Professor Calvin Thomas, one of the 

feneral editors of the Columbia University Germanic Studies, for having 
rought out in his series these two valuable contributions to the 
critical investigation of fascinating modern literary problems, Wo 
look forward to the continuation of the excellent series with plen 
anticipations, 

Karl Breul. 



Russian Reader. Accented Texts, Grammatical and Explanatory Notes, 
Vocabulary. By Paul Boyer and N. Speraxski. Adapted for 
English-speaking .Students by S. N. Harper. Chicago; University 
of Chicago Press ; London : Luzac and Co., 1906. 8vo. s + 386 pp. 

Moat of the Russian Grammars which have appeared in England of 
late have been furnished with reading- lessons, but no special Reading 
Book has been published since that of the late HeDry Riola, now nearly 
thirty years ago. Riola's book was useful, but left much to be desired. 
The author of the present more scholarly and practical work, M. Paul 
Boyer, is Professor at the French Ecole des Langues Orien tales, and has 
already shown his grasp of the Russian language by his treatise on the 
Russian verb and other learned labours. The pieces chusen for his 
Reader are from the tales of Tolstoi, and are admirably adapted for the 
study of Russian on account of the phrases of everyday life and the 
colloquialisms with which they abound. They also illustrate Russian 
customs and superstitions, and M. Boyer furnishes gond explanations of 
the allusions. In the notes appended the chief difficulties of the 
grammar are discussed. We may add that each word is carefully 
accented, and thus, while the learner is taught the laws of the accents, 
he is habituated to their correct use. On no point is M. Boyer more 
careful than in his account of the so-called 'aspects' of the verbs, the 
great difficulty of the .Slavonic languages. Besides an appendix full of 
valuable matter, we have Russian and English indexes and a vocabulary. 
The learned work of M. Boyer has been made accessible to English- 
speaking students by the joint labours of Mr S. N. Harper of the 
University of Chicago and Mr E. H. Minns of Cambridge. The fine, 
clear type and the excellent paper and binding of the book are to the 
credit of the University Press of Chicago. We hope it will have a 
wide circulation in this country, 

W. R. MORFILL. 



MINOR NOTICES. 

The interest of Dr T. B. Rudmose- Brown's £tude compare"? de la 
Versification fra nraise et de In Versification anglaise, I' Alexandria et le 
Blank Verw (Grenoble : Allier (Veres, 1005) appeal's to us to lie mora 
in the general theoretic position than in the particular comparative 
application which supplies the title but is largely subordinated in the 
book. The first portion of this consists in an analysis of what may be 
called the basis of metre, accent, quantity and the rest. We doubt 
whether the views put forward as to the nature and interrelation of 
these prime factors can be sustained in the lace of phonological research, 
but the question is one of great complexity and difficulty, and, happily 
for the further development of the author's theory of metre, not funda- 
mental. We can all agree upon the tact that some syllables in every 



190 



Minor Notices 



verse possess what is here called a 'relief psych ologi que ' ; but < 
author goes on to say that every verse can be divided up into sections 
each containing one of these predominant syllables either at its 
beginning or end, according to the scheme chosen, which sections— due 
allowance being made for the pauses of the line — will represent equal 
temporal periods. This is a definite proposition capable of experimental 
verification or refutation. That the periods can be made equal will not be 
seriously questioned, but, (i) are the periods equal in the natural reading 
of the Terse? and (ii) does the passage cease to produce the effect of 
verse if the periods are deliberately made unequal ? Temporal equi- 
valence may have something to do with modern metre, but we hardly 
think that the theory, at least in the form here propounded, can stand 
the test of empirical investigation. 

W. W. G. 



Pierce the Ploughman* Crede (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1906) is 
a reissue of the edition of the Crede published by Dr Skeat almost forty 
years ago. In 1867 Dr Skeat had already brought out his great edition 
of Langland's Piers Plowman, which specially qualified him to edit the 
Crede ; and the very small number of the alterations which it has now 
been found necessary to make is a remarkable testimony to the 
thoroughness with which the work was then done. One point, the 
identity of the author of the Crede with the author of the so-called 
Plowmans Tale, which Dr Skeat urged strongly in 1867, he admits to 
be very doubtful ; the lines in the Tale on which the argument was 
founded he now believes to be spurious. With this exception, however, 
the preface of 1867 needs little alteration. The same remark applies 
the text and noteB. A few new readings are suggested, such as ' comsinj 
for the word ' begyunynge,' which spoils the alliteration in the fir 
line: ' Oros and curteis Crist. jris begyunynge spede.' Here and there 
a note is expanded, such as that Upon the 'Pied Friars'; and the 
mistaken rendering of line 230, ' Hyt was good y-now of ground . greyn 
for to beren,' which was the one serious fault in the old edition, is now 
corrected. The new edition deserves a hearty welcome, as making 
available for class use and for a more extensive circle of readers a poem 
which has never met with the attention it merits. The elaboral 
description of the Friars and their great houses makes the Crede a mi 
important document for the history of English social life, and shi 
powers of no mean order in the writer. 

R. W. C. 



cas 
er, 

.rst 



Mr F. J. Snell's two volumes dealing with the period of English 
literature between 1400 and 1580 (The Age of Transition. Vol. 1: 
The Poets; Vol. H: The Dramatists and Prose Writers. London; 
G. Bell and Sons, 1905) form a good companion to his Age of 
Chaucer in the same series, and give a clear and comprehensive view of 
the period. The author loves his subject and knows how to make it 



Minor Notices 191 

interesting. Wo must, we suppose, blame neither him nor his publisher 
too much for an omission which is, after all, more national than in- 
dividual. In a guide to a period so little generally known as the 
fifteenth century, one has a right to expect not only some bibliography, 
but also detailed references to the authorities from whose researches 
the author has drawn his conclusions. That Mr Sncll has not neglected 
resent research is clear, but he should make it easier for his readers to 
compare his results with those of others, In the next edition of 
volume I, a passage on page 69 might with advantage be re-written. 
The trite and unscientific contrast of the 'turbid waters' of a dialect 
with the ' undefined well-' of the Schriftsprache is, or should be, out of 
place in a serious work. 

J. H. G. G. 

Under the title Documents ilttifstrittih;} Elizabethan Poetry (London : 
Roiitledge and Suns, l!)0(i), Mr Laurie Magnus brings together Sidney's 
Apology for Poetry and certain portions of Webbe's Discourse of English 
Poetry, and of The Art of English Poetry, attributed to George or 
Richard Puttenham. All of these Elizabethan studies in literary 
criticism have been edited before, but in the cheap and handy form in 
which they now appear, with Introduction and footnotes, they should 
prove of service to the student of English literature. In his Introduction 
Mr Magnus give us the main events in Sidney's life and says wdiat can 
be said about Webbe and Puttenham. He deals briefly with the 
circumstances under which their treatises were produced, but makes no 
attempt to connect thein with the critical side of the groat classical 
revival under the aegis of which they wero written. The text of the 
Hit' ■< treatises has in each case been modernised. 

F. W. M. 

All lovers of Dante owe a debt to the enterprising house of Giusti 
in Leghorn, whence issues a steady Stream of literature Waring on their 
subject, ranging from the excellent little manuals of the Biblioteca degli 
Student*, sunn- of which we have noticed n-cently, to the more ambitious 
and exhaustive studies, of which Professor A, Bona Ventura's Dante e la 
Mwrica (1904) is an excellent example. The volume opens with an 
able chapter on the state and condition of music in Dante's day, and 
then deals in detail and somewhat technically with the different depart- 
ments of the subject. In one appendix are collected together all the 
passages from Dante's works which bear on music; in another the 'Ter- 
minologia musicale ' used in the Divina Commedia. The hook concludes 
with a bibliography of recent works on the subject. Some nineteen or 
twenty articles are enumerated, of which all but one — be it noted — are 
Italian. Of Signor Nicola Scaranno's eleven essays (Saggi danteschi, 
Livorno: Giusti, 1905), nine have already appeared in more fugitive 
form, and some of these in their present form bear the honourable scare 
o| serums criticism. They deal with subjects of varying importance but 



its 



Minor Notices 



■A nwrnniwl interest, such as the relative positions of Cato and Virgil 
kber world; the 'solidity of the shades,' the 'Apparition of the 
hhiww-H,' the 'Transformation of the Robbers.' Two are now published 

:.'-' n Dunte Giitdice and II Lombardo di Virgil-io, the latter 

: pages long. On 'Dante as Judge' there are interesting 
ions, and nut least in connection with Manfredi and Gnido da 
in". Signor Paridi Chistoni has done well to publish in per- 
manent form his prize essay of 1900 (in second'/ fane del pensiero dantesco, 
: Ciusti, 1903). In opposition to the prevalent tendency 

. ■ :: Dantists to apotheosiee the ' Divine Poet,' our author insists on 

regarding him as a real man of 1300, and on estimating his intellectual 
development 'nakedly, crudely, without false enthusiasms or pious 
falsehoods.' For him the Dante of the Vita Nttova is — dare we say 
it ? — a ematterer compared with the Dante of the Convivw, and the 
erudition of the earlier stage comprises but indirect and partial know- 
ledge of the authors cited. Signor Chistoni's method is certainly the 
only sound one, and we are glad that it makes for a real Beatrice of 
Seen and blond. Signor Pier Angelo Menuio's // traviamento inteUettuale 
di liiinte Aliijliieri (Livorao: Giusti, 1903)— also a prise essay— is an 
elaborate criticism of the theories of Witte, Scartazzini, and other 
nineteenth century writers on the vexed question of the ' traviameuto.' 
Tie' fact of this period of error is undeniable from the first twelve lines 
■ it the I. H virtu Cow medio, logo no further; but the exact nature of it, 
and its pl»Ofl IS the evolution of the Poet's soul remains and will remain 
a sulijcet open to discussion. Many of us will agree with the writer that 
tin -i'l'ii" in the Terrestrial Paradise cannot be explained on a theory 
of merely intellectual infidelity. 

The fourth edition of G. A. Scartazzini 's editio minor of the Dii'ina 
(.hnimedia. with its remarkably rich and concise commentary, appeared 
as late as 1902, about eighteen months after the celebrated Dantist's 
iliiiili. and now a, fifth (Milan; Hoepli, 1907) is called for. In the 
niiiiiiN of 11102 the learned and judicious editor (G. Vandelli) had 
already excised most of the blemishes which marred an otherwise 

exoepl ally meritorious work — notably the ebullitions of temper which 

Were B0 strange a feature ofScartazzini's writings. The present edition 
i ;u in .- <>n i he same process a little further, and, tor the rest, is content 
with the introduction of such slight modifications as the progress of 
criticism baa rendered necessary, The type and paging remain to all 
intents and purpose*, the same. The volume is worthy of Messrs Huepli, 
and tin further commendation is needed. 

L. R. 

Mr Thomas Ilea has, in his Schiller's Dramas and Poems in EngUuU 
(London: T. fi&het I'uwm, 1806), taken up a subject which was well 
(forth) el investigation. The method he has adopted has been to trace 
the tuetOTj of Schiller's dramas in English, giving a short estimate of 

llie merits of each translation. One is inclined to ask occasionally 
ewi ei.i'i' ' in view of the quality of the majority of these translations ; 



Minor Notice.* 



193 



but, accepting Mr Rea's criticism as useful as far as it goes, Wfl think 
it a pity that so much of the book should be taken up with it, to 
the exclusion of matters that fall more properly within the sphere of 
research. The wider aspects of English opinion of Schiller or of 
Schiller's influence on English writers, are hardly touched upon. The 
most interesting chapters from the point of view of English literature, 
are naturally those on Die R'hiher and Wtillenateiit, and Mr Rea's account 
of the fate of both dramas in England is good. He has unfortunately 
handicapped himself by restricting his survey to the translations of 
Schiller contained in the Cambridge University Library and the British 
Museum, so that his work is deprived of the value it might otherwise 
have had as a contribution to Schiller Bibliography. 

J. G. R, 






The object of Professor Alexander Lochmer in compiling his useful 
English-Croatun) Dictionary (Senj, 1906) of 1112 pages is to help his 
countrymen to acquire our language, in the dignity and future prospects 
of which he is a strenuous believer, lie has brought together a mass 
of valuable information, the result of many years study. His earlier 
weak on English, a grammar for bis countrymen, was produced about 
ten years ago. While Professor Lochmer's Dictionary cannot but 
help to spread the knowledge of English — and few, we believe, 
know English as well as In.' among Llmsc who are not natives — it will 
also be useful to Englishmen who wish to gain a knowledge of the 
Serbo-Croatian language, one of the noblest of the Slavonic group. It 
seems only right that hearty welcome should be given in an English 
philological journal to so meritorious a work. 

W. R. M. 

Dr Wenzel Vondrak. who has just published the first volume of a 
Vergleicheiute Slavische Granumitih {L'ititli:hre mid StaiuMkildungatthn} 
(Gbttingen : Vandenhoeek und Ruprecht. 1006), is already well known 
in the field of Slavonic philology by his Old Slavonic Grammar and his 
edition of the Freising manuscript which contains the oldest, specimens 
of Slavonic writing. The great Vergleirhende Grummatik of Miklosich 
has long been before the public, the second edition having appeared 
more than thirty years ago, and it seemed time to have a new com- 
parative grammar which should be abreast of the latest results of 
philological studies. This Dr Vondrak endeavours to furnish. We 
nope to return to his valuable work at a later period ; meanwhile readers 
will be struck by the position which he assigns to Russian among the 
uthiT Slavonic languages. 

W. R M. 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



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GENERAL. 

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Speck, H. B. G., Katilina ini Drama der Weltliteratur. (Breslauer Beitrage 
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APRIL, 1907 



'TANQUAM EXPLORATORY JONSON'S METHOD 
IN THE 'DISCOVERIES.' 



Criticism was late in reaching the Discoveries of Ben Jonson. 
Gifford, whose edition must at present be accepted as the standard 
one, was in ill health when the final volume containing the prose 
works passed through the press, and there are other signs that he 
was weary of his task. He left the Discoveries quite unaimotated, even 
resisting the temptation to append a violent note to the comment upon 
Sbakaspetus, Scarcely a hint of appreciation is to be found before the 
appearance of Mr Swinburne's sympathetic essay; but his assert 
that, alike in their matter and their style, the Discoveries compare 
favourably with the Essays of Bacon at least fixed attention. The 
scholarly edition of Prufossur Schelling followed in 1892; in this, for 
the first time, a serious effort was made to elucidate the text and the 
subject-matter. In particular Professor Schelling devoted minute 
labour to the task of tracing Jonson's indebted new to ancient writers, 
especially to Quintilian and the Senecas. But a further source of 
inspiration was lightly touched, if not ignored, in this edition, and it 
was reserved for Prides-ii.r Sjiingarn two years ago to give the first 
indication of Jonson's debt to the humanists of the Renaissance. They 
influenced hiin profoundly, but except in the case of Erasmus, Hashe* 
of whose irony or humour brighten the commentaries upon Every Man 
out of his Humour and The Alchemist, Jonson's editors have been blind 
to this significant phase of his literary studies. Professor Spingarn 
traced the borrowings from Heinsius and Buchler. Jonson indicated his 
obligation to the former by means of a marginal reference, but the debt, 
to Buchler would have passed unnoticed by eyes less keen than those 
of the author of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance, 

I propose to make a further contribution towards elucidating this 
aspect of the Discoveries. But it is necessary at the outset to realise 
the scope and character of this miscellaneous collection of notes, 
jottings, am! miniature essays published posthumously in the 1*140 folio 



M. I.. R. II. 



14 



' Tanqitam Explorator ' : Jonsou's Method 



202 



of Jonsou's works. They had a separate title-page which is certainly 
Jonson's own ; it reads as follows: — Timber: or, Discoveries; Made upon 
Men and Matter : at they have jtow'd out of his daily Headings ; or had 
their rejluwe to his peculiar Notion of the Times. By Ben : Johnson. 
Tecum hubita, tit noris quam sit tibi cnrta snpettex. Pers. sat. i. 
London, Printed M.DCXLI. And on the first page the head-line is 
Explorata : or. Discoveries — appropriate for a writer who took Seneca's 
• Tanquam explorator ' for his motto and inscribed it on the books in 
his library. These titles are significant. On Jonson's own showing 
the material of the Discoveries is borrowed ; and, as a matter of fact, I 
doubt if they contain a single original remark. Even the autobiography 
is from the antique. Jonson's note on memory and his regretful record 
of its tailing power in his own case (Folio, p. 95) are a transcript of the 
elder Seneca's experience. The man who could find himself in Seneca, 
would be sure to find his contemporaries also, and the criticism on 
Shakespeare and the noble tribute to Bacon are similarly copied or 
adapted. There was in this no insincerity or pose. Jonson, on the 
purely literary side, was ' more an antique Roman ' than an Englishman. 
Steeped in the old classics himself, he prescribed for Drumniond of 
Hawthomden steady doses of Quintilian as a sort of literary hellebore. 
He scorned borrowers from Petrarch and contemporaries who, tor 
the allegory of a masque, preferred 'a few Italian herbs, pick'd vp, 
and made into a sallade ' to the 'nourishing, and sound meates' of 
i-lassicism. 

So earnest a student of antiquity was sure to hail its re-birth in 
the writings of the humanists, and he drew freely upon these for 
inspiration. The oddest results sometimes ' flow'd out of his daily 
Readings' in consequence. Even such a commonplace of his quarrel- 
some life as the accusation of envy 1 which he levelled at his enemies 
is an echo of J. J. Scaliger's Confutatio Stnltiasiviae Bnrdonum 
Fabulae, Auctore I. R? Batavo luris Studioso included in the Frankfort 
Opu&cula of 1612. Jonson's copy of this edition is in the Dyce Library 
at South Kensington, and the extract here quoted is marked and 
underlined. 



1 1 have just c 



is a delightful instance. 

'ate annotations, In 

n opportunity of e 



m's copy of Scriveriua' Martial 



Mr Frank T. Sabin I have 

the Emperor (iv, xxvii) begins : 

Soepe meos landare soles, Aaguste, libellos. 

invidus ecoe negat: mim minus ergo soles? 

Against the second line Jonsoo has written ' Inigo.' The scene changea to London at 

once, with James honouring the virtuous Ben and Inigo Jones sneering in the background. 

9 * Janus llutgersiue ' was a pseudonym of J. J. Scaliger. 



PERCY SIMPrtON 



,v thing, lie 

ea. Thei 



onely in our times. The Ages iiast have 
l'iT.i;_'lit it fui'tli, and the eomming Ages 
will. So long as there are men tit for it, 
ptorum odium -irtnte rclwtd placet, it 
r be minting. Itisa barbarous 
envy, to take from those mens vurtues, 
which because thou canst not arrive at, 
thou irupotently despaires to imitate. 
1* it a crime in me that I know that, 
which others hail not yet knuwiie, but 
from me < or that I am the Author of 
many things, which never would have 
come in thy thought, but that I taught 
them i It is a new, but a foolish way 
you have found out, that whom you 
cannot equall, or come neerc in doing, 
you would destroy, or mine with evil] 
-leaking: An if you had bound both 
your wits, and natures prentises to 
slander, and then came forth the best 
Artificers, when you could forme the 
foulest calumnies. 

Indeed, nothing is of more credit, or 
request now, then a petulant paper, or 
scoffing verses; ami it ia hut convenient 
tothe tunes iind maimeiswee live with; to 
have then the worst writings, and studies 
flourish, when the beat begin to lie des- 
pis'd. Ill Art* begin, where good end. 

The time was, when men would learne, 
and study good things ; not en vie those 
that had them. Then ; 
|irice for learning : no 
make men vile. Hee 
.all'd a I'm t, as if it w 
teniptible Nick-name. But the Prof- 
(indeed) have made the learning i 
Itayling, and tiuckling Mimrrt, whose 
Writings the vulgar more greedily roade ; 
as being taken with the scurrility, and 
i-etulauciu of such wits. Hee shall not 
11* ve a Header now, unlesae hee jeere 
and lye. It is the food of mens natures : 
the diet of the timea \ tJallanU cannot 
sleouc else. The Writer must lye, and 
the gentle Reader rests liapjiy, to beare 
the worthiest workes mis -in tern re ted ; 
the clearest actions obscured : the 
innocent's! life tradue'd ; And in such 
u licence of lying, a field so fruitful! 
of slandors, how can there be matter 
wanting to his laughter I Hence cornea 
the Epidemictill Infection. For how 
can they escape the contagion of the 
Writings, whom the virulency of the 
calumnies hath not stav'd off from 

IT.,.] ill-. 

aottang doth more invite a greedy 



■, letters onely 
i upbraydingly 



frofe^mn 
g cbeape. 




Non nova res est invidia, candide 
lector, ueque nunc iirimum uata. Oitine 
aaeculum earn tulit : omnc ferct. Atque 
udeo uunquatu deenmt invidi qiuiui din 
eiisteut qui invidiae opportuni si lit, 
homines praestantissimi qui quidem aim 
evitarc non possuut nisi... [imjirolioruml 
odium virtuto relieta pIuceut....[Litte- 
iv-ie] nihil aliud sunt qiiam fc ri tils quae - 
dam animi et liarbara iuimanitas quae 
dolorem ex inscitia cuius sibi consciii est 
in eis pcrsequitur quorum virtutibus 
ideo obtrcctat quia eas assequi nequit, 
uiiitai-i desperat. Xe quis longe petal 
tauti odii causas, soiat hodie magnum 
crimen esse te scire quod nemo aliunde 
quam ei tc scire jiotuerit, aut te esse 
iilicuius praeclarae rei auctorem quae 
alteri in men tern non venerit...Et nova 
vel ]>otius stulta si-ribendi via ad com' 
lucndatioiiein nominis sui grussantur ut 
se doctos L-redi posse si«reiit si alios 
iiLi'l<K.-t'is [iroliarc |».'ssiiit :,..unicum sub- 
sidium supereat ut ad inuaitatuiu et 
inaiidituui genus quoddam calumiiiarnm 
seae convertaut. Qua in re ita vires 
sua* et iugenia subegerunt ut prae- 
cepta crimiiiandi soli edere et docere 
possint, ueque ullua pluris sit uisi 
quantum in maledicendo profecerit : 
ueque veudibilior uierx vulgo quam 
(jctulans et protervus liber. Et certe 
non aliiquain hiiic saeeulo cotivetiieutius 
erat nefaria scripta nasci quo bonne 
artes incipiunt desinere. Nam non ita 

Sridem cum illae vigerent, tunc illas 
incere quam aliis mvidere lonleUuit. 
Nunc quia eas discerc nolunt, aliis eas 
invident. Tunc homines propter 1 tttefH 
in pretio eraut : nunc- htterue propter 
homines sordeut.... Nam difficile est ut 
contagio quaedani improliitufis ax eo 
libro ad cum non pervtmiat qnem a 
legend o petulant ia calutnniarum 
deter rue ri t : quia liheuter eorum mores 
imitaiuur quorum ingeniis gaudeiuus.... 
Mutus crit qui ohtrectare nescict. Lec- 
torem non habvbit qui nialedice ct 
contmiicliose non scribct. Et tameu 
scribendum eat. Nam is est [>astus 
hodiernorum iugenioruui. Aliterhoo 
quiescere non poasuut.... 

Nihil euim eat quod avidum leetoreni 
magis invitet quam inopiuatuni argu- 
mentum. Ecquod majjis inopiuatuiu 
quam ex heroious mancipia eoncinnare, 
ci illustribus snrtores V...Sed hie est 
saeculi morbus. Ncque mi rum est 
mundum in tanto senio delirare. 
14— 2 



' Tanijuam Explorator' ; Jonson's Method 



Senoctus ipaa morbus eat : et diii est 
cum mundus aeger eoepit desipere et 
loqui aliens. Atque utinam hactenus 
detirasset. Sed dementia in atram 
liileni cm pit, et vanas imagines accepit : 
iiiui vera Aair'tTic facta est. 



Infeetioi 



Opmeukt, pp. 419-422. 



repeats itself: only two 
misquotation in Jonson's 



204 

Header, then an unlook'd for tuttject. 
And what more unlook'd for, then to 
see a person of an uiiblam'd life, made 
i I'.li' ul.iua, or odious, liy the Artifice 
of lying? but it is the disease of the 
Age : and no wonder if the world, 
growing old, begin to he innnue : Old 
age it selfe is a disease, Ii ia long since 
the sick world began to doatc, and talke 
idly ; Would she had but doated still ; 
but her dotage is now broke forth into 
a niadnesse, and liecome a meere phrency 
fliMOivriet, Folio, pp. 91-3. 

In the main the ' Epidei 
points call for comment. There is a 
' placet,' but the sense requires us to retain it. Secondly, the one 
inserted touch — the 'reHuxe to his peculiar Notion of the Times ' — is 
the reference to poets as the special victims of the low esteem in 
which the age holds literature. 'Thou call's t ine Poet, as a ternie 
of shame' he had written in the epigram 'To my lord Ignorant,' and 
the grievance recurs. 

I take next a cento, the primary source of which is Claude 
Mignault's commentary on Alciati's Emblems, This forgotten scholar, 
a person of importance in his day, was born near Dijon about 153CS 
and died in lb'OG. In 1573 he edited Alciati with explanatory notes 
elucidating the sources and themes of the emblems. The book was 
very successful, and editions followed rapidly to the end of the 
seventeenth century. I quote from a revised edition of 1577 with the 
title Omnia Atidreae Alciati V, C. Embletiiuta : Cum Co-mmeittariis, 
<jitibus Emblematu in omnium uperta origine, mens auctoHs explicotur, 
et obscum omnia dubiaque illustrantwr : Per Claudium Minoem 
Diuioneitseiii. Antve>~piae. Ex officina Christophorx Plantini, Archi- 
typographi Regij. Sf.D.LXXVII. Cum privitegio. 'Silentium' is 
the theme of the eleventh emblem, iu which a philosopher, supposed 
to be Pythagoras, is depicted with finger on lip, studying. Alciati's 



Cum tacet, baud ^uk'quam ilitfert sapieutibus aniens : 

Stultitiae est hides hiiguaque voxque suae. 
Ergo premat labia, digitoque sileutia signet, 



Et x 



■ rhiiritu 



A wine toni/iie should ri"t If licentious, 
and wand rin g ; but nun-'d, and (as it 
wore) govern ! d with .ertnine wines from 

the heart, an, 1 1-itt " nt" the 1 treat: and 

it was excellently saiihtf that Philosopher; 



i Harpocratem 

Linguoni i lutein debere aiunt uon 
esse lilernm uec vagain, sed vinculis do 
pecture imo ac de corde aptis moveri 
et quasi guberuari. Sed enim vide.i. 
quosdum sic scat ere verbis sine i 



PERCY SIMPSON 



205 



that there was a Wall, or Parapet of teeth 
net in our mouth, to restrains, the petu- 
lancy of our words : that the rashnesse of 
tiilkfnir should not only bee retarded by 
the guard, and watch uf the heart; but 
l>e fenced in, and defended by certaine 
strengths, placed in the mouth it selfe, 
and within the lips. But you shall see 
some, so abound with words without 
any seasoning or taste of matter, in so 
profound a security, as while they are 
speaking, for the most part, they confesses 
to speake they know not what. 

Of the two 01 either were to bee wisbt) 
I would rather have i pluine downe-right 
wisdome, then a foolish and affected 
eloquence. For what is so furious, and 
Dtt'lem like, as a vaine sound of chosen 
and excellent, words, without ,inv iiilijtvt 






x'dl 



n the disease of talking still once 
posscaseth, heecan never hold his ]ieaee. 
Nay, rather then hee will not discourse, 
hee will hire men to heare him. And so 
heard, not hearkn'd unto, hee comes off 
most times like a JfoHHfc fcw h . that 
when hee hath |irais'd his med'dnes, 
hnds none will take them, or trust him. 
Hee is like Homers TAereites.'Antrpotir^s, 
' \xptTopv6at -. speaking without judge- 
ment, LofUOX magif, yttdm f'wititdiu. 
•Satit loqiienlitr, mpitttivx pariiiti. 
rXojo-irijf Toi Sijaavjios iv avSjiaiiiitny 1 
'[■nowXrjt wXtiWij fit \iifHt tara fitTpav 

Optima* ■>( hoiiititi Ihnyti-f. thriaaru*, 
tt iiitten* 

singula 



Vlyiuet in Humei; is made a lonu 
thinking man tiefore hee speaks; ana 
Kpamiiiondat is celebrated by I'indur, 
to be a man, that though he knew much, 
yet hee spoke but little. Demoo'tun' 1 , 
when on the Bench he was lung silent, 
and said nothing ; one asking hi in, if it 
were folly in him, or want of language I 
hee answer'd : .1 look could n-vrr hold 
hit /ira-v. For too much talking is ever 
the Indkv of a foole. 
Dm* taeet iiidocttt*, poUrit StrdaUM 

Aubtri ; 
/» mortal atunu iMfllftM taainJo Ugit, 



iudicii uegotia cum seeuritatc niultu ot 
profunda, ut loquentes plerumque vide- 
■atur loqui sese nescire. Ulyssem contra 
Homerus, virum sapient! facundia prae- 
ditniii, vocem mittere ait nou ex ~~~ 
sed ex pectore : quod scilicet non 
sonum magis babitumque vocis quam 
ad sententiarum penitus concepts rum 
iiltitiidiiieiii pcrtiiiei-et: petulantiaeque 
verborum DMraendae vallum esaeoppoai- 
tulu lii'iitimn hidden te dixit, ut Ioqueudi 
temeritas non cordis tautum custodia 
atque vigilia cohibeatur, sed et quibus- 
dam quasi excubiis in ore jiositis 
saepiatur. 

Autos Ueluuh, i, XV, 1-8, 

...Quorum si alterum sit optandum, 
nialini eqtudem iudisertam priidentiain 
quam stultitiam loquacem.— Quid est 
enim tarn furiosnro quam verborum vel 
ii]it.iziniri.iiiint'|Oc"i-nuli->iiii"nim90liitus 
mania, nulla subiecta seutentia nee 
scientia ? 
Cicero, De Oi-utore 111 $ 1-12, and I f. 

Nunquain, inqnit [Cato], tacet qiieni 
morbus tenet loqnendi.... Ita est cupidus 
orationis ut conducat qui auscultet : 
itaque auditis, non auscultatis, tanquam 
pharmacopolam : nam eius verba audi- 
untur, vLTinii ei nemo K comniitt.it si 
aeger est. 

Autre Gbm.108, I. c. §9. 

(Th» reference to Homer, and the 
quotation^ from Sullust, C<'tiUne, 5, Mid 
Hcsiod, HVfc and Days, 717-71S, 
follow in Gellius.) 



Ulyssi gi'ainlcui it vcheiuentem, sod 
diiitamencogitabundum I'acitf Humerus], 
antequam loqui inciiriat.... Merito apud 
Piudariim Celebris Imlietur Thebanus 
Kpaminondas, qui quauiquani multa 
sciret pauca taiuen loquebntur.,.. Dema- 
ratns cum in consensu quodam siloret, 
figatusan id fiicerct stultitiaan sermoniH 
iuopia { Atqui, iuquit, stultus nunquain 
tacere potest. 

Mh.s'aclt, pp. 90-9L 
Stultitiae est index lingnaque voxque 
suae. Au-iati. 

bl espressum est «* mv TlaWaba, 



' Tanqimm Explorttttir ' : Jonson's Method 

1. Antliologiae Oraecoruiu epigram 



trot Tit dtcaiStvTot 0f>ni'ifiurnrdc 

riff Xoyor tynpivTiav «c irndtii ni-rxi" 
rarof. [Anthol. Grate., X, 98.] 

Dum taeet indoctus, potent cordatu 
haberi : 

Is morbus anitoi tuitnque tacendo tegit. 
MlONAIM.T, p. f~ 

Ncni possum tmusilire absque piaculo 
auream ZenoniH voeem qui Atheni* 
except us & quodam Principe una cum 
regiis or;it<>rilin.i...Holiih nihil dicebat. 
Itaqne com iter a logatis ;i].i|>ollatiis : De 
te ver», Zeno (jnquiunt ilii), quidnam 
amutis iior-t.ro Principi rcnunciaturi ? 
Nihil, inquit, aliud quaiu Athonifi e 
senem qui latere aoiat inter pocul 
Quod nun sitnpliciter dignum laude 
habitum est Magnum enim est senem 

moduin garrula ; fortasae mains quod 
inter pocula.... Itaque olim dictum est 
in ne.se io quem qui quamdiu siluit 
tjimdiu magnus et gravis habitus est : 
Phikaophos hie videri poterat, 



Nor ih that worthy s]ieech of Zeno, 
the Philosopher, to be past over, without 
the note '«f ignorance : who lieing invited 
to a feast in Al/icim, where a great Princes 
Amhassadoiir- wore entertain 'd, and was 
the onely person hail said nothing at the- 
table ; one of them with courtesie asked 
him ; What shall we returne from theo, 
Z-.io, to the Prince our Master, if hee 
aske \ls of thee? Nothing, lie revived, 
more, but that you found an old man in 
Athens, that know to tie silent amongst 
his cups. It was nere a Miracle, to see 
an old man silent; since talking is the 
disease of Age : Vint amongst cups makes 
it fully a wonder. 

It was wittily said upon one, that was 
taken for a great, and grave man, so long 
as hee held his peace : This man might 
have beene a Counsellor of State till lie 
-poke ■ lint having spoken, not the 
Beadle of the Ward. 'E^uUKn, Pythag, 
tjHi'w htiidabili* '. y\mo<njt irpo rav 
iiXXoif tpartt, fltnit cird/ifi'of. Lingiiam 
eohibt, pr(K alii* omnibus, ad Deomvi 
■ ■.,.„,jj.i,t,, Diffito eomp n ot labettw*. 
Folio, pp. 92-3. 

An interesting textual point 
Mignault. Pindar, who died in 443 lie, could not have celebrated 
Epaminondas, who was a man of mark in 379 B.C. and died in 36'2 B.C. 
Professor Lrtmberton, quoted by Schelling, corrected ' Pindar ' 
' Spinthar ' from the reference in Plutarch's De Genio Socratut, 23, which 
is the source of the allusion : ' Spintharus of Tarentum * is there quoted 
as in the habit of saying that ' no man whom he ever met knew more 
or spoke less ' than Epaminondas. But historical accuracy must not 1r' 
imported into Jonson's text in this way; he copied Mignault's blunder' 

Another Raw of uncritical borrowing occurs in the curious note on 
ptintera and painting (Folio, pp. 112-113), which begins by weaving 
together quotations from Plutarch, Philostratus. and Quintilian, and 
finally settles down to the Bibliotheca Selecta Qua agittir De Rntiotie 
Stttdiorum of the Jesuit Antonio Possevino, published at Rome in 



MlGNACLT, p. : 

Proinde ut laudatur i^tp-vBia 
goriea. 

Mionaci.t, p. : 



settled by the quotation from 



PERCY SIMl'srtN 



207 



1593. Possevino (1534-1611) was a Doted diplomatist for the Papacy. 

and travelled widely on political missions. But for twenty years of a 
busy life he worked at the Bibliotheca, a kind of catalogue raisomie 
of the chief authorities to study in all the arts and sciences. For a 
Jesuit, his range is tairly wide outside purely clerical circles. Jonson's 
indebtedness is shown in the following fragmentary extract. 

Ali Arithmetics tamen, ac (Jeometri.i, 



J'iclm-' tooke herfaiuing from I'ovtry; 
from O-y-ni-!,-'! her rule, comfia-ise, lines, 
proportion, and the whole Si/iiiHftrif. 
Parrhatiiis was the fast mn reputation, 
by adding Symmetry to Picture; hee added 
■abttfty to the oottBteoanoe, elepmcy to 
the hairc, love-lines to the bee; and, 
by the intblike voice of all Artificers, 
nawtrod honour in the outer lines. 
Eupompii* gave it splendor by numl-ers, 
ana other elegancies. From the Opti'-ts 
it drew reasons ; hy which it considered, 
how things plac'd at distance, and a farrc 
off, should appcare less.: : how above, or 
beneath the head, should deceive the eye, 
&c. So from thence it tooke shad owes, 
recesaor, light, and heightnings. From 
mornll PMIoiopAlt it tooke the Male, 

the "\|ip>si .f Senses, Perturbations, 

Manners, when they would paint an 
angry person, a proud, an inconstant, 
an ambitious, n brave, a magnanimous, 
a just, a merciftdl, a compassionate, an 
humble, a dejected, a base, and the like. 
They made all height ning* bright, ail 
shadnwes darke, all swellings from a 
plane; all solids from breaking. 

Folio, pp. 112-113. 



quin et ab Optica maguas aceipit Picturi 
com modi tates, a Geometrift regulam, 
cireiuum, lineaa, jiroportiones, ac aiqua 
huiusruodi sunt alia, qui bus symmetriam 
statuat. Nam et ParrkasiuM...magnam 
eonsecutus est laudeni quod primus 
Syuimetriam picturae doderit, primus 
argutias vultus, elegautiam eajiilli, veins- 
statenl oris, eonfossione artiticum {nt 
inquit Plinius) in lineis extremis puluiaui 

At et Eupompus, quouiam omnibus 
litteris fucrat erudiliisipraecipue Aritli- 
nietieao et (Jeoinctriae\ suunuus in bae 

arte evasit, ac sine eis earn pertici i 

posse ostendit ; is autem fuit qui 
I'icturain autea bipartitam in duo 
genera Helladicum et Asiaticum, divUit 
in tria, louiciiiu, SU-yiiriiuiu, Attioum. 

Sane vara cum Pietura utatur optica 
ratiocinationc, m.uiu, at<[UO ml<iHlnis, 
ah opticii ratioiies surnit, quibus OOD- 
siduret quo modo quae longius abauut 
minora ap)iareant, quae supra caput 

Sicti, quae infra, minora; quae supra, 
istantia ; sublata in altum, quae infra 
oculum et quadrats ; quonioao aciom 
oculorum fallant; umbras vero, rocesstis, 
lucem, radios perpendit.... 

Ei omni autem pliilosophia, sed prae- 
cipue ex moral i, praesidium Pic tori 
aecersenduin est, cum utiimum pingere, 
ac sensus ouiues espriinere, et perturbi.- 
tioiies, atqite alias aniuii affcetinnes 
sumniani Pieturae conuiliet laudem 
Nam hunc variuni. iracimdum, iustum, 
inconstai item, eundeni execrabilem. cle- 
i,didcem,misericordem,exceIsuai, 



gloriosum, humilein, ferocem, fugacem 
non nisi iugenii est, qnique id ii>nsi qui 
pa-ait, de quo ait Horat. 



Plinius... ad did it odium qui volunt 
eniinentiiw videri, eaudicantia faciunt, 
coloreque euudhuit nigro, magna prorsun 
in aequo oitant.ia ostendentes, et in con- 
fr.acto sulida omnia. 
IhVUahtco Seltxta, [ik xvii, ch. 23 and J5. 




"208 ' Tanquam Explorator ' : Jonson' 8 Method 

Jonson does not appear to have understood his authority, and t 
subject was evidently beyond his range. Till I discovered the reference 
in Possevino, I was hopelessly puzzled by the statement that Eupompus 
gave splendour to art 'by numbers.' We have to remember that 
Jonson did not live to edit the Discoveries himself. These notes on 
painting are desultory jottings which he may have meant to work up 
later or which he merely noted for his personal use and did not intend 
to publish. The editor of the 1640 Folio (probably Sir Kenelm I 
no doubt raked together all the scraps he could find. For instance 
the last sentence quoted above is a crude fragment from Possevii 
summary of the thirty-fifth book of Pliny. 

Jonson concludes this notice with the statement, ' There liv'd i 
this latter Age six famous Painters in Italy: who were excellent, a 
emulous of the Ancients : Raphael de Vrbino, Michel A ntjelo Buonam 
Titian, Antonie of Correggio, Sebastian of Venice, Iidio 
and Andrea Sartorio.' This is Possevino's list. He cites among 1 
authorities on painting Giovanni Battista Armenini's De' Veri Prec 
delta Pittura (Ravenna, 1586), and notes ' Ceterum primo libro dis; 
de sex Pictoribus eximiis huius saeculi, Ruphaele Urbinate, Michaele 
Angelo Bonarota, Titiano Antonio Corrigiensi (sic), Sebastiano Veneto, 
Iulio Romano, Andrea Sartorio,' There are seven names here (w 
the missing comma after 'Titiano' responsible for the slip?), b 
Jonson copies the 'six.' A«cess to the original authority disposes ( 
another of Professor Schelling's corrections, ' [del] Sarto' for 'Sartorio.' 
Jonson mistook the ablative of the Latin adjective for an Italian 
name. Evidently he did not follow his monitor's advice to look up 
Armenini. 

It is tempting to pursue these by-paths further, but systematic 
exploration must be reserved for a commentary. All that I can now 
attempt in my limited space is to indicate, by reference rather than V. 
quotation — for I should not know where to stop — Jonson's debt to th< 
great humanist, Johannes Ludovicus Vives. The ' learned Spaniard,' 
Mulcaster called him, is for ns an important figure. He was born a 
Valencia in 1492, studied at Paris, and became a professor at Louvain. 
He was a friend of Erasmus, for whom he edited the De Cieitate Dei, 
and of More, who introduced him to the English court. For a time 
he lectured at Oxford. Catherine of Aragon became his patroness, 
and he was appointed tutor to her daughter, afterwards Queen Mary. 
Losing Henry's favour, he retired to Bruges, where he died in 1540. 
He brought his wide and varied experience as a teacher to 1 
on educational problems, and he is the pioneer of educationalists i 



PERCY .SIMPSON 



209 



England. Long before Locke, he urged the necessity of considering 
diversity of temperament as a factor in educational results. Three 
passages of the Discoveries are translated from Vives. The section o 
good counsel (Folio, p. H8) beginning ' In being able to counsel] others, 
a Man must be furnish 'd with an universall store in himselfe,' and the 
four following paragraphs, concluding with an anecdote of Alexander 
the Great, are from ViveB' De Consultatiove (written at Oxford 1523), 
to be found in Vol. II, pp, 244-24* of Majan's valuable edition. This 
section contains the fine dictum ; — ' Wisedome without Honesty is 
meerc craft, and coosinage. And therefore the reputation of Honesty 
must first be gotten; which cannot be, but by living well. A good 
lite is a maine Argument.' Following closely on this (Folio, p. 89) is a 
section entitled ' Non nimium credendum antiquitata,' four paragraphs, 
beginning ' I know Nothing can conduce more to letters,' and ending 
"The mind of man is still fed with labour: Opere pascitur'; this is 
from the lit Libros de Discipliiiis Prae/otio, running on to the opening 
paragraph of the important treatise De Cnusis Corruptavuvi Artintn, 
Vol. VI, pp. 5-9, ed. Majan. Finally, a long and elaborate passage 
of literary criticism occupying more than three pages of the Folio 
(pp. 118-121), beginning 'Speech is the only benefit, man hath to 
expresse his excellencie of mind,' is pieced together and condensed 
from the De Rations Dicendi (written at Bruges 1532), Vol. II, 
pp. 93-184, Majan. To examine these borrowings and note the 
touches of adaptation or insertion by which Jonson reset them for the 
benefit of his own immediate contemporaries is not possible here. But 
no critical estimate of Jonson can afford to overlook the second of these 
transcribed passages. That Jonson should borrow from Vives at all 
is a highly significant fact. It is still too much the fashion to look 
upon Ben with benignant pity as a labouring pedant blinded and 
obsessed by a classicism which proved the ruin of his art. This 
excerpt from the a nti -Aristotelian Vives should at least be imputed 
to him for righteousness 1 . Vives has just been saying that in the 
course of his work he will have to argue against old and received 
writers, among them Aristotle, "cuius ego in humanis artibus ingeniuui 
industriam diligentiam indicium unice praeter caeteros et adniiror et 
suspicio'; he deprecates therefore any charge of ingratitude or reckless 
judgement. 

' Compare Jonsona comment in reference to Bacon (p. 121)— 'Nothing is mora 
ridiculous, then tu make an Author a Dictator, as the schooles have done Aristotle, The 
dammaRe is infinite, knowledge recede* by it... .Let ArUlollf, and others have their dues; 
bill if nee can make farther Discoveries '.J truth and litnesse then they, why are we envied?' 



' Tanquam Explorator' ; Juiison's Method 



I know iViit/tiitff 1-n.n conduce mure to 
letters, then to examine the writings of 
the Ancient*, and nut to rest in their 
sole Authority, or take all upon trust 
from them ; provided the uuiw of 
Indijinif, .and I'roiKwwi'i,-! against them. 



lie away ; such as aro envy, 
preeipittifitm, impudence, luiiI seurri/e 
Koffing. For to all the observation* of 



Porro de suriptis tiiagiioruiu aiictorimi 
eiistimarcmultoo-t 1 i ttt-r i.s c md iii-i K>i li 1 1^ 

qiuiin aurt<.rit:ite si .la :v:< |ui»-i:'.'n.' el (ide 
aetmier aliena accipere omnia, abaint 
tnodo iudicandi et prommtiandi pestes, 
livur. aierbiras, praLxipitfttio, iniptiduTitiri 
ei dii,u'j|jin siuriilis.... Quantum enim 
ad disciplines 1-t'ri-ipieiidn.xiiiiiieniidituio 
nobis in veu ta aiiperiorum saeculurum 
aperiunt, et eipenentia tarn diuturna 1 
ut apparent jiosse iioh.. .melius ii 
versuiii prommtiare de ret nut vitao ac 
naturae quaui Aristotelem, Platotiem, 
aut quemqiiain antiquurum,...ut Seneca 
sapieuter dicit, ty/i ante nw iitta movernnl, 
won dtimini nottri ltd duct* sunt : patet 
omnibus Veritas, iiondum est oocupata : 
multum ei ilk et.iam futuris rehctura 
est'. 



apply, wee have 1 letter ineanes to 
pronounce. It ih true they open'd the 
gates, arid made the way that went 
before us ; but as (Juidea, not Com- 
manders : Nou Domini nostri, ted Duces 
fufm. Truth lyes open to all ; it is no 
mans several./. Patet omnibus veritat, 
.iondum est owupatu. Multum ex itld, 

etiam futuris relicta ett\ Pratjhtio, Vol. «, pp. i 

Folio, p. 89. 

Thut Jonson should have transferred this passage to his note- books 
is surely suggestive. With all his admiration fat the ancients, he 
kept a certain critical balance. He paid them the guarded worship 
which he would himself have described us being ' on this side idolatry.' 
We find this attitude influencing even his technique in such points 
as the 'unities' of place and time, which he treated inconsistently. 
In Every Man in Ins Humour, the play which appears in the forefront 
of his works, the unity of time is insisted upon with a pertinacity 
which is almost comic ; the clock ticks audibly in every act. But 
in other plays he abandons this without any hesitation. Unity 
of place triumphs brilliantly in The Alchemist ; he rejects it in 
his two Roman tragedies. Not dissimilar is his treatment of the 
'humours,' with their curious ebb and flow from play to play. It 
would be a nice point to decide how far, in the actual practice of his 
art, he was consciously influenced by the judgement and authority 
of Vives. 

Percy Simpson. 

1 So in the Folio, and Clifford, the clastiical Gilford, reprints it. He could not have 
looked at the proofs here. 

' Quoted friim Sen. '<■■!, F./ii't. 33 ad fin. 



AN ANGLO-NORMAN CALENDAR. 



The Chapter Library of Worcester Cathedral, which contains this 
calendar, offers little else of interest to the Romance philologist. The 
quarto MS. numbered 89 has as its initial and end leaves a f"li" leaf 
from HOie Other manuscript which has been bound in with the cover 
and contains a fragment of an exposition i,f the Decalogue, in a 
fourteenth -century hand, while folio 157 contains a similar fly-leaf 
with a series of prescriptions in French verse; these latter are printed 
in the Appendix to the recently published catalogue. The following 
calendar is from the quarto manuscript no. 61, which is catalogued as 
containing " Manuale sacerdotum ; Postilla de solempnitutibus sanctorum 
per annum ; Versus de dtetnu faustis et infanstis Gallice ; Para Penta- 
teuchi cum prologis Hieronymi.' The calendar is written in a good 
thirteenth-century hand in double columns on fol. 42 verso to fol. 45 recto. 
The handwriting, at hint comparatively small, increases in size during 
the second column, and from the third column onwards is nearly twice 
as large as in the initial lines : the process of transition is clearly per- 
ceptible and there is no reason to suspect that a second scribe took up 
the work at column 8. The last line is fallowed by these words (I have 
extended the contractions, but made no other change); 'Sees aunt le 
roeroeilefl que noefcre seignor mustm a estiv le prophetie que il les 
nmstra as fra ysrl. Si en la premere nuit de noel seient grans rem oicz 
60 icel an porirunt le reis e les (reis erased) e les eueskes. Si en la 
sccudc : les nient acceptable* baruns defauderunt. Si en la ters: les 
nphanins e les (emmea uuirrunt. Si en la quart: pain ne abundera 
mie. Si en la quinte: les euginus pcrirunt.' This ends the first 
column on fol. 45 r°, The second column opens with an alphabet 
written for practice and some Latin prayers in a very clumsy hand. 

I have been unable to discover any other calendar of the kind. A 
Provencal calendar dealing with the question of blood-letting to which 



212 



An Anglo-Norman Calendar 



ihi WoroMttf euleiidar c< instantly refers, is published in Suehier's 
Ih-nkvi'ilcr, p. 518, but has no affinity with the following text. 

Tin' L'U is iin exact copy of the MS. and the few corrections intro- 
duced are indicated where they occur. I have made no attempt to 
imriiiiiliM discrepancies of orthography or of declension (e.g. li malt'det 
in 1. 21 and li malmle in I. 64), or to amend the metre which displays 
the irregularities usual in Anglo-Xorman texts. The want of rime 
inirisj«iiui.iH-<' in 1. 120-1, 264-5, 304-5 may be due to lacunte. 

The new catalogue states that 'an English version of these lines 
iv bo ba (bond m Chronica de Hayies et Aberconwey, Hail. MS. 3725, 
beginning, 

The first day i'f the mone Adam 

Owrr forrfsder to the world came; 

That d*y ye tu»y with wyniie 

A I ggdN thingys to begynoe.' 

The chronicle is printed in vol. i. (1847) of the Camden Miscellany, 
Inn the poem appears D8V8E i" have been printed. I have a copy 
whisk I- m ihe Nrrioa of anyone who may care to make use of it 
It la I'titlo'i* ■ ptnphnM than a translation and is certainly not I 
upon (he following text, containing as it does 1282 lines and givtr. 
DMMJ and events not to be found in the Anglo-Norman text. 



A prime lune fud Adam furme, [fol, 42 v" col. 1] 

Adam de ki nus fumes ne : 

OOSt jur est bon a cumencer 

chose que lem volt ben achever; 

lr entaunt qui naistra eel jur 

vivera a mult grant honur; 

ki a ceat jur amaladira 

a peines en eschapera ; 

la visiun que lem verra 

a grant joie li turnera; 

devjiunt tereo li estuvra seigner 

eclui qui on avera mester. 

Dfl la lune le second jur 

eat bon a cumencer labur; 

a cest jur de la eoste Adam 

tUTttH dens sa mulier Evain : 

a oait jur let bon a espuser; 

mils ne poet lureine celer; 



H. J. CHAYTOR 213 

le enfaunt qui eel jur ert ne 
20 serra sages e benure ; 

li malades se cuchera, 

en poi de tens repassera; 

de sunge ja faces cunte 

kar il a nule rien ne amunte; 

qui de seigner avera a fere 

devaunt terce restuvera trere. 

Al ters lune ert Chaym nez; 

de cure cumencer vus tenez 

ne entrez en vile pur maindre ; 
30 de achat ja nert tun chatel greindre ; 

ne cumencez guainer en tere 

ke ne purrez rein cunquere; 

larcin ne se purra celer 

ke lem ne purra tost trover; 

qui a cest jur cherra en langur 

il en murra al chief de tur ; 

li enfaunt qui a cest jur neistra 

est cuintos e si murra 

de male mort u a peine 
40 eschapera ; ceo est chose veine [col. 2] 

ke hum veit [MS. vert] en avisiun; 

la seigne ne est si male nun. 

Abel fu nez a la quarte lune ; 

icest jur est bein cummune ; 

li enfaunt qui nestra eel jur 

merra sa vie en grant labur, 

ore lecheres ert e suffrera 

grant peines dunt eschapera, 

mes a sa fin riches murra; 
50 ki a cest jur amaladira 

ne garra se il ne chaunge place ; 

ne neez pour ke mal vus face 

ke verrez en avisiun ; 

la seigne ne est si male nun. 

A la quinte lune fist Abel 

sun sacrifice del aignel: 

ne faces serement le jur; 

le en&unt ne nest fors a tristur 



An Anglo-Norman Calendar 

ki a cest jur serra ne, 

l travale serra del mal fe 
e a grant peine vivera ; 
ki a cest jur fuie prendera 
serra trove niort hu lie ; 
li nialade ert tost sane ; 
que tu sunges tilt vendra ; 
tun cunseil ne descuverez ja ; 
de vaunt terce te fai seigner 
si tu veiz qu'il te feit mester. 
De la lunc la sime jur 

I nasquist Eufrates e Nabur; 
icest jur fet bon chacier 
et gentil oisel afeiter ; 
li enfaunt qui nestra eel jur 
ert viates e de grant vigur, 
grauns et herdis e cointes mult; 
perduz serrat tut del but 
chose que serra emble le jur, 
et ki charrat en langur 
il languira mult lunge men t 

) et pus garra tut certement ; 
tavendera ke tu sungeras, 
mes gard ke nel diez pas 
fore a deu ; a lui te rend 
et la seigne te defend. 
A la setime lune fu ocis 
Abel ki taunt fu deu amis ; 
bon fet bestes a daunter 
et tutea bestes deinadler; 
vigrus ert ki dune naistra 

) e cointes e lettres sera; 
le larcin est mut tost seu, 
et par medecine avera salu 
ki dune amaladira : 
le sunge a tout tart savra ; 
a tel lune fet bon seigner 
et de tuz malz mesciner. 
A la utime lune fu [MH. refu] ne 
qui taunt vesqui Mutusaale ; 



[ti.l. 43 r° col. 1] 



H. J. CHAYTOR 215 

aicest jur fet bon semer 
100 et de lur luis remuer ; 

nobles pur veirs ert ki dune ert ne, 

mes tempte ert del malfe; 

a peine ert trove larcin; 

li malades prendra tost fin 

u girra lunges en langur 

si en murra al chief de tur ; 

li sunges ert tot aempli, 

mes criez mult a deu merci 

si veis ren dunt aies pour 
110 e te seignez dreit a mi jur. 

A la noesime lune comences 

hardiement coe ke voles; 

lenfaunt ki neistra le jur 

avera de tute gent lamur 

et sages ert e cuintes asez ; 

li larcin ert tost trove [col. 2] 

et li malade tost garre; 

dedenz dusze jura savrez 

la visiun ke vus verrez; 
120 icel jur mes ne vus seignez. 

A la disme lune fu nez 

cil ki en le arche fu veez; 

seurement enprenc labur; 

lenfaunt ki nestra le jur 

ert nunchalus e ne vivera 

guer de tens, mes il serra 

amiables; e ki fuera 

a cest jur u riens emblem 

lung tens apres serra cele, 
130 mes a la fin serra trove; 

tost prendera fin la maladie 

u a la mort u a la vie ; 

ne vus seit rien de la visiun ; 

la seigne ne est si male nun. 

Sem fu nez le unzime jur; 

tut a seur oeverez icest jur ; 

lenfaunt ki dune neistera 

amiables e pruz serra, 



sages e cuintes de ses diz, 

140 pruz e curteis e hardiz; 
li malades ne murra pas 
einz guarra ignele pas 
u apres a vera mi grant langur ; 
la visiiin le quart jur 
annus peril se demustrera, 
mea li sages le celera 
et ja ne lerra de deu prier; 
trestut eel jur fet bun seigner. 
Aaym nasqui le duzime jur; 

150 eel jur est bon a labur; 

lenfaunt ert bon e amiables, 

de sun curage ert mult eatable,- ; 

li futif tost repeirera 

hu jammes ne revendra; 

li larcin ert tost trove; 

li sunges ert bien fine 

dedens .viii. jure a joie grant ; 

seignez vus dune al vesprant. 

A la terezirae lune plaunta 

160 Noe le vin dunt il seignura ; 
aidunc fet bon laburer; 
lenfaunt fel ert e paltuner, 
ines asez avera hai-dement 
et ne vivera pas lungement ; 
li malade mult languira 
et a peine en eschapera; 
dedeins qiiatorze jure verrez 
ceo que vus dune sungerez, 
mes demenez vus sagement ; 

170 eel jur seignez hardiement. 
A la quatorze lunaisun 
dona Noe sa benecun 
a Sem sun fiz; dune cummencez 
lianliement quant ke vus volez; 
li on fail tit ert marchaunt 
et orgulus et cumbataunt 
et si nert pas grant loez; 
li larcin ert tost trovez 



[fol. 43 v" col. 1] 



H. J. CHAYTOR 217 

li malade tost guarra 
180 et si nun tost murra; 

a grant joie le terszime jur 

verra sun sunge li sungur; 

nule ne deit le jur seigner ; 

ja ne ert si grant mester. 

A la quinzime luneisun 

fu fet la confusiun 

des angles de eel qui la tur 

Babel firent a icel jur; 

ne deit mils oevre cummencer 
190 ne testimonie nul porter [col. 2] 

lenfaunt qui eel jur naistra 

de arme hu de eive perira 

et murra asez [MS. aset] de iefhe age, 

mes cointes serra e mult sage, 

deboneres et herbigur; 

li malades apres le terz jur 

se [MS. ke] levra e si ceo nun 

ja ne trerra a gareisun; 

li larcin ert tost trovez; 
200 icel jur matin vus seignez. 

Aa lune iert el seszime jur 

quant Loth nasqui; checun labur 

cummencez dune pur estre eatable; 

il enfaunt ert cheritable, 

monges [MS. veiuges] de queor et entrin, 

mes poures serra a la fin; 

li malade mult languira 

et a grant peine eschapa, 

mes guarri pur sul s'enturne 
210 del liu dunt il dune sujurne; 

la visiun bien saveras 

et ja de rien ne fauderas, 

tun sunge jeiras pus lung tens; 

a eel jur seignez vus par tens. 

Al diszesetime jur perirent 

les cites qui bien deservirent 

la dampnedeu maleicun, 

Sodome e Gomorre urent nun; 

M. L. R. II. 15 



218 An Anglo- Norma n Calendar 

mil jar neat roeilar a eorrer 
220 et bone eovreine a commencer; 

lenfaant Id nestra le jar 

avera peine e grant labor, 

mes cartes ert et amiables 

sages e a plasurs profitable*; 

li kurcin ert mult tost tawe 

et li malade mult travaile [MS. traoile], 

mes a la fin esehapera : [foi. 44 r° coL 1} 

dedenz .viiL jars se averra 

la vision qne vus verrez; 
230 a eel jar mar vos seignez. 

Al disutime jnr nasqni 

Isaac le den ami; 

eel jnr est profitable asez; 

len&nnt qui done serra neez 

navra ja peis taunt ert parlers 

et poi vivera mes il ert fers; 

len i trovera le kurcin; 

la maladie avra tost fin 

e si il entre en langnr 
240 il en garra al chef de tur ; 

al diszime hu al vintisme jnr 

verrunt lor snnge li snngnr 

desque al vintisme sanz demure; 

seigner te deiz [HS. derz] dreit a terz hare. 

Jacob fud de Tsaac engendre 

quant le diszenefime ert entre; 

eel jur est bon a cure fere 

lenfaunt iert de grant afere, 

curteis, leals, de grant saver 
250 et tut tens crestra en aver; 

li larcin serra cele, 

e li malades ert sane 

per medecine que heom lui fra; 

devaunt le terz jur savra 

hoem en bien sa visiun; 

le seigner est destructiun. 

Le vintisme jur benesqui 

Ysaac Jacob le deu ami; 



ff 



H. J. CHAYTOR 219 

en vein travailerez le jur; 
260 lenfaunt i ert travailur 

et cointes asez et lettre; 

li ftitif serra mora trove 

li larcin ert descuvert. 

Le vintisme premer jur fu [col. 2] 

quant sa benecun dona 

Ysaac a Esau sun fiz; 

cest jur est a cure esliz ; 

fort leials ert ki naistera 

a eel jur; lettres sera, 
270 mes ne pur quant il ert pituz ; 

perduz serra tut a estruz 

quant que dune i perderez ; 

li larcin nert ja trovez ; 

ki a eel jur amaladira 

il lungement languira 

hu il murra hastiveraent; 

tut verrez avisablement 

quant que dune i sungeres; 

a nul fe or dune vus seignez. 
280 Al vinterzime secund jur 

nasqui Joseph ; il nest labur 

que dune fet bon a cumencer 

for aul de gens a reacorder; 

lenfaunt ert poure e mendis 

et travailaunt et li futif 

qui dune fuera serra cunseu 

et li larcin aparcu; 

li malade avera grant langur 

et si murra a chef de tur; 
290 li sunge serra averrez 

en idie que vus sungerez; 

a tutes hures del jur 

punas seigner a bon hur. 

Ki voldra al vinteterszime jur 

de femme prendre a bon hur 

en quel curage ke il voldra 

en prendre ; et cil qui dune nastra 

serra cointes et vilein; 

15—2 



An Anglo-Norman Calendar 

et li futif fuera en vein 
300 kar il ert trove erraument ; 

raurrat n il hingeraent [fol. 44 v° col. 1] 

girrat ains ke il ert garisun ; 

tun snnge poez dire tun compainun, 

ai be] vus est bien deacuverez; 

dedeins uit jura solt avenir 

ceo que len sunge aicel jur ; 

de seigner est dune bon bur, 

Ainz ke le vinte quart jur fini 

nasqui Moyses le dens ami 
810 eel jur est bon as vueranz; 

qui nestra dune ert cumbataunz ; 

li futif et li larcin 

aerrunt trove a la fin ; 

li malades repassera 

de grant langur u tost murra ; 

si tu veis nul en avisiun 

ele te permet Balvatiun, 

ja ne faudra que quel demure; 

aeignez eel jur a siste hure. 
320 Al vintequinte lunaisun 

nasqui le fer rei Pharaun ; 

eel jur est bon a venerie; 

qui naistra ert a tute sa vie 

euvt'itus e mult auffra 

perils; cil qui rien emblera 

dedenz lea treia jura serra 

descuvert; cil qui en langur 

cherra murra al chief de tur; 

dedenz uit jura u quinze au plus 
330 verrez tun aunge tut a eatrua ; 

al vespre ae face dune aeigner 

cil qui en avera le meater. 

Al vintesime lunaisun 

enveia deu a Pharaun 

en Egipte par sun aeriaunt 

Moysen une plaie grant 

kar tus leB naia en la mer; 

eel jur est bon a overer; [col. 2] 



H. J. CHAYTOR 221 

qui a cest jur nestra enfaunt 
840 serrat meinement manaunt; 

li futif e li larcin 

serrunt trove; tost prendra fin 

qui dune entrat en maladie 

u a la mort u a la vie; 

del avisiun vendra joie, 

mes gard sei checun ke nen oie 

les cunseils de ses enemis, 

mes a deu sert tut ententifs; 

trestutes les hures de eel jur 
850 purrez vus seigner sans pour. 

Al vinte setime cumensa 

al desert pluver le manna 

dunt deu pust sun poeple jadis ; 

a eel jur pas ne seez udifs; 

cuintes serra et amiables 

li enfaunt et li mal salvables, 

mes li malades ert turmente [MS. turmete] ; 

li sunge solt estre averre 

memes le jur quel quil seit 
860 hu a grant joie hu a grant deheit; 

eel jur se deit hume taunt seigner 

et neint si lem nen at mester [MS. nert ni ester]. 

Le vinte utime fu a murre 

quant i vindrent a dan Josue 

les espiez [MS. espuz] de mescreanz 

qui furent aidunc mananz 

en tere de permissiun; 

icest jur nest si bon nun 

a tutes cures comencer; 
870 lenfant purra mult laburer 

e nunchalus serra de tut, 

mes leals serra tut del but ; 

li malades sert a seur 

de garisun a chef de tur 

u sert tost u apres langur; [lol. 45 r*col. 1] 

mar vus seignez a icel jur. 

Bon est le vinte noefime jur 

a cummencer checun labur; 



222 An Anglo-Norman Calendar 

lenfaunt ert mult beneure 
380 et benignes et enseigne 

et savra mult de marchandie; 

la visiun ne signefie 

si joie nun e grant leesse, 

et la dolur e la trUtesse 

verrez tut a bien turner; 

trestut «1 jur fet bon seigner. 

Nuls [MS. nvnls] ne deit [MS. dit] le trentezime jur 

en prendre cure ne labur; 

lenfan savra pur veir 
390 tut quant ke il . . . . 

li malade quant ' 

pres de la mort recuva; 

li sunge serra averre 

eins ke seient .viii. jura passe 

mes gart tei tut diz sagement 

et la seignee te defent. 

H. J. Chaytor. 

1 A small portion is here out out of the MS. 



NOTES ON THREE SONNETS ATTRIBUTED TO 
FRANCISCO DE FIGUEROA. 



Li Li le ih known of the life of the poet, Francisco de Figueroa. He 
was born at Alcalil de Henares, probably about the year 1536', he 
attended the University of Alcala, and while still a youth, went to 
Italy. There he gained renown, not only by his studies, but also by 
his career in the army, as Lope de Vega wrote in his Canddn A las 
obras de Don Francisco de Figueroa \ 

A ti, del Hifc-Io nolo 

Unica luz, que ran esuada y plumit 

Filiate Marte y A|K>lo, 

El tionnm miiLi iiiuin'-r.il']'.' muu.l 

De aplaiisos y laurelea, 

Cod que en hiw alas iumortales vueles*. 

On August 20, 15fi0, he wrote a letter from Chartre3 to Ambrosio 
de Morales, in which he sends his best wishes to Antonio Perez, whom 
he no doubt knew at the University of Alcala". We do not know the 
date of his return to Spain, but on February 14, 1575, he married 
Dona Maria de Vargas, at Alculii de Henares*. In the year 1579, he 
accompanied D. Carlos de Aragon, first Duke of Terranova, to Flanders. 
He died at Alcahl sometime before the year 1618°, and on his deathbed, 

1 Figueroa's sonnet on the death ol Clarcilaso de la Vega el Mota, was probably 
written soon ai'Ur the letter's death, in 1555, As it is likely that Figiteroa was at least 
twenty years old when he wrote the poem, he must hnve been born before the year 1330. 
This sonnet was first published in the h'hmila de vuriii poeiiu of Diego Ramirez Patjan, in 
1862. See Ticknor, Hiitorni d. la Uttniiura ttpaWa, Vol. ir, p. 494. 

5 Rimnn humanat, Part 11, in the BlbUotttt id- Auttrm etpiinolei. Vol. xixvil, p. 318. 

' D. Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. VUa de Minuet de Cemantti Saavedra, Madrid, 
18111. p. 568. 

1 See Mr Fitzmaurice. Kelly's note in the English translation of the Oalatea, published 
at Glasgow in 1903, p. 288. 

1 The exact date of Fignerna'a death ia not known. In Lope de Vega's oomeclm, 
Virtud, Puhreat y Mujer, Act I, sc. iv, two of the characters lament the fact that Pedro 
Lifian and Pedro Lalncz had been forgotten because their works had not been printed, 
and Hipolito adds that Figueiua had sollered the same (ate : 



224 Three Sonnets attributed to Francisco de Figueroa 

ordered that all his poetry should be burned. Those poems which 
escaped the flames were published by the historian, Luis Tribaldos de 
Toledo, at Lisbon, in 1625 1 . A number of verses were added to the 
second edition which appeared at Lisbon, in 1626. Mr Archer M. 
Huntington published a reprint of this edition in 1903-'. Another 
edition appeared at Madrid in 1785, edited by D. Ramon Fernandez. 
This edition was based on the Lisbon edition of 1626, and is far from 
satisfactory. It was published again at Madrid in 1804, forming 
Volume XX of the Colecciou de poetas espunoles. 

Figueroa enjoyed the friendship of many of the most famous poets 
of his time. He used the poetical name of Tirsi in his sonnets, and 
with this name, he was introduced as one of the characters into the 
pastoral romance, El Pastor de Filida by Luis Galvez de Montalvo*. 
The latter speaks of him as follows : ' Unas Coplae ae* yo, dijo Pradelio, 
que hizo Siralvo a su Deseo, aprovadas por d«s clarissimos ingenios, uno 
el culto Tirsi, que de Engailua, i Deseiigahos de Amor va alninbrando 
nuestra nacion Espanola, como singular maestro dellosV 

It is certain that the Tirsi of Cervantes' Galatea, is Figueroa, for in 
the second book, Cervantes ascribes to Tirsi, two sonnets and a Cancidn 
by Figueroa". Lope de Vega praised him highly in his Laurel de 
Apolo, and according to La Barrera, he introduced him as the venerable 
Tirsi in his Arcadia 9 . He was mentioned with praise by many of his 
contemporaries, and his tender verses gained for him the title of 
'el divino.' 

The edition of Figueroa's poetry, published at Madrid, in 1785. 
contains 58 sonnets, besides a number of estancias, elegias, seatinas and 
caneiones. This collection includes three sonnets, to the authorship of 
which Figueroa's claim is, at best, very doubtful. The first of these is 
Sonnet xxxh 7 : 



Hoy H en ires lo lamenta 
Del divino Figueroa. 
I have hecu dead when this play was written, and as Lope includes it in I 
list of liia oOBmMm published in 81 Pcrtgrhto in 1*518, we must believe that Figueroa d; 
lie lore that date. 

1 Salvn. Catdlogo, r, p. 228, also Ualknlo, Eutatju <h- una hihlioteea, Vol. u, Col. 1071. 
1 1 have beeu able to i-namine Mr Huntington'* reprint through the courtesy of tl 
Vale University Library. 

3 See Mr Fitzmaurifw -Kelly's introduction to the English version of Cervantes' Galatea, 
Glasgow, 1903, p. ml. 

' Kl Potior df Filiila, compuesto por Luis Gi'ilvex do Montalvo, Valencia, 1792, p. 154. 
5 See Mr Fi tz ma uriee- Kelly's introduction to the Bnglfalh translation of the Galatea, 



•w, Madrid, 178.1, p. 17. 



J. P. WICKERSHAM CRAWFORD 

Estos, y bien scran jiasos niitados 
Quanto Ion di<j jmnr'i« |>ie dnloroso, 
Que agora desare triste y peuoso 
Or >n mis araargas lagrimas regados: 

Por los mas duk-es me serin contadott 
De quantos en mi diiro y trabajitso 
Viage dado habrri : breve repoao, 
En vano prncurandit a mis cuidados. 

No porque Amor, ri mi fortuna fiera 
Alee de mi su mano ayrada y fuerte, 

ablandc tin pun to la crueldad pagoda : 
Sino porque a m.>rir parti), y 1:4. muerte 

Tan eerca va, que a la primer joniada 
La alcanzaii;, ya que al partir no muera. 

Lope de Vega, in his Laurel de Apoto 1 , speaks as follows 
Marco Antonio <ie la Vega: 

Peru i qiiieu *e levanta revestido 
Ue alamo bianco, y de laurel cenido I 
Parece al claro Henares caudaloso. 

Oh rio vonturoHo ! 
Padre de ingenioa eelebres al luundo, 
Que laurear solias 
Tus doctos hijoa Ina felices diaa 
Del aigln que juntas tendril segmido 
Cierto sera que Uega 
A la v\v. de la fama sonorosa 
Aquel ingeuio, universal, profundi), 
El doc to Marco Antonio de la Vega, 

1 lustre en verso y erudite en prosa, 
Cuya pluma quejosa 
Parece que hoy escribe en los cuidados 
De su estilo amoroso : 
' Estos, y bien serin [>asos eontados 
Oual no loa dio jamas i>\<\ doloroso.' 

It will be noticed that these last two lines correspond closely to the 
first lines of the sonnet attributed to Francisco de Figueroa. Little is 
known of Marco Antonio de la Vega. Some of his verses are found in 
the Cancionero General de la Doctrina Christiana, of Juan i/jpez de 
Ubeda'. Cervantes praised him in the Canto de Caliope 3 , but give* 
no facts about him. Owing to our lack of information in regard to this 
poet, it is difficult to decide definitely as to the authorship of this 
sonnet. It was included in the editions of 1625 and 1626, of the works 
of Figueroa, which is a strong argument in favour of his authorship. 
However, the tact that Lope de Vega attributed the first two lines of it 
to Antonio de la Vega, in 1630, at least introduces an element of doubt 
into the matter. 

1 Bibtioteca ile Aulurei cjiuiiulo, Vol. iiiviii, p. 201. 

' Hilvi, Culdlogo, Vol. t. No. 1299. 

* 8ed»no, Parnato Kipaiiol. Vol. vm, p. SW. 



2U6 Three Sonnets attributed to Francisco dc Figueroa 

The second sonnet in question is found on page f>6 of the edition t 
Madrid, 1785, of the Obras de Francisco de Figueroa: 

En una aelva al aaoraar del dia, 
Eataba Eudimion triate y lloroso 
Contra el rayo del sol, que presuroso 
Pur la falda del monte aescendia : 

Mii-.ui'.l" a! turbador de su alegria, 
Cimtrario do au bien y su reposo, 
Tras un suspiro triste y oonjjojoso 
Tales palobras contra el sol decia : 

Luu clara, [uira nit triate y oacura, 
Que con furiosi curao aprenuradii, 
Mi sol con tu tiniebla oscureciste ; 

Si te pueden mover en tal alturo 
Laa ([iiejas lie un Pastor cnamorado, 
No tardea en volver A do saliste. 

In the edition of Lisbon, 1626, of the works of Figueroa, this sonnet 
is preceded by the word, ageno, that is, the sonnet was the work of some 
other poet, and Figueroa merely glossed it in li/ras, commencing. 

Entrc dorados floree. 
We find this same sonnet published in the works of don Hernando de 
Acuiia', which proves conclusively that he, not Figueroa, was the 
author of it. I copy it here, as it offers a few variants from the text as 
published in the works of Figueroa : 

Eu una aelva al parecer del dia 

Sc eataba Eudunion triste y Uoroao, 

Vuelve al rayo del sol, que preauroso 

Do la cumbre de uu monte deccndin : 
Mirando el turbador de su alogria, 

Contrario de an bien y an reposo, 

Tras uu grave aospiro doloroao, 

Tales palabras contra el sol decia : 
Lax clara, para nil triate y escura, 

Que con furioao curso apreaurado, 

Mi sol con tu tiniebla eacureciate : 
Si te puedeu mover eu ttintu altura 

Laa quejiia de uu pastor apasionado 

No tardea en volver donrfe aalistes. 

The third sonnet in question, is the Epitufiu d lit tnuerte de Tirsi*: 

Crenca con el licor del Han to mio 
La verde verba de eate fcrtil prado : 
Eufrene el triste son de mi cuidado 
El preauroso enrao de eate riii : 

Beauene el bisque cavei-nuso y frio, 
Ya es miterto Tirsi, Tirsi es ya acabado, 
En el dolor terrible aepultado, 



J. P. WICKERSHAM CRAWFORD 227 

Que tuvo de el entero nenorfo. 
Sola esta soli tar ia selva unibrosa, 

Y aquesta tan gentil verde ribera 
Del lamentable fin fu£ron testigos. 

Aquf cerrtf sus ojos muerte nera, 

Y el miserable cuerpo aquf reposa, 
Llorandole Damon su firme amigo. 

This sonnet is not found in either of the early Lisbon editions of the 
works of Figueroa, and was first published by Sedano in his Parnaso 
Espaftol 1 . We know that Figueroa's poetical name was Tirsi, and it is 
probable, that one of Figueroa's friends, under the name of Damon, 
wrote the above sonnet at the time of Figueroa's death. For this 
reason it was included in the manuscript collections of Figueroa's 
poetry, and later was published under his name. 

J. P. WlCKERSHAM CRAWFORD. 
1 Vol. iv, p. 89. 



SHELLEY AND PEACOCK. 



The association of Shelley and Peacock, two very opposite characters 
was more far reaching in its results than has generally been assumed. 
It was one of the most beneficial friendships ever made by the way- 
ward ..■nthusiast who, under Godwin's influence, 'took abstract reason 
Cor the rule of conduct, and abstract good for its end.' Still greater, 
however, was the lasting impression made by Shelley od the practical 
and common-sense Peacock. During the time that the friendship 
lasted — 1812-1822 — the latter produced three novels which all bear, 
more or less, the imprint of his intercourse with Shelley. This has 
already been mentioned in connection with Nightmare Abbey and 
Melincourt, but has escaped notice as regards Headlong Hall. It 
seems to the writer that the gist of the last-named novel — published 
in 1815 — is clearly the outcome of its author's friendship with Shelley 
during that year. We know that he was in the habit of having 
animated discussions with his friend about thiB time. Trelawney 
mentions his reading the same books as Shelley, and having drawn 
entirely different conclusions from them, with the result that pro- 
tracted conversation ensued which delighted Shelley, 'for he was 
imperturbable in argument.' As Harriet Shelley at the end of her 
life had no sympathy for her husband's literary pursuits, and laughed 
at the votaries of revolution, so we are informed by Med win of her 
admirer Peacock having laughed at Shelley's projects for the regenera- 
tion of society and his unworldly simplicity and enthusiasm. The idea 
of the perfectibility of mankind, as particularly advocated by William 
Godwin in the Political Justice and Enquirer, was as much an integral 
part of Shelley's creed as that of Mr Foster, the perfectibilian of the 
novel. That these were his views can at once be gleaned by consulting 
his correspondence with Godwin. During the year 1815 Shelley and 
Peacock must again and again have discussed the question which so 
absorbed the former and which was regarded by the latter with i 
certain amount of scepticism and indifference. The poet Bucht 



A. B. YOUNG 



229 



tells us in his personal reminiscences of Peacock that "the pessimism 
of his books was also the daily theme of his talk,' so it is only natural 
to conclude that he was loth to agree with his young friend's Utopian 
schemes. Even if he had, like him, lost all reverence for many social 
institutions, he could never be beguiled by enthusiastic, and what he 
thought to be delusive, visions of a perfectibility that could never be 
realised. Peacock's sound and clear mind enabled him to see what 
Shelley never could, namely, that most of the agitators who were so 
anxious to ameliorate the condition of mankind were in truth using 
this pretext as a means of improving their own. Like Mr Escot — the 
deteriorationist of the novel — Peacock was never, at any period of his 
life, a genuine reformer. He had an utter disbelief in all the coming 
millenniums of justice and freedom which were then being so frequently 
proclaimed. He stood to Shelley in the same relation as the two 
principal characters in Headlong Hall stand to one another — he was 
as much a pessimist as the other an optimist. This difference between 
the ideas of Mr Escot and Mr Foster, or those of Peacock and Shelley, 
has been admirably expressed by the novelist in the memoir of his 
friend which he concludes, after having paid a glowing tribute to 
Shelley's abilities, by deploring his ' want of reality.' ' It would have 
given to his poetry the only element of truth which it wanted ; though 
at the same time the more clear development of what men are would 
have lowered his estimate of what they might be and dimmed his 
enthusiastic prospect of the future destiny of the world,' If conversa- 
tion then with Shelley supplied the main issue of the story, it may 
also be said that this is the ease with some of the details. The 
introduction of the question of vegetarianism, for instance, plays upon 
Shelley's habit of abstaining from eating animal food, He had, some 
time before the publication of Headlong Hall, issued a booklet, now 
extremely rare, A Vindication of Natural Diet, the contents of which 
were also included in Queen Mab as one of a series of notes. Strangely 
enough Mr Escot, and not Mr Foster, is the advocate of vegetarianism 
in the novel. 

To turn now to Melincourt, which appeared in 1817. The two 
friends were together during the whole of the time in which it was 
being written, with the result that the tale, like its predecessor, is the 
outcome of the constant intercommunication of ideas between them, 
but with a singular difference. The former divergences of opinion, bo 
distinct in Headlong Hall :is to necessitate their being attributed to 
two separate characters, are now incorporated in the one person of 




\elley and Peacock 

Mi Forester, who is not, as has been suggested, only a portrait i 
Shelley, but also, in many of its phases, one of Peacock himself. His 
character and opinions show the intention of its originator to use 
fiction as a means of teaching the same lesson imparted by Shelby 
in the Revolt of Islam and the political pamphlets of the year of 
the production of Meliticourt, which have been described by Buxton 
Fonuan as having been written ' to awaken the better classes of 
his conn try men and countrywomen from their apathy, and startle 
them into a moral and intellectual fermentation calculated to bring 
about reform in all departments — radical, sweeping, and conclusive,' 
Mr Forester resembles Shelley in that he is a philosopher and both 
Shelley and Peacock in that he is an unbeliever and reformer, 
although as regards the last respect his standpoint approaches 
nearer to that of Shelley than that of Peacock. The two pamphlets — 
A Proposal for Putting Reform to tlie Vote throughout tlie Kingdom 
and An Address to the People on tlie Death of Princess Charlotte — 
contain opinion* identical with those of the hero of the novel. 
Further, the outline of Mr Forester's character presents a contrast 
to the general trend of Peacock's ideas, but corresponds with those 
of Shelley. Esjiecially in connection with his broad and far-reaching 
views on reform generally, his self-denial and altruistic efforts, 
he is representative of the poet rather than the novelist. Ho 
is the author's tribute to the uprightness of character possessed by 
his younger contemporary. The account given by Mr Forastjer of his 
ideal of womanhood agrees with that of Shelley, and is jmrticnlarly 
interesting, as the latter had about this time been drawn to Mary 
(iodwin by the same attributes that are here described, and repelled 
from his first wife by the want of them. From this short comparison 
it follows that we have here, in many points, a picture of Shelley as 
he then was. It should not be forgotten that some of Mr Forester's 
opinions, which might at first sight be looked upon as being exclusively 
a reproduction of those of the author, were shared by Shelley. The 
latter was, like Peacock — to quote one instance — unable to grasp the 
economic changes brought about by the industrial development conse- 
quent upon the introduction of machinery. This attitude was, perhaps, 
in both eases due to Godwin, to whom Shelley at any rate was much 
indebted lor many of his opinions and who found himself in the same 
difficulty. Here and there Mr Forester, however, exhibits a trait, 
discloses a habit, or ia the exponent of an opinion peculiar to Peacock. 
One instance of this is his advocacy of the Anti-saccharine League, 



A. B. YOUNG 



231 



which is simply the reproduction of an interesting episode in the 
author's own life. For more noticeable, however, is the fact that 
Mr Forester is the representative of the deteriorationist views of 
Mr Escot of Headlong Hall, and thus of views held by Peacock and 
directly antagonistic to those of his friend. It is this attitude of 
Mr Forester that might induce one to think that Peacock intended 
in this character to impersonate himself. 

The third novel, Nightmare Abbey, appeared in 181K and was 
written in the ten or eleven months succeeding the publication of 
Melincourt. This novel contains the character of Seythrop which 
.Shelley claimed, as its creator tells us, for himself. The enthusiasm of 
an idealist and reformer, devoted to the cause of agitating against many 
of the institutions which are generally acknowledged to be the founda- 
tion of social order, resulting from a hatred of government or aversion 
to Christianity, had already formed the butt of Peacock's satire in 
the first two novels. The latter was also partly convinced of the 
advisability of an alteration in some of the forms of society, but 
laughed at the vigorous attempt of an impetuous friend to put every- 
thing right at a moment's notice, Seythrop dotes 'on the practicability 
of reviving a confederation of regenerators,' and writes a treatise which 
does not meet with the success he had anticipated for it. In his disap- 
pointment at being informed by his publisher that only seven copies 
have been disposed of, he does not despair. 'Seven copies have been 
sold. Seven is a mystical number and the oinen is good. Let me 
rind the seven purchasers of my seven copies, and they shall be 
ihe seven gold candlesticks with which I will illuminate the world.' 
Obviously an allusion to the Dublin pamphlet. A Proposal for <tn 
Association of Philanthropists, we have here the expression of resolute 
adhesion to a standpoint once taken up, and the sanguine belief in 
eventual success, so characteristic of Shelley. The following extract 
from one of his letters — written in an unusually disconsolate tone — 
may be quoted as showing how little the result of his strenuous 
efforts in Ireland corresponded with his expectations; — 'The associa- 
tion proceeds slowly, and I fear will not be established. Prejudices 
are so violent, in contradiction to my principles, that more hate me 
as a freethinker than love me as a votary of freedom. I have at least 
made a stir here, and set some men's minds afloat. I may succeed, 
but I fear I shall not, in the main object of associations.' Nightmare 
Abbey is further noteworthy as containing many direct references to 
Shelley's life. Since there are allusions enough that cannot be mis- 



232 Shelley and Peacock 

taken, it is unnecessary to make any forced comparisons as, for instance, 
between Nightmare Abbey and Field Place or Christopher dowry and 
Sir Timothy Shelley, even though in both cases points of resemblance 
art not altogether wanting. Very plain, and impossible to be over- 
looked, is the account of Shelley's education at Eton, 'a public school 
where a little learning was painfully beaten into him,' and Oxford, 'the 
University where it was carefully taken out of him.' As Shelley's 
engagement to his cousin Harriet Grove was abruptly broken off soon 
after his expulsion from Oxford, so that of Scythrop, after his quitting 
the University, with his cousin Emily Girouette, and in both cases the 
lady proceeds with all haste to many another gentleman. Indeed, the 
material which constitutes the slight plot of the tale is nothing but 
a satire upon one of the most painful incidents in Shelley's career. 
The latter had, in the year preceding the publication of Nightmare 
Abbey, abandoned Harriet Westbrook for Mary Godwin, owing partly to 
the inability of his first wife to ' feel poetry and understand philosophy.' 
Peacock has made Scythrop's transference of affection from Mariouetta 
to Stella due to an identical motive, and has described the two aspi- 
rants for his love in a manner that makes it easy to identify that 
they are intended for the two ladies between whom Shelley for a time, 
as Scythrop, ' was like a shuttlecock between two battledores, changing 
its direction as rapidly as the oscillations of a pendulum.' Gradually 
Scythrop's love for Marionetta appears as an illusion, his enthusiasm 
spends itself, as he recognises that she is only interested in trivial 
matters, and has no interest for his mental occupations, in the same 
way that Shelley turned from Harriet because, as Peacock states in 
his Memoirs, 'he had found in another the intellectual qualities which 
constituted his ideality of the partner of his life.' The attempt of 
Scythrop's father and uncle to prevent his marriage schemes irresistibly 
recall Shelley's belief in his father's and uncle's designs on his liberty, 
and very pointed, as Buchanan says, is the scene where the distracted 
Scythrop threatens his father to commit suicide. As the tale humour- 
ously ends with Scythrop being deserted by Marionetta and Stella, 
there is nothing offensive to propriety in the plot, which does not turn 
upon the infraction of any particular commandment as the development 
of the corresponding events in Shelley's life did, or as has been stated 
of Goethe's drama that deals with a similar problem, and which has 
supplied Miss Celinda Flosky in the novel with another name. 




THE PHONETICAL EXPLANATIONS OF 
VERNER'S LAW. 



An examination of the literature dealing with Verner's Law reveals 
many discrepancies of opinion in regard to its phonetical basis. Verner 
himself, as is well known, gave an explanation which led him to see in 
his law the effects of a stress-accent ; and this became the common 
opinion, although it has met at least once, and quite recently, with 
direct contradiction. But even among those who uphold the stress 
theory, the explanations offered differ in various important details, some 
writers emphasizing points which are passed over in silence by others. 
Moreover, the attitude of different writers to the explanations seems 
often to be quite subjective. Thus the comparative confidence of 
Brugmann's statement 1 : 'dem verstarkten Luftstrom der haupttonigen 
Wortsilbe ist cs zuzuschreiben, dass die stimmlosen Spiranten hinter 
dem Wortacccnt stimmlos blieben ' is in marked contrast to the more 
cautious assertion of Del br tick' : ' die Verwandlung der tonlosen Spirans 
IS die tonende hangt also sicher mit dem Accent zusammen...und zwar 
wahrscheinlich [italics are mine] mit der Verwandlung eines tlberwiegend 
musikalischen in einen tlberwiegend exspiratorischen Accent' 

I propose in the present paper in the first place, to pass in review 
the various explanations of the law which have come under my notice, 
and to coordinate, as far as possible, those that appear correct. The 
various points of difference among writers on the subject have not yet 
been fully discussed in their relatl n to basic principles. Chronological 
order, it may be add: d, ; s not aunered to. In the second place, I would 
raise the question as to whether the phonetical explanation < ' Verner's 
Law is merely— as would seem to be generally held — a hyp L thesis, or 
whether it may be regarded as a verifiable deduction from historical 
facts. 






234 The Phonetical Explanation* of Verner's 

The most recent attempt to explain Verner's Low is that put ft 
by H. Z. Kip 1 . This need not detain us long, as it is obvious that 
author has completely failed to grasp the nature of the problem 
which he deals. For Kip. the whole crux of the problem lies ir 
voicing of the originally voiceless aspirants, and his article is 
sequently devoted entirely to the explanation of this voicing. It 
plain, however, that the real difficulty is not to explain why a larg 
number of the spirants were voiced, but rather to explain w 
others were not voiced. An explanation which, like Kip's, is direct 
towards reconstructing conditions which are supposed to be apecia 
favourable to the voicing process must necessarily be one-sided aw 
inadequate. 

It ia a matter of experience that voiceless consonants standi 
between sonants frequently become voiced, and the accepted explanati 
of this phenomenon is that in such cases the process is to be regarc 
as a partial assimilation of the sounds in question. The voicing of 
spirants under Yenier's Law is plainly a particular instance • : 
general phenomenon. That is, however. Dot a sufficient explanation 
Kip's evis. According to his view, the voicing of spirants occurrin 
batWMD BDmntH can only have taken place when bttti the sonants w 
accented. Thus, a hypothetical form ujw could only become ooo wl 
the original ftmn was stressed on both syllables, in other words, 1 
what is called level' stress. Such a theory is obviously 
hv I he Inter history of the Germanic dialects, in which toiceieas 
frequently become voteed between vowels under circumstances w! 
completely preclude the idea of the presence of level stress. Apar 
from this, there is no evidence that a firm upu with equal stress on 
syllables shows a tendency to become afa. In other words, it is a 
assumption on Kip's part that level stress u particularly favourable 
voicing of consonants. The evidence of Modem English, in which 1< 
stress is common, seems rather to contradict this. We may therefor* 
sum np Kip's phonetical i, h explanation of Verner's Law by sayin 
firstly, that it is unnecessary, because the particular phenomena 
which he addresses httnself had already been adequately explain* 
secondly, that it is incorrect, because the new meter he introdnces duo 
not exert the influence which he attributes u> it. Since Kip's phonetic* 
theory is false, it is not necessary to refute his equally unteu 
attempt to daw the Uw in * hypothetical ume of transition (subseqi 
to the period of the free accent in l^cntanie) when the tendency tow 
• JW«wr,r<»«(Hm,tKti-t ?, v i a M*. L™,. S**m, a, ff- 16 



A. WILLIAMS 



235 



retracting the accent led, as he supposes, to forms with level stress 
(fapjr >fa\>&r >fatier). It may be mentioned, however, that even if we 
grant that level stress existed at this transition stage, it could still not 
be applied, as Kip desires, to explain the presence of the voiced con- 
sonant in many examples. Kip's theory, even if it wore correct so tar 
as phonetica! principles are concerned, could not explain the voiced 
consonant in an example such as Gothic bairada, since he would have 
no means of showing that a level stress on the twu final syllables of such 
a word ever existed. The same objection woidd obviously apply in all 
cases in which the consonant was separated from the accent by an 
intervening syllable. 

I turn now to the explanation given by Gautiot 1 which possesses 
interest as the only attempt, so far as I have been able to ascertain, to 
refer Verner's Law to the action of a pitch accent. Unfortunately this 
theory also rests on airy foundations and may therefore be dismissed in 
a few words. The basis for Gautiot's whole construction is W acker- 
nagel's Law of the development of I. E. intervocalic is in Greek, and his 
own interpretation of the nature of the Greek musical accent. The 
first he claims as a parallel to Verner's Law, but unfortunately it is an 
extremely doubtful one, since Wackcrnagel's Law is far from being 
universally accepted 3 , and, this being so, an attempt to apply it for the 
explanation of Vomer's Law is little more than a forlorn hope. His 
interpretation of the Greek accent I am not competent to judge, 
although, so far as I see, it differs very considerably from the views of 
other scholars. Whether it is right or wrong, does not, however, 
concern us here, since, unless Wackeruagel's Law can be shown to be a 
certainty, there is no sufficient evidence to prove that the Greek accent 
produced effects similar to those of the Germanic accent. Gautiot's 
phonetical explanation therefore remains a hypothesis ; it has no basis 
in reality since, apart from the parallel of Greek already mentioned and 
the very distant one of Barlholomae's Law in Zend, he brings forward 
no verifying examples, either historical or modern. It is true, room 
for his hypothesis would still remain, if he had disposed of the stress 
explanation of his predecessors. This, however, he has not seriously 
attempted to do. The adherents of the stress theory are dismnsed 
with no further comfort than the fallowing* : ■ il n'existe en efiet pas de 
relation phonetique entre la production de la sonorite (contraction uius- 
culaire des levres de la glotte) et 1'intensite (force du couraat d'air 

1 Mmoira de la in 
' See Brugmann, (i 
' Gsutiot, 1. c. p. 



236 The Phonetical Explanations of Verner's Law 

expiratoire, d'une part, resistance des obstacles buccaux. d'autre part).' 
This seems to mean that the force of the breath -current never exercises 
any influence on the voicing or unvoicing of a consonant, an ajrinioB 
which hardly requires refutation. 

Gautiot's conception that the chord vibration at the end of a 
musically accented vowel tends to come to a sudden end 1 , and that this 
sudden conclusion of the vibration protects a following voiceless sound 
against voicing may or may not be correct. I see, however, no possibility 
of demonstrating its truth and removing it from the region of pure 
conjecture. In singing, a voiced stop or a spirant tends, I have noticed, 
to be unvoiced ; but this seems to be a consequence of the fact that 
such a consonant sung at a fixed pitch does not produce the effect of a 
unit speech -sound, but rather of the effect of two separate sounds (one 
a noise produced in the mouth, the other a sort of muffled but fully 
voiced vowel) produced contemporaneously. This is easily understood 
when we reflect that voiced stops and spirants are not often fully voiced 
but rather murmured, and the ' Murmelstimme' does not easily lend itself 
to the production of fixed pitch-ratios. If now the movement of musical 
accent ever tended to remain within fixed relations of pitch, i.e. musical 
intervals, so that musical notes of fixed pitch fell to the 'accented' 
syllables, it is conceivable that voiced stops and buzzes should be treated 
as they often are in singing. But such an accent plainly would do 
more than protect voiceless consonants ; it would certainly unvoice 
voiced ones, and of this there is, of course, no trace in VernerB Law. 

A third explanation of Verner's Law is that given by Wundt in the 
first part of his ViUkerpsyrhalntjie. and in connection with his ingenious 
explanation of the Germanic Consonant -shifting. Unfortunately, 
shown by his linguistic critics, Wundt did not realize fully the historical 
facts with regard to the phenomena of Verner's Law. His explanation 
can therefore here be passed over 1 . 

I come now to an explanation of Vomer's Law, which in its origins 
goes back to Verner himself, although, as can be shown, all Verner's 
conceptions of the phnnetical processes involved were not correct. The 
modification proposed by Sievers, however, admits, as I believe, of proof. 
It may be shown in the form not of a hypothesis, but a deduction from 
the facts. The now accepted formula for Verner's Law is a modification 
of that given by its discoverer, and was stated by Paul 1 , whom all 

1 Gautiot, !. o. p. 196. 

1 Cf. Siitterlin, Dai H'aen dtr tprachlichcn Grbilde, p. 43; Dulbriick, Grundfragen 
dtv Xprachfonchtmg, p. 104; Wundt, Die Spraeht, i. p. 433. 
1 Panl and Braune's BeitrSge, vt. p. 539. 



R. A. WILLIAMS 



237 



modern authorities follow, as may be seen by a reference to the hand- 
books (Brugmann, Streitberg, Noreen, etc.). Paul's formula for the law 
is as follows: 'die nach Vollzug der germanischen Verschiebung vor- 
handenen vier harten Reibelaute h,^,/,s sind ausser in den Verbind- 
ungen lit, As, ft, at, sk, sp, ss erweicht, wenn der nachstvorhergehende 
Sonant nicht nach der ursprunglichen Betonung den Hauptton trug.' 

It will be noticed that this formula contains nothing but a statement 
of historical facts. It connects the variation between the voiceless and 
voiced spirants with the original position of the accent, but it says 
absolutely nothing about the causes involved. The aim of a phonetical 
explanation must be to show phonetical causes which could produce the 
effects in question. This may be attempted in two ways: either by 
erecting a hypothesis which suits the facts and therefore serves to 
explain them, or, better still, by reasoning deductively from the effects 
as they are stated in the law to causes lying behind them. A deductive 
process of this sort is possible when sufficient suitable inductions based 
on experience are at our disposal. Such inductions have been arrived 
at as a result of investigations into the general phonetic conditions 
governing sound -changes. These results have been most ably and 
exhaustively summarized in Sievers' Grumhiige der Phonetik, to which 
frequent reference will be made in the following. 

The explanation of Verner's Law entails the elucidation of four 
different points: (1) The voicing of the spirants/ ]>, it, % in the middle 
of words and between sonants. (2) The preservation of these spirants 
unvoiced behind a preceding accented sonant. (3) The preservation of 
these spirants in most cases in the beginning of words. (4) The voicing 
of these spirants at the end »f words. 

No. 1 presents no particular difficulty, because such voicing of 
spirants is, as already remarked above, a very common phenomenon, 
and appears in general as a result of partial assimilation, entailed by 
the presence of neighbouring voiced sounds'. As this condition is 
present under Verner's Law, Vemer himself was quite justified in 
attributing the process to assimilation, in which contention he has 
rightly been supported by most of his successors. Later observations 
however led to a more precise conception of the whole process. These 
pointed to the circumstance that fortis spirants are able to resist the 
nasi m ilation, which therefore only affects lenis spirants 1 . The spirants 



' Cf. BicvHP, QtmWt**, S797. 

1 Sievere in Paul's Uriiwdrm, i', 313 ; Qrundiiige*. § 796. Wiliunnns ihun eiplai 
111* roiciiiK of German intervocalic «, cf. Dtuticht Graminiitik. I 3 , 5 105, Anmerkung 1. 



238 The Phonetical Explanations of Verner's Law 

f> h *• X mU9t therefore have been lenes at the time when they became 
fi, 5, z, j. But their history points to their having been originally 
fortes, since three of them developed out of ph, tli, kh 1 . The first step 
therefore in the development to S, 3, j, z was the weakening of originally 
fortis/ j>, x- s t« voiceless lenes. This division of the development into 
two successive stages clears the way for the explanation of point 2 : 
the preservation of/, p. ■%, s by a preceding accented sonant. 

So far as assimilating forces are concerned, the voiceless spirants 
here preserved under Vemer's Law are exposed to the same conditions 
as those which were voiced, i.e. they are surrounded by voiced sounds. 
It is clear, therefore, that if those which were voiced had sunk 
first to lenes, those which remained unvoiced must have resisted the 
weakening process, must, in other words, have remained fortes. It 
therefore becomes possible to say that the accented sonant preserved a 
following fortis spirant from being weakened to a lenis. As there is 
nothing in the nature of the sonant as such to explain this, we are 
forced to the conclusion that it was the I.E. accent which preserved the 
fortis spirant, and the question remains to be answered, of what nature 
was this accent? In other words, was it a musical accent or a stress 
accent at the time of the working of Verner's Law ? An answer to this 
question can be given by considering the nature of fortis and lenis 
consonants on the one hand, of stress (expiratory accent) and pitch 
(musical accent) on the other. The difference between fortis and lenis 
consonants is conditioned by differences of force (i.e. breath-pressure). 
A fortis /differs i.-ssontially from a lenis/in being pronounced with | 
higher degree of breath -pressure. Stress also depends on differences 
of breath -pressure, whereas musical accent, pitch, is not necessaril 
regulated by such, but by the muscular adjustment of the vocal chore 
These facts suggest at once that if the presence or absence of a f< 
regulated by accent, that accent will be a stress rather than a musict 
one, which is further borne out by experience. From the preservatioi 
of the fortis under Verner's Law we are therefore able to deduce thi 
presence of a stress accent. 

The above argumentation leads to the explanation of Verner's Law 
as formulated by Sievers- : ' Die aus den indog. Yerschlussfortes p, t, i 
durch die Lautversehiebung hervorgegangenen Fortes /, p, % i 
Wortinnern uud Woitseh hisses erhielten sich, wie K. Verner gezeigt h 



1 Cf. Slr.'ilht'rR, 1'riirrmitnitrhr Driimm/ilik, § 115. 

'' GnmUUgr iter Phonelik*, $ 831. It will be noticed that point 2 of the requin 
ivh is not touched on in this formula. 



R. A. WILLIAMS 239 

nnr im Nachlaut der indog. Starktonsilbe ; im Nachlaut nicht haupt- 
toniger Silben sanken sie dugegen zunachst zu stimmlosen Lenes herab, 
um weiter in die stimmhaften Lenes 6, 8. }. iiberzugehen.' We can hardly, 
however, rest content at this point and consider all difficulties removed, 
if we regard other cases of the relationship of stress and spirants. 

We have already seen that a stress accent preserved a following 
voiceless spirant in words of the form rf j«t. In this connection our 
attention is arrested by the fact that in many instances more recent 
than Verner's Law, the voiceless spirant has not been preserved by a 
stress accent. As a result, many of the spirants preserved by Verner's 
Law become voiced at a later period even when the relative position of 
the spirant to the stress is the same as under the law. Thus brdtyer 
becomes in A.S., O.S., O.N., O. Fris., brfaer. If we consider A.S. brdSer 
by itself, and ask ourselves why the stress did not preserve a fortis |> — 
which it plainly did not, else no voicing could have taken place (see also 
p. 252 below) — the obvious reply is that the syllabic division in br&ter lay- 
between the 6 and the Pi, and that consequently the stress lying on the 
first syllable could not affect the spirant at the beginning of the second. 
The deduction from this would be to the effect that the syllabic division 
at the time of Verner's Law was different from that obtaining later. 
Vgrma actually held this view 1 , and regarded it as indubitable that we 
have to divide yiioWr, bnty-er, etc. This seems also to be Kluge's view*, 
though held with less confidence by him. Simple, however, as this 
explanation may seem there are great difficulties in its way. Outside 
of the law thus construed little else points to the syllables reconstructed 
by Verner. The late O.N. rhymes cited by him, and the A.S. rhymes 
cited by Kluge in support of this construction are quite inconclusive, 
and scholars in general seem of opinion that the primitive Germanic 
syllables were/«-fler, bro-\er, etc., just as we find thern in historic times. 
This being so, we should have to regard Verner's syllable division, if a 
necessary consequence of the stress explanation of his law, as a reductio 
ad absurdum of that explanation. In consequence of thiB our first 
attempt to account for the different effect of the stress at different 
times, breaks down. It may, however, be objected that we are not 
dhli^ <| in compare the later form DrRMr with the primitive Germanic 
broker', because we cannot expect sound changes at different times and 
in different places to take the same course. This objection, however, 

1 Kahn'fl ZtiUchrift, ran, 117. 

' Vorgtueliir.liif >Ue alt germ, lh.ikklr. % 71 «nd S 30, in Paul's Gruiiilri-*, I s . 
' Kut convenience 6»ke I itmy be permitted to use this form rather than the hrpo- 
theticitlly mors correct britySr, 



240 The Phonetical Explanations of Venter's Law 

does not hold good in this instance. In the explanation of Verner's 
Ijiw given above, the stress is regarded as the cause of the preservation 
of the fortis spirant, and that preservation as the effect of the cause. 
In briiSer compared with broker, cause and conditions remain apparently 
the same, and we have therefore first to explain the difference in the 
effect of the cause. This may be attempted in various ways. It is 
possible (1) that in the case of Verner's Law the accent is only the pre- 
disposing cause, and the preservation of the fortis spirants is the result 
of a factor which remains unknown, If this be so, then this unknown 
factor must be assumed to be absent when at a later period the spirant 
becomes voiced. From a phonetic point of view such an explanation, 
involving an unknown external cause, is unsatisfactory, and could only 
be allowed in case no purely phonetic explanation were available. 
(2) We may assume that, although the phonetical cause and conditions 
remain unvaried, other unknown conditions (e.g. of a psychological 
order) are altered and interfere, in the case of briMer, with the action of 
the cause as we see it in broper. Here again we abandon the possibility 
of a purely phonetic explanation suiting both cases. (3) We may 
assume that the cause (stress) in the first instance (broper), though 
apparently remaining uniform in the second, is in reality varied in such 
a manner as not to exercise the same effect. Here a phonetic ex- 
planation may still be looked for and the question becomes therefore 
the following : What variations of the phonetic conditions of stress are 
possible of such a nature as to suit the two examples before us ? 

The first answer to this question might be that stress is a purely 
relative conception. That syllable in a word is said to be stressed 
which is spoken with more force than other syllables in the same word. 
But these degrees of force may vary. Under certain conditions a 
syllable which is relatively unstressed might actually be spoken with 
more force than a syllable which under other conditions is relatively 
stressed, compared with still weaker syllables. In other words, the 
degree of force which produces stress, is not constant in all times and 
places. Consequently the stress in one language may represent ; 
habitually greater degree of force (i.e. breath -pressure or lung- pressure) 
than in another language. One has then a strong, the other a wes 
stress- accent. It might be expected that a language with a weak 
stress-accent would show different effects of the accent compared with 
one having a strong stress-accent. We might then be tempted to see 
in brdper the consequence of a strong, in brdtSer the consequence of a 
weak stress. Such an explanation is, apart from other considerations, 



R. A. WILLIAMS 



241 



not altogether acceptable for the reason that we select, in giving it, 
hypothetical conditions which are particularly favourable to an ex- 
planation. If we desire to proceed rigorously, we must look for an 
explanation which satisfies the case in which the conditions are not 
obviously favourable to such an explanation. That is to say, we must 
look for an explanation to satisfy the assumption that the stress does 
not vary in the way above indicated as possible, but remains practically 
constant in terms of breath -pressure. 

We have already seen that a possible explanation of the non-action 
of the stress in the case of A.S. broSer is the position of the syllabic 
boundary bro-tier, but that this does not justify us in assuming that the 
syllabic boundary in broker lay behind the spirant. Why then could 
the influence of the stress extend across that boundary in the first case, 
but not in the second ? This question brings us to regard more closely 
the nature of the Byllabic boundary. So far we have only regarded the 
possibility of its varying its position, without considering whether in 
a constant position it may not vary in other ways. We have hence 
assumed tacitly that it must represent a constant hindrance to the 
effect of the Btress on a following consonant, so long as its position 
remains constant. This may, I believe, be shown not to be true. In 
considering the nature of the syllabic boundary we must direct our 
attention to questions of the intensity of the breath -pressure, or as it is 
sometimes called the ' lung- pressure.' 

The syllabic boundary represents a point of lower pressure between 
two points of higher pressure. (We are of course so far only operating 
with ' Drucksilben ' ; 'Schallsilben' in view of the great doubts as to 
their antiquity must be left out of the question, so long as the other 
species offer any real services in our task of explanation.) There is, of 
course, no interruption of the breath -c u rren t ; we have a more or less 
gradual diminution of this current followed by a more or less gradual 
augmentation. The syllabic boundary is the point of least pressure 
reached during the diminution. This point, however, does not represent 
a fixed minimum in terms of breath -pressure-. In other words the 
diminution above referred to may be less or it may be greater; for the 
purposes of syllabic formation it is only necessary that it should be 
recognisable. This being so there are certain inferences which are 
obvious if we consider the ease of a consonant between two vowels and 
belonging to the second syllable, e.g. a-fa. Here it is clear that if the 
diminution to the syllabic boundary be only the recognizable minimum, 
the following f is likely to be a stronger consonant than if the dimi- 



242 The Phonelical Explanations of Vernier's Law 

nution be greater than that minimum. For even if the succeeding 
augmentation in the latter case be equal (which is not necessarily so) to 
the diminution, the consequent rise in pressure will affect the second 
vow.l a, rather than the consonant f in accordance with the general 
axiom that the breath -pressure tends to be concentrated in the sonant 
of a syllable 1 . It will furthermore be seen that if in one instance the 
first syllable has the stress and if in another instance it is unstressed, 
while the degree of diminution to the syllabic boundary remains un- 
changed, the /'is certain to be a stronger consonant in the first than in 
the second instance, because m the one instance the syllabic boundary 
represents a lower degree, in the other a higher degree of pressure. 

We have now a key to the whole situation. If we take the form 
d-fa and consider it by itself we can say that the fortis or lenis character 
of the / depends on the degree to which the diminution approaches or 
recedes from the recognizable minimum. A form like the primitive 
Germanic brd-]>er therefore represents a diminution in pressure from 
the stress level which approaches clasely or coincides with the recog- 
nizable minimum; a form like A.S. brd-Ver (or better the transition 
stage to this with lenis b) represents one in which the diminution is 
considerably greater than the minimum. On the other hand, primitive 
br6-\>er, compared with fa-Kir, depends on the fact that so long as the 
diminution is not greater in the first than in the second, the following 
consonant is bound to have more of fortis character in onf-ber than in 
fa-Sir, which again means that the weakening of the fortis will be con- 
trolled by the relative position of the stress, so long as the diminution 
tends to the minimum. To sum up: these considerations of the con- 
ditions of pressure governing the syllabic boundary explain to us why 
the influence of stress on a following consonant is not necessarily uniform, 
and therefore give us an answer to the question on p. 240. Since they 
further show why the position of the consonant in a stressed or un- 
stnssril syllable (fa-Mr, be-ra-tSai, brS-^er) is immaterial, we see how 
unnecessary was Verner's conception of a harmony by which voiceless 
consonant (i.e. fortis) and stressed syllable, voiced consonant (i.e. lenis) 
and unstressed syllabic were connected together, a conception which of 
necessity led to his incorrect deduction with regard to the position of 
the syllabic boundary in primitive Germanic. 

The third point (p. 237), which requires explanation must now be 
considered. VetlM excepted the spirant in the word-onsound from his 
law, but gave no phonetical explanation of this. Perhaps he did not 
1 Cf. Sievem in Paul's Gnmdrtet, C, p. 306 ; QnituUnge 1 , g 539. 



R. A. WILLIAMS 



243 



regard himself as under any necessity to do so, since he only stated his 
law for the mid-sound and off-sound of words. It is perhaps hardly 
necessary to enquire here whether this procedure was correct or not, 
although it may be noted that Sweet supplied the omission, by asserting 
that the spirant in the beginning of words was not subjected to the 
same conditions of assimilation as the spirant in the middle of words'. 
So soon, however, as the attempt was made to extend Verner's Law to 
the onsound of words, it became necessary to consider the relationship 
of the word-onsound to the phonetic principle of Verner's Law. The 
first step towards that extension of the law was taken by Kluge*. who 
proved that Verner's Law applied to the onsound of the second element 
of compounds. Bugge' went a step further and tried to prove the same 
for the free onsound, with at least partial success. Neither of these 
investigators however considered the bearing of his theory on the 
phonetical explanation of the law. 

We proceed to enquire in how far theoretical grounds exempt the 
word-onsound from the action of the law, or otherwise. We have seen 
that the first step towards voicing of the original voiceless spirant was 
weakening from a fortis to a lenis. The first question, therefore, that 
arises in connection with the onsound is, whether the spirant in that 
position was of necessity exempted from the weakening. To this we can 
only reply that, given the free accent of the period, there is no reason 
why the onsound should be any more exempt than the mid-sound. In 
other words in a {»vm fti-\>e'r >fu-5er there is no reason why the/ should 
not generally speaking (for an exception see below) have been weakened 
as well as the b. In this connection we may remember that at a later 
period x > ^'< m other words, at some time, was reduced to a lenis -%. 
This development takes place not only in the word interior hut also at 
the beginning of words, which proves that the onsound does not neces- 
sarily protect a fortil consonant against weakening. The same is proved 
in modem examples, e.g. by the dialect of Pernegg, in which f, s, i are 
li'iirs in i he word-beginning 4 . Why then are there so few cases of 
voicing in the free onsound ? This, I think, may be made clear by 
adapting Sweet's explanation referred to above. The conditions of 
voicing were not so perfect in the case of the onsound. We may argue 



1 jliiinri/ nf Kmjthh Sound*, 8 31-'), Sweet indeed speuka of ' weakening' (not a 
kiiim), but pluiiilv ragMdl thil weakening process as an assimilatory one. 

! Kulin'a Zrittchrifl, uvi, pp. 82 ff. 

» Paul unJ Iimiiie'a lltitrllgt, ill, pp. 399 ff. 

• Lcssislt, Hit ilundart t-on Ptrniff ia KiirnHm, 5 11, Paul and Braune'a Da 
ixvm, pp. 1 ff. 



244 The Phonelical Explanations of Vemer's Law 

as follows: The conditions governing the on sound of words are not 
constant, but vary with the position of the word in the sentence. If the 
word fa-\ir stood at the beginning of the sentence the / would be 
reduced, but not probably voiced ; if it were preceded by a word ending 
in an unaccented sonant it would be reduced and voiced; if it were 
preceded by a word ending in an accented vowel, the/would be neither 
reduced nor voiced (Fa-]>4r>fa-8fr; -a Ftt-]>e'r>-u oa-Mer ; -<} Fa-p4>> 
-a Fa-Sir, where /'stands for fortis,/for voiceless lenis). 

The Germanic languages have seldom been so amenable to the 
influences of 'Satz-sandhi' as to rest content with such a multiplicity of 
forms as the above. The greater uniformity of later times can only be 
attributed to analogical processes which favoured the voiceless con- 
sonant in the main, whereas the fact that a few voiced forms survived 
this process need not be regarded as surprising, nor as necessarily calling 
for a separate explanation in each case. 

The credit of directing attention to the settlement of these analogical 
processes belongs to Wilmanns 1 . According to him the conclusion of 
the historical processes grouped under Vemer's Law was only reached 
in the case of the word-onsound after the later retraction of the accent 
to the first syllable. In consequence of this, ' finden wir die erweichte- 
Spirans nicht im Anlaut betonter Worter, wohl aber im Anlaut der 
unbetonten Partikel ga-,... und zuweilen im Anlaut eines zweiten 
Kompositionsgliedes.' The deciding factor in the whole development is 
the final position of the Btress. 

The explanation is therefore : The doublets which must originally 
have arisen through the action of Vemer's Law in the woni-onsound (as 
shown above) were got rid of after the retraction of the accent by 
levelling out. In most cases the voiceless consonant was levelled out 
because the drawing back of the accent put the stress on the first 
syllable of words (e.g. fn'Sev). Where this was not the case the voiced 
consonant got the upper hand (e.g. .?«-). That the voiceless consonant 
carried the day in the first instance would doubtless be owing to the 
existence of the emphatic forms. That is to say, the three Sandhi- 
t'orms mentioned above, viz. Fafter, Jailer, tkiSer, would still exist for 
some time after the accent receded. Of these the emphatic form would 
naturally be the one with the voiceless fortis, and as the emphatic form, 
jt would prove stronger than the other two when levelling began. 
Equally natural is the favouring of the voiced consonant in the un- 



§ 24. This passage has been completely r 




A. WILLIAMS 



245 



stressed proclitic syllables. This, as we shall see, occurred also in the 
end-syllables which were unstressed after the recession of the accent. 
The treatment of the spirant in the onsound and offsound of wordB was, 
so to speak, correlative. 

In connection with the above remarks it may be recalled that 
Noreen' restricts the effects of Sandhi to enclitic and proclitic forms of 
pronouns and the like. I see no reason for this. Even when the stress 
is fixed later on the first syllable, fortes at the beginning of that syllable, 
as shown above, may sink to lenes (and that is the most important 
phonetical result involved in Verner's Law). Much more then would 
this be the case under a free accent; is not e.g. the first syllable of 
fa-Sdr a proclitic syllable to all intents and purposes under the free 
accent ? It is further to be noted, that various of Noreen's suggestions 
to explain the presence of voiced consonants without an appeal to the 
law, can also be employed to explain why the later analogical processes 
did not establish the voiceless consonant in all cases. For example, if 
the second member of a compound supplanted the simple form 
('simplex'), this is all the more easily understood if the 'simplex' had 
doublets, one of which coincided with this compounded form. 

In discussing the fourth point mentioned above, we notice first the 
obvious fact that the spirant in the word-end cannot have been always 
exposed to the same conditions of voicing as the spirant in the word- 
middle, although it must have been reduced to a lenis when not 
protected by an accented sonant. When followed, for example, by a 
word beginning with a voiceless consonant, it cannot have been voiced, 
Wilmanns, indeed, goes further than this anil doubts the applicability 
of Verner's Law to the offsound in general. He says* : ' Das Verner'sche 
Gesetz brauchte im Auslaut nicht dieselbe Wirkung zu uben wie im 
Inlaut, da selbst vor vokalischem Anlaut die Bcdingungen andere waren. 
Denn in dcr Hegel wurde doeh wohl der vokalische Anlaut mit stinirolosem 
Einsatz gesprochen.' In so far, however, as the effect of the law was to 
preserve or reduce a tbrtis, it must have applied to the offsound. The 
only ground for hesitation lies in the possibilities of the subsequent 
voicing. With regard to this I see, however, no forcible reason to 
believe that a voiceless on-glide before initial vowels was more general 
in Primitive Germanic than it is in modem languages, in which it 
seems exceptional. The chief argument in support of its having been 
general, is the supposition that vowel alliteration in early alliterative 



246 The Phonetical Explanations of Verner's Law 

poetry implies the presence of the glottal catch. It only does so, how- 
ever, if we assume that vowels cannot alliterate without the glottal 
catch, whereas the opposite is proved by the frequent occurrence of 
vowel-alliteration in modem English poetry. On the other hand, 
vowel-alliteration is, so far as my observation goes, a comparatively 
rare phenomenon in modern German poetry, in spite of the existence 
of the glottal catch in that language. 

There can be little doubt that the spirant in the Germanic word- 
offsound must have been voiced under Sandhi conditions analogous to 
those already adduced for the spirant in the onsound. We find in later 
periods that circumstances obtain, which are the exact opposite of those 
governing the beginning of words, In the latter case the voiceless 
spirant, as mentioned above, was levelled out. In the former, we find 
the voiced spirant even in those endings which in the time of the free 
accent were sometimes accented, sometimes not, and for this reason 
alone must have appeared in double form after the working of Verner's 
Law (e.g. I. E. nominative ending -os, -is, -us > -az,-iz, -us). It is plain 
that here the voiced spirant was levelled out 1 . ThiB we can explain by 
an adaptation of Wilmanns' suggestion for the onsound. Just as in 
the onsound the voiceless spirant was levelled out because after the 
accent- re tract ion, the first syllable was accented, so in the offsound the 
voiced spirant was levelled out because after that event the end-syllables 
were unaccented. It is nut surprising that this levelling out was not 
carried through with absolute consistency in either case. In the first 
instance, some voiced spirants asserted themselves even in the word 
beginning. In the second instance, some voiceless spirants were retained 
in well-known examples, e.g. O.S. nominative plural -on, A.S. -as, as 
compared with O.N. -ar, O.H.G. -&; A.S. 3rd sing. -i]>> -e|>, compared 
with Gothic -*8>-tJ», O.H.G. -it. 

The explanation of Verner's Law as considered so far, rests upon 
certain deductions: e.g. from the fact that certain spirants became voiced, 
we may infer that they were lenis spirants. This deduction is further 
based on an induction, namely, that voiceless consonants become voiced 
only when they are lenes. It might therefore be claimed that if these 
inductions and deductions are correct, the explanation it-self is correct. 
It has, however, to be noted that the facts with which we are dealing 
are historical facts, and, being so, took place under conditions which 
we necessarily cannot accurately define in every detail. These facts, 
furthermore, as linguistic facts, were governed by psycho- physio logical 
1 Cf. Paul, Zym FffHWkM Geien, in Paul and Branne'e Beitriige, vi. 



A. WILLIAMS 



'247 



conditions, whereas our explanation for the greater part deals only with 
the physiological factors, neglecting the psychical. Under the circum- 
stances, it is natural to look for some means of verifying the results of 
our explanation. As experiment is — as yet at least — not applicable to 
the historical investigation of language, the next best method of verifi- 
cation is the production of parallel instances, occurring in other times 
and places, in which similar causes can be shown to produce similar 
effects. 

Various parallels have been suggested to Verner's Law ; but these 
have not always been apposite, e.g. Wackemagel's Law for Greek, 
Conway's attempt for Latin and allied dialects 1 . So far as verification 
of the theory of the law is concerned only such examples can be ad- 
mitted with any confidence which are found in modern living languages, 
where we can accurately judge of all the conditions under which the 
law works. Sweet has claimed that such a parallel occurs in modern 
English. This case he states as follows (New English Grit miliar, § MS): 
'Towards the end of the First MnE. period (*) preceded by a weak 
vowel and followed by a strong vowel became (z), whence the Present 
English distinction between ig.zoot and eksosaiz, the (s) being preserved 
unchanged in the latter word because it is followed by a weak vowel. 
Other examples are exhibit, compared with exhibition, example, aiu-ieti/ 
(:i'n-zaiiti) compared with (a?nfss), where the change of (s) into (0 is a 
late one, dessert, disease, dissolve, transact. Exceptions to this rule are 
the result of analogy. Thus absent owes its (s) to influence of the 
adjective absent (a?bsont), research to the influence of search.' To which 
I add that, as might be expected, the influence of analogy is variable; 
thus research is very frequently pronounced ' ri.zeBtf,' and resource is 
heard both with z and s. Kaluza points to a further exception in the 
case of s before accented u*, As u is then =_/?<«', the voiceless consonant 
is, of course, preserved by the influence of this (voiceless) j, and the 
exception is only apparent (cf. pursue, etc.). A further exception to the 
rule given above must be noted in all cases in which the sound s is 
written c, e.g. deceive, conceal, receipt, except, etc. This exception seems 
to me as, in all probability, due merely to the influence irf the written 
forms. At the time when the law operated, s was the traditional way 
of writing z in a gre.it many cases, but this did not hold good for c, a 
fact to which in the Mn. period, we are certainly justified in assigning 

1 Cf. Brunmsnn, Kitint VtriiUii-h,-tui,- (immnmUk, I, p. 63: 
iiriil^, -Sil/.i'H (if« WorlflkKents im ltd. Bind nirht anf gf fundi' n.' 
to mill be fonnd in Conway's VrriierS Laic in Italy, 1887. 

' Hitlarische Gramuintik dtr tuiili-rluit Spracht, § 411, Aninerkung 2. 



248 The Phoiu-.tical Explanations of Venter's hxw 

j/n iif iriijxirtariftr. It is interesting to note in this connection, that 
deceive occurs dialectieally with a*, although as the law we are dealing 
with belongs to the literary language, it is doubtful whether wee 
niiike here a definite confirmatory employment of that fact. Words 
irUcfa b*M *» " r *c vary, but favour the voiceless sound — eg. discern: 
descend, etc. ; dissolve ; assert, assign, etc. This is also a consequence of 
Ihc iiiMiifiici' of the orthography, as is proved by the fact that the 
pwiwnndog dfeliantrMI of the eighteenth centnry show the theoretic*] 
pronunciation of assign etc. with a geminate. 

It p 'iiuiiriH bo enquire critically into Sweet's claim that we have in 
tbjl law <w stated by him', an analogy to Verner's Law. Although i 
|| nbvimis that Sweet's formula, given above, does not contain the 
-ainr nfjiU-mriit of cause ami effect, as is implied in the explai 

\ , | Jt w, I think the result of such an enquiry will be to c 

1 1„. oaBMtDM of his claim. 

Sweet says that in a word like dissolution, the * is preserved becaui 
ii. jh tiiltowed by a weak vowel. This s is, however, a fortis, and thei 
can, therefore, l>e little doubt that that is the real reason of its bein 
preserved unvoiced. On the other hand, in dissolve, the s has become 
voiced, which can only be understood according to the principles we 
have observed so far, by assuming that it had first been reduced to a 
him. If now dissolution : dissolve represent cases of the preservation 
nnd weakening of a fortis spirant, it is obvious that the stress is the 
governing factor. It preserves the following fortis, but cannot preserve 
the preceding one. If this is true, we may expect to find that so far a 
the strength of the s is concerned, the first phonetical conditions for 
roicilUC will be present in deceive, i.e. to find that the s of deceive is a 
lenis, compared with the fortis a in dissolution or that in gross. Further- 
more, we shall expect to find that every * not protected by a preceding 
HtresH, will tend to be a lenis, that we have therefore a lenis in words 
||k<' comparison, analysis, and so on. The point which is thus raised is 
ii difficult one to decide, as the present writer is not aware of any 
gbjtetive criteria which can be applied in its solution. It may be that 
'ox peri mental' phonetics will some day be able to make an authoritative 
statement in the matter. For the present, the linguistic investigator 



' Wright, ZayUal Itialrrt Grammar, p. *02. 

1 The credit of formulating tbe law as one of historical development certainly belongs 
to Sweet, bnt it muni not be overlooked that the variation between i and I had already 
been observed by Walker (1793) and stated correctly with reference to the position of the 
accent. The orthoepittx of the eighteenth century were, indeed, unworthy successors of 
Wallia, W ilk ids and Haider, but they are at limes entitled to a modest share of credit. 



B. A. WILLIAMS 



249 



is compelled to rely on his subjective observation. I believe, however, 
personally that in modern English the fortis or lenis character of s 
depends on its relative position with regard to the stress, and feel myself 
justified in claiming that an s immediately following the stress is a fortis 
compared with that in any other position. This is quite obvious if we 
compare the s in dissolution with s of unaccented syllables in analysis, 
and comparison. I have noticed a German who spoke English very 
fluently, and with a good pronunciation, pronounce 2 in comparison, 
most likely because he failed to distinguish between the weak, s and the 
voiced form. Its lenis nature is, however, not so obvious if we compare 
the s in the beginning of an accented syllable with that at the end, 
e.g. deceive, compared with dissolution, or sea, compared with grass. We 
may, however, be guided by the following considerations. The movement 
of the breath -pressure in the syllable is in general crescendo -decres- 
cendo (< >), the highest point of pressure lying in the sonant. In 
consequence of this the consonant beginning the syllable is pronounced 
crescendo, that concluding it decrescendo. The question now arises, 
whether the crescendo consonant at the beginning or the decrescendo 
one at the end of the syllable has the greater relative intensity. This 
question may be answered by considering the relationship of the intensity 
of the consonants in the syllable to the intensity of the sonant. In 
English a short accented vowel is cut off by a following consonant in 
the moment of greatest intensity, while even in the case of a long 
vowel, the diminution of force towards the end of the vowel is so slight 
as to be scarcely noticeable. Consequently it may be said that the 
intensity of a consonant at the end of an accented syllable in English 
stands in a constant relationship to the intensity of the sonant, 30 
that the consonant in such a case has always a fortis character 1 . The 
relationship of the intensity of the crescendo consonant at the be- 
ginning of the syllable to the intensity of the following sonant is not 
the same. While the consonant which follows must, as seen above, 
participate in the intensity of the sonant, the consonant preceding does 
not generally do so. In fact, as the vowel itself begins crescendo, it 
tends to cut off the consonant while it is still weak, just as the consonant 
which follows the accented vowel, cuts that vowel off while it is still 
strong. It is therefore evident that the most favourable position for the 
preservation of a fortis consonant in a language with the conditions of 
syllable stress obtaining in English is the position immediately after a 
stress vowel. The position preceding the stressed vowel is less so, and 
as a matter of fact, it appears to me that fortis consonants only occur 

1 Thia is, of Gourde, to lie understood in terras of the total brenth- pressure. 

17 



250 The Phonetical Explanations of Vernier's Law 

in this position in emphatic forms where the syllable stress tends to a 
more or less 'level' Win (=>). I have therefore little hesitation in 
claiming that, under ordinary circumstances, the * both of deceive and 
of comparison is a lenis compared with that of dissolution. 

We have already seen why the s of the first example was not 
voiced, although reduced. We should, however, expect it also to be 
voiced in comparison, if the parallel to Vomer's Law were complete. 
That this was not so, may, however, be simply explained. In English, 
unstressed vowels tend not to be fully voiced, that is to say, to be 
murmured or even whispered. It is plain that an s between two un- 
stressed vowels was therefore not so favourably placed for voicing as one 
followed by a stressed (i.e. fully voiced) vowel. This seems to explain 
why. voicing could take place in dissolve but not in comparison. Of 
course, in Primitive Germanic at the time of Verner's Law, even 
stressless vowels were fully voiced, and could therefore exercise an 
assimilating effect on neighbouring lenis spirants. 

From the above it appears that in the ease of s we have in Modern 
English a very good parallel to Verner's Law in so far as the word- 
interior is concerned. The mutual relationship of fortis and lenis is the 
same as that deduced for Verner's Law, and the only partial parallelism 
in the final voicing process allows of satisfactory explanation. 

We are now, however, faced with the difficulty that whereas Vernor 'a 
Law applied not to one sound, but to a series of sounds, namely the 
whole series of the existing spirants, our English parallel so far only 
involves one spirant, s. In face of Sievers' generalisation' : ' es findet 
gewohnlich eine korrespondierende Entwicklting korrespondierender 
Lautreihen in korrespondierender Stellung statt,' this must be ac- 
knowledged as an unsatisfactory circumstance. As condition of a 
perfect parallel, we should be compelled to demand not only that s, but 
all the other voiceless spirants of English (f,f, p) should be similarly 
affected under the same conditions. It is obvious, however, that no 
other spirant has been voiced under the same conditions as s in the 
examples above (cf. affirmation : affirm, with dissolution : dissolve). 
How can this difficulty be met? 

We have seen that Verner's Law involves a double process, namely, 
(1) the regulation of the intensity of the affected consonants by the 
position of the stress, and (2) the partial assimilation of weak consonants. 
These two processes are of a different order, the first being governed by 
physiological factors, while the second assimilatory process is finally 
conditioned by psychical factors. The result of this is that while 
1 Cf. GntndtUge, % 11. 



R. A. WILLIAMS 



251 



the first prepares the way for the second, and renders it possible, the 
assimilation does not necessarily come into play if the psychical causes 
of assimilation are hindered by special circumstances. Thus we saw 
above that in English the orthography could exert such an influence as 
to hinder the assimilation of words like deceive, in spite of the fact that 
the 'predisposing' physiological conditions are present. The conse- 
quence of this is that it is possible to have a perfect parallel to 
process 1, even when the parallel docs not hold good for process 2. 
This is apparently the case in English. As we saw above, the 
regulation of the intensity of the s is the same as under Verner's 
Law. It is obvious, however, that in this respect an / or any other 
spirant, is governed by the same conditions as an s. So far as the 
distribution of intensity is concerned, the pair affirmation : affirm is 
exactly parallel to dissolution : dissolve. I do not think we are going 
too far if we attribute the voicclcBs_/" of affirm to the influence of the 
orthography. The sign /" was and is indissolubly associated with a 
voiceless souud. It must be remembered that in modern English we 
have a 'Kultursprache' in which the 'Schriftbild' plays an exceedingly 
important role in the complex series of associations represented by 
any individual word 1 . In consequence of this we find that in modern 
English, contact assimilations meet with much more resistance than they 
do in the life of a dialect. This is illustrated by the fate of such natural 
assimilations as ai kasf tu, hi has tu (' I have to,' ' he has to ') or kopvisesa 
(' cup and saucer '). To sum up, as far as the word -interior is concerned, 
English affords a satisfactory parallel to Verner's Law, allowance being 
made for the different conditions governing the voicing process. 

In the onsound of words, which has now to be considered, we have, 
in accordance with the consideration advanced above (p. 249), generally 
lenis spirants in modern English. No voicing takes place. This is 
probably to be explained by the assumption that in modern English 
weak spirants can only be voiced in 'stehenden Verbindungen,' between 
a preceding stressless and a following stressed (i.e. fully voiced) vowel. 
In other words, a constant position is necessary to produce the effect. 
Accordingly, under the varying conditions of Sandhi, no voicing of 
spirants takes place, either in the word -beginning or word-end. Plainly, 
the form asd occurs too seldom outside the word-interior to exert any 
influence in the direction of voicing initial or final consonants. 

The Middle English period seems, however, to offer full parallels to 
Vomer's Law in the treatment of initial and final spirants. I. The 

1 Cf. Wrniilt, on the Piychiiche Strukmr iet WorlrorKtUungrn in his ilUktrptycholagit, 



252 The Phonctical Explanations of Verner's Law 

onsound. The M.E. dialects fall into two groups, those which voice 
initial spirants (f, )>, a) and those which do not 1 . I think it is necessary 
to connect this condition of affairs with the general intervocalic voicing 
of spirants in Anglo-Saxon already referred to. We then see in these 
two groups the levelling from an original Sandhi variation between 
voiced and voiceless sounds ; the one (Southern) group having levelled 
out the voiced, the other group the voiceless sound in each case. In 
the latter group the levelling takes the same course as in Germanic 
(see above, p. 244). It is interesting to find in this group, to which 
the modern language belongs, a short series of unaccented words with 
voiced initial spirant, namely, the, then, that, thou etc, ! , a clear parallel 
to the early state of affairs in Germanic described above. II. The 
offsound. We have here the voicing of final weak / ]>, 3, if in of, with, 
•es, knowledge, etc. (sec Sweet, I.e.). The parallelism between this and 
the treatment of final spirants in Germanic (see above, p. 246) is seen 
at the first glance. 

In conclusion, I wish to point out that the weakening of originally 
fortis spirants, which I deduced (above, p. 239) from the later voicing of 
such spirants in various dialects, admits of confirmation from another 
source. In modern South German dialects the weakening of original 
fortis spirants to lenes is a common phenomenon. In connection with 
it we note, however, a special circumstance, namely, that the weakening 
affects the guttural fortiB spirant (%) to a greater extent than the labial 
or dental spirants. Where/, s, 5 appear as voiceless lenes, ^ generally 
is replaced by the ' Hauchlaut' h (I mention as an example the dialect 
of Pernegg described by Lessiak recently). From this in accordance 
with the 'series' law — referred to above, p. 250- — we can argue that the 
presence of h instead of original fortis % is a sign that the fortis spirant 
series of the language where it occurs, has been weakened to a series of 
lenis spirants. Wherever therefore h < ■% can be shown in the Germanic 
dialects, we may argue that the rest of the original spirants are lenes in 
the corresponding position. As \ waa weakened to h between vowels, 
it follows that the intervocalic spirants which became voiced were lenea 
The fact that intervocalic h disappears in those dialects which voice 
intervocalic spirants, while it is preserved in O.H.G., suggests that the 
disappearance of h is due to voicing in this position, which occurs 
contemporaneously with the voicing of/, f>, s. 

R. A. Williams. 

" See Sweet, Hiitory of Engliih Sound: § 728 B. 

3 Sweet, i.e., % 730. The name words likewise developed a voiced spirant in Frisian 
apparently under similar conditions. Cf. Siebs, Qetehichti drr friuiichen Sprache, % 122 in 
Paul's Gnau> 



REVIEWS. 



S. Francesco e la sua Leggenda. Dal Prof. Nino Tamassia. Padua: 
Drucker, 1906. xi + 216 pp. 

From St Francis to Dante. A Translation of all that ia of primary 
interest in the chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene. By G. 0. 
Coulton. London: Nutt, 1906. 8vo. vi + 364pp. 

The Little Flowers of the Glorious Messer St Francis and of his Friars. 
Done into English by \V. Heywood, with an Introduction by 
A. O. Ferrers Howell. London: Methuen, 1906. 8vo. 
xxviii + 202 pp. 

We have to welcome a new and attractive edition of the Fioretti 
just at a moment when Franciscan criticism is beginning to take a new 
turn. The pioneer work of M. Sabatier has made the ' Poverello 
d'Assisi' a familiar figure in all parts of Europe. Neither diversity 
of language nor difference of creed or of communion have effectually 
barred the progress of his contagious enthusiasm; and for the great 
and growing output of Franciscan literature popular or serious, senti- 
mental or critical, the eminent French student is ultimately responsible. 
But the last word has not been spoken ; and there are still many 
aspects in which the original documents — the Jontes — of Franciscanism 
desiderate a scientifically critical investigation. A fresh start has now 
been made by Professor Nino Tamassia, who, in virtue of his special 
line of study as ' Professore di Storia del diritto e di Diritto eccle- 
siastico ' at Padua, is steeped in the hagiographical literature of Saint 
Francis' day, as also in that which formed the literary pabulum of the 
Saint's more learned contemporaries. Professor Tamassia's study of 
the fonti francescani is unquestionably a work that will have to be 
reckoned with by future critics. Steeped, as we have seen, in the 
Dialogues of Gregory the Great, the ascetic ]>ages of Cassian, and the 
diverting stories of Caesarius of Heisterbach, Thomas of Celano's elder 
contemporary, our critic sees these and kindred writers everywhere 
reproduced by the ' original ' biographer of St Francis. Celano is for 
him a plagiarist of the deepest die, a rhetorician, and a sceptic to boot, 
and he goes so far as to say ' siamo tratti a credere vero quello solo che, 
a nostro giudizio, il verace biografo, anche volendo, non avrebbe potuto 
tacere, senza alterare tanto il ritratto del Santo, da renderlo irricono- 
scibile!' Such a charge demands very strong proof: and indeed 



Review 

Professor Tamassia produces chapter and verse for all, or nearly all, of 
his assertions. The foot of every page is piled up, not merely with 
references, but also with liberal quotations from his authorities. How far 
these references prove his case we must leave experts to decide; merely 
suggesting that if A did, said, or suffered a thing in the fifth or sixth 
century, that does not make it impossible that B should have repeated 
it in the thirteenth, especially if both A and B were confessedly striving 
to imitate the same model : further, if C, writing of B, finds classic 
phrases ready to his hand in the familiar story of A, and thinks well to 

employ them the literary conclusions may be more certain than 

the historical. 

But, as we have said, Professor Tamassia's work is at any rate one 
that must be reckoned with, and should help to initiate a more severe 
and far-reaching criticism of the fontes frattoiscani. Yet, whatever 
conclusions may finally be reached as to the interrelations and the 
antecedents of the Prima and Secunda Vita of Celano, the so-called 
Speculum, the Actus, the Legenda. Trium Sociorum, and the Fioretti, 
the last-named work will never lose its popularity. ' Original ' in the 
literary -historical sense, it is not; but no critical analysis, however 
convincing, can ever deprive the book of its naive beauty, its bloom of 
simplicity — an 'originality' which is independent of its literary history. 
Accepted in Italy for its style as a testa di lingua, it will always remain 
a classic. Of Mr Heywood's translation it is enough to say that it is 
worthily done. The translator has added a new obligation to those 
already laid by him on English lovers of Italy. In his clear and useful 
little Introduction Mr Howell deals with St Francis, his influence, and 
the early writings about him ; and here he recognises the need of 
further critical investigation. ' The authorship, date and subject- 
matter of the Sfiecidum Perfection-is and thi- Legenda Trium Sociorum, 
and the relation of these works to one another and to Celano's Lives, 
furnish problems of extreme intricacy, of which the solutions have not 
yet been attained.' 

The hero of Mr Coul ton's book is really Fra Salimbene, and not 
Saint Francis or Dante ; but its subject is essentially Franciscan, and 
it shares with Professor Tamassia's essay the aim of disillusionment. 
Sig. Tamassia's desire is to impress on us the fact that the story of 
Saint Francis has been tampered with at its source ; that the official 
biographer of the Saint was a bare-faced plagiarist, attributing to his 
hero words, deeds, anil, above all, miracles that were simply the stock- 
in-trade of the mediaeval hagiographer. And all this, he holds, was done 
with a deep design, viz. to efface all traces of the old free, naive, and 
more than half heretical Franciscan ism, in the interests of that strict 
alliance with the Papacy whereby the Sons of Francis forfeited 
their birthright to win official recognition and corporate persistence, 
Mr Coulton's message of disillusionment is of a different Kind. His 
purpose is to shew that the thirteenth century was not, after all, that 
'Golden Age' in religion and morality and social well-being as in art 
and architecture, which is so glowingly sketched by those ' professional 






Iteview 



255 

apologists ' the poet, the romancer and the ecclesiastic, who have, as he 
feels, too long monopolised the happy hunting-ground of mediaeval 
history. Granted the grandeur of the thirteenth century in art and 
architecture, can we argue therefrom to religious sincerity or to 
purity of morals ? Far from it Mr Coulton's method is simple and 
convincing; he introduces us to an intelligent and, in his way, honest 
and impartial eye-witness of things as they were, and lets us question 
the immortal gossip Fra Salimbene on a vast variety of topics. And as 
we listen to the vivid descriptions, the enlightening stories, the life-like 
character- sketches of the Friar of Parma, we are almost inclined to 
exclaim with the translator: 'Imagination staggers at the moral gulf 
that yawns between that age and ours.' Frankly, the book is a con- 
troversial one, written, confessedly, with a purpose ; but it suffers from 
few, if any, of the defects that usually mar such a book. It consists 
largely of a catena of well-selected and well-arranged passages from 
Salimbene's chronicle, translated into good English ; and to these are 
added numerous illustrations from contemporary or nearly contemporary 
writers, while the more unsavoury episode* (which could not be left out 
without weakening the argument) are thoughtfully relegated to a Latin 
appendix. Many of Mr Coulton's readers may fail to sympathise with 
this or that detail in his attitude or his way of putting things, but with 
his main contention probably no right-minded man would disagree. He 
finds the ' Ages of Faith ' absorbingly interesting, and sees in them ' the 
key to most modern problems,' but he holds it folly to idealise them, to 
close our eyes to their darker side, to wish ourselves back in them. If 
his book is unduly gloomy it is simply because the balance needs to be 
redressed; because those who follow the fashion in a sentimental idolatry 
of the thirteenth century need bracing by a plunge into the grim 
realities with which Salimbene sets us face to face. 

Students of Dante will be grateful to Mr Coulton; not because he 
is in the strictest sense a specialist in their subject — he still speaks of 
the Coiivtto, and has little or no doubt that ' Matelda ' is the Countess 
Matilda — but because he makes so much of Salimbene accessible. 
There is no one chronicler— except, perhaps, Giovanni Villani or Dino 
Oompagni — who has so much to say about the personages who figure 
in the ZHvina Commetlia. Salimbene's contemporaries, in whom he 
was intensely interested, died just at the right time to find places in 
the three kingdoms of the other world before 1300, aud their memory 
was still fresh when Dante wrote. Salimbene is, indeed, a true link 
between the life of Saint Francis and that of Dante Alighieri. But 
hitherto his chronicle has only existed in the single MS, and the in- 
accessible and faulty editto princeps published at Parma in 1857. 
Professor Holdor-Egger's new critical edition in the Munumenta 
Gerinaniae Ht'storica' is still in course of publication, and when com- 
pleted will scarcely be a handy reference book for the average English 
reader. Something more [xipular is probably to be desired ; but 

1 Scriptoram : lorn. ixm. (TTl II III I HI ill! mi pens is bibliopolii ilulmia 



256 Reviews 

meanwhile we may be thankful for what Mr Coulton describes — 
perhaps a little confidently— as a 'translation of all that is of primary 

interest in the chronicle of the Franciscan Salimbene.' 



AltiUdiemschex Elementnrbudt. Von BERTHOLD Wiese. (Sammlung 
romanischer Elementarbiicher, I. Reihe, 4.) Heidelberg: Winter, 
1904. 8vo. xi + 320 pp. 

This notice is somewhat long overdue; but it does not much matter, 
since Dr Wiese *s handy little book is probably not yet in any very wide 
use in England either 'as a basis for introductory lectures' in its 
subject, the language of the earliest Italian literature, or as 'a modest 
guide to those who are beginning to study the subject for themselves ' 
— as in his brief preface he summarises its aims. The lecturer on 
early Italian does not, so far, find his lecture-room at all uncomfortably 
crowded. Yet a good many jieople profess some kind of interest in 
Dante, and it is as impossible to understand Dante properly without 
some knowledge of the language used by the poets whom he read when 
he began to read poetry, as to understand Shakespeare without some 
knowledge of sixteenth century English. But to the altri '■ pochi, if such 
there be, Dr Wiese's book may be safely commended- — provided always 
that they can cope with the rather forbidding German affected by 
philologists. For a translation they may have long to wait ; and here 
one may iierhaps remark not without envy upon the favoured position 
held by the German student of the less popular branches of learning. 
What English publisher, one would like to know, would in his most 
reckless mood hesitate for a moment before declining a work of this 
kind ? And so the vicious circle grows : no students, no books ; no 
books, no students. 

Of course one can pick holes here and there. Dr Wiese's etymo- 
logies, for example, though confident, are not always convincing. No 
doubt in a book on this scale a good deal of apparent dogmatism is 
unavoidable ; but there certainly are a great many of those Latin words 
(or ghost words) with a star in which the modern philologist revels. 
At least a hint might have been given that philology is as yet far fi 
being an exact science — certainly not a branch of physiology — 
that it still needs a good deal of help from history to keep a secui 
footing. No doubt in a sense there was a physical reason for everj 
sound-change ; but no one who has taken note of the varieties 
■ phonetic degradation ' observable among children of the same famil 
of identical 'heredity' and 'environment,' in their first efforts , 
articulation, can suppose that we are yet near to the stage at which 
we can say dogmatically in every case that such and such a change 
was or was not possible within any given group. Dr Wiese sometin 
yields to the besetting weakness of his countrymen for proving t__. 
obvious. Surely the fact of Latin neuter plurals ending in a is quit* 



.Reviews 



257 



enough to explain the cases in which such words have become feminine 
in the modern languages, without any need to fall back on ' an ex- 
planation ' which ' Osthoff gave me verbally ' — that it might have arisen 
from the (supposed) formation of a Latin neuter plural Mae to corre- 
spond with quae ! There is a good little chrestomathy, with a glossary, 
which will be useful to students. But surely avenente does not mean 
' Folge ' ; nor is al postutto strictly equivalent to ' ganzlich.' 

The decision, taken in deference to 'the wish of the editor of the 
collection (of elementary grammars, of which this is one) Dr Meyer- 
Liibke and to the pedagogic consideration' that the learner would get 
on quicker if not bothered with Latin (to put it briefly), to start rather 
from Italian itself, cannot be regarded as fortunate. It is quite im- 
possible to treat Italian Historical Grammar without constant reference 
to Latin. In the present case, as an instance already given shows, the 
rule must sometimes be broken ; and other cases occur throughout. In 
such a sentence as 'La quale cita, secondo ke se trove, fo kiamata 
Orelia e mo e kiamato Arecco,' the change of gender is explained at 
once by our old friend ' Thebae quod Boeotiae caput est.' For the 
infinitive in the relative clause (6) 124) Dr Wiese will find a better 
example than the doubtful one he gives in Mazzeo di Rico, Ant. 
Rim. Volg., No. Ixxvii. 

A. J. Butler. 



liibliotheca Hispanica. Vol. XJV. Libra de log engailos 1 fos asayamientos 
de las mugeres. Publfcalo Adolko Bonilla y San MartIn. Bar- 
celona: "L'Avene"; Madrid: M. Murillo. 8vo. 74 pp. 
In the third volume of his Hietoria critica de la literatura eapa-fiota 
(Madrid, 1863), Jose Amador de los R I os, acting on the suggestion of 
Florencio Jancr, drew attention to the existence of a unique manuscript 
in the collection of the Conde de Punonrostro. This manuscript con- 
tained a Spanish text translated from the Arabic in or about 1253 
by order of Alfonso the Learned's brother, the Infante Don Fadrique, 
and is apparently the earliest surviving version in any European 
vernacular of Sindibnd. The Spanish text was published by Domenico 
Comparetti in his Ricerche interna al libra de Hitidibdd i Milan, 1869), 
and was reprinted by him, with a preface by Mr G. L. Gouune, among 
the Folk Lore Society's publications in 1882. Unfortunately, the 
Spanish manuscript is not as accurate as might be wished, and, to 
make matters worse, the copy supplied to Comparetti by Amador de 
los RIos was far from correct. The issues of 1869 and 1882 were 
speedily exhausted, and a new edition of the text became an urgent 
necessity. On the dispersal of the Punonrostro collection, the manu- 
script finally came into the possession of the late Eugenio Krapf, an 
enterprising Swiss publisher settled at Vigo, who commissioned ttr. 
Bonilla y San Martin to prepare a new edition. It is now available in 
M. Foulche-Delbosc's Bibliotheca Hispanica, and will be invaluable not 
only to specialists in Spanish, but to all students of media? vat literature. 



258 

Benfey and, more especially, Com pare tti have traced the descent of 
the Spanish version from a lost Sanskrit original, through Persian and 
Arabic translations which have likewise disappeared ; and the results of 
their researches and of subsequent investigations are concisely sum- 
marized by Sr. Bonilla y San Martin in a most useful preface the only 
fault of which is that it is too short. The fact that Sindibdd is men- 
tioned both by Mas'udi in the Gulden Meadutoa and by al-Mada'inl in 
the Fikrist proves that Sindibdd existed in Arabic as early as the tenth 
century ; but an allusion made by al-Ya'qubi would seem to imply that 
an Arabic translation was in existence considerably before this date. 
Perhaps some reference might be expected to Mr W. A. Clouston's 
Book of Sindibdd and to Paulus Cassel's Misleh Kandahar (Berlin, 
1888). It is to be hoped that Sr. Bonilla y San Martin will ultimately 
expand his conclusions, and furnish us with a complete monograph on 
the literary history of Sindibad and its later developments. Mean- 
while, he has edited the Spanish text with a care and skill which 
deserve warm recognition. 

James Fitzmaurice-Kelly. 



El Arcipresle de Hita. Estudio crltico. Por Julio Putol y Alonso. 
Madrid: Imp. dc la Sucesora de M. Minuesa de los Rios, 1906. 
8vo. 364 pp. 

As the supreme importance of Juan .Ruiz' contributions to Spanish 
literature has never been disputed since they were first printed by 
Tomas Sanchez towards the end of the eighteenth century, it is strange 
that no Bpecial study of his interesting personality and talent should 
have been published sooner. Sr. Puyol y Alonso has done a most 
useful work in collecting such biographical data as are to be found, and 
in disengaging the original from the imitative element in the Libro de 
buen- amor. 

Everything relating to the life and work of Juan Ruiz is more or 
less doubtful. He describes himself as ' uno que es de Alcala," but 
Sr. Puyol y Alonso does not think that this statement is conclusive, 
unless we are prepared to accept the Libro de buen amor as strictly 
autobiographical. However, it is the only information forthcoming, for 
no weight can be given to the unsupported assertion of Francisco de 
Torres that Ruiz was born at Guadalajara, In the first place, Torres 
lived too long after Ruiz to speak with any authority on the point; in 
the second place, he makes too many mistakes to justify us in thinking 
him a trustworthy witness ; and in the third place, as the historian of 
Guadalajara, local patriotism blinds him to obvious facts. According to 
Torres, Ruiz was living at Guadalajara in the year 1410 ; the probability 
is that he was dead long before this date. 

It is true that we do not know precisely when Ruiz was born. 
Sr. Puyol y Alonso gives the date conjectural ly as about 1283, and this 
seems plausible. What is certain is that Juan Ruiz became Archpriest 



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259 



of Hifca, that his writings prove him to have been a most unedifying 
cleric, and that he was imprisoned by order of the Archbishop Don Gil 
Albomoz. Now, Don Gil Albornoz was nominally Archbishop from 
1337 to 1368, but he quarrelled with Pedro I. of Castile, and fled to 
Avignon in 1351. It follows that Ruiz' imprisonment must have taken 
place in 1351 or earlier, and, as it happens, we know that the Arch priest 
of Hita in 1351 was a certain Pedro Fernandez. The argument may 
be carried further. A note in the Gayoso manuscript of the Libra de 
buen amor shows that the copyist finished his task on July 28, 1351, 
while the Salmanca and Toledo manuscripts end as follows :— 

Era do mill a tresientos e ocheuta c mi alios 
fue coii]Juonto el rromance, por tnuchoa mnlea e daiios 
que fastn nukIkh e nuchas A otras con sua engafloa 
e por mostrar a los synplea fablas e versos estraflos. 

The Libro de buen amor, then, was finished in 1381 of the Spanish 
Era : that is to say, in 1343. It is clearly the work of a man who has 
lost his youth, and lost his illusions: that he should, as stated by 
Torres, have lived fifty-seven years alter writing it is incredible. 

It has been said that Ruiz was imprisoned from 1337 to 1350; but 
this, though possible, is mere speculation. Nor do we know why he 
was sent to gaol by Don Gil AJbornoz. The irregularity of his life was 
apparently not very exceptional for the time in which he lived; the 
Libro de buen amor, part of which was certainly written in gaol, deals 
disrespectfully with individual members of the upper clergy whom he 
mentions by name, and it may be, as Sr. Puyol y Alonso believes, that 
these powerful personages avenged themselves by denouncing him to 
his Archbishop. 

It would be difficult to overpraise the ability with which the author 
of this monograph sifts fact from fiction, and the patient minuteness 
with which he indicates Ruiz' literary antecedents. The Archpriest 
utilizes Pampkitus de Amvre, the Bataitle de Karesme et de Chantage, 
and the best of his immediate Spanish predecessors with the unscrupu- 
lous but justifiable freedom of an artist conscious that his touch will 
transmute baser metals into gold. He hiis remarkable command of 
metre and a still rarer insight into motive; he combines the devout 
spirit with a picaresque fantasy, and he dwells on the irony of circum- 
stances with a gay pessimism which is all his own. We may gather 
from the Cancionero de Baena that he was a favourite with Ferrant 
Manuel and his contemporaries; he was known to Santillana, and the 
existence of a fragmentary translation in Portuguese (which I do not 
remember to have seen noted by Sr. Puyol y Alonso) goes to show that 
his reputation extended beyond Spain. How he came to be forgotten is 
inexplicable. But the recent publication of 51. Ducamin's critical edition 
and the appearance of this scholarly volume are signs that Ruiz has 
vindicated his claim to be considered the most original genius of his age. 

James Fitzm a u rice-Kelly. 



260 



Dtscours de la Vie de Pierre de Ron-sard. Par Claude Binet. Critical 
Edition by HELENE M. Evers. (Bryn Mawr College Monographs.) 
Philadelphia : The John C. Winston Co., 1905. 8vo. iv+ 190 pp. 
Ronsard and La Pleiade. With .Selection. 1 ! from their Poetry and Some 
Translations in the Original Metres. By George Wyndham. 
London: Macmillan & Co., 1906. 8vo. 266 pp. 
Miss Helene M. Evers' critical edition of Binet'3 Life of Ronsard 
is an excellent little piece of work. The original edition of 1586 
furnishes her main text, the variants of the second edition of 1587 and 
the third edition of 1597 being given below. In her introduction 
Miss Evers shews that Binet had only a very slight acquaintance with 
Ronsard, and that his Life is mainly based upon Ronsard's poems and 
has little independent authority. The text is followed by some useful 
notes, of which the most important is that on pp. 132—135, where 
Miss Evers makes out a good case for her contention that the term 
'Brigade' was never used as a distinctive name for Ronsard's com- 
panions, and that the term ' Ple"iade ' was first used by Ronsard merely 
as a figure of speech and then applied to the seven poets by his 
enemies. In Appendix I Miss Evers points out that there is no trust- 
worthy evidence for the meeting between Ronsard and Du Bellay in 
the inn at Poitiers. In Appendix n she discuss, s Kaint-Gelais'a quarrel 
with Ronsard and Du Bellay, and agrees with M. Chamard that the 
Poete Courtisan was written, or, at least, re-written, in 1559, and that it 
is certainly directed against Saint-Gelais. This is also my view. 

Had Mr Wyndham come across Miss Evers' monograph, his account 
of Ronsard's life would have been less impaired by mistakes. His 
treatment of the sources of the Pleiade's inspiration is hardly more 
satisfactory, and it is only when he comes to the influence of the 
Pleiade on English poetry, ground with which he is familiar, that his 
introduction has any value. The second part of his book consists of 
selections which are fairly representative of one side, and one side only, 
of the Pleiade, namely, its love poetry. They shew its sweetness, but 
not its strength. Marot's well-known rondeau, Au bon vieulx temps, is 
prefixed to the selection, perhaps with intentional malice, for it certainly 
could not be said of any of the Pleiade poets that their love 'duroit 
un monde.' The last part of Mr Wyndham's book consists of trans- 
lations of some of the selected poems. If he fails, as others have failed 
before him, in bis rendering of the masterpieces, his versions of some of 
the less known poems are excellent. Indeed, the Ode to Cassandre, 
O pucelle plus tendre, is better in the English than in the French. The 
heading, by the way, on pp. 116 and 220 should run Le Rectteil des Odes 
retranchees; the omission of the last word is misleading. Mr Wyndham's 
attempts to reproduce the metres of the originals are not always suc- 
cessful, for, owing to the radical difference in accent between French 
and English, ihe reproduction in many cases is only nominal. The 
volume closes with a charming original poem by way of dedication. 

Arthur Tillev. 



La Sylvie du Sieur Mairet. Tragi-Comedie-Pastorale. Publiec par 
JULES Marsan. (Societe des Textes Francais Modernes.) Paris: 
Socie'te' nouvelle de librairie et d'&iition, 1905. 8vo. lxii + 237 pp. 

The ' Soci£t4 des testes francais modernes ' has made a good start 
with (1) a critical test of Amyot's translation of Plutarch's Lives of 
Pericles and Fabius, edited by M. Louis Clement, and (2) Mairet a 
Sylvie, edited with introduction, critical apparatus and commentary by 
the competent hand of M. Jules Marsan, whose History of Pastoral 
Drama in France was recently reviewed in these pages. He begins his 
introduction by fixing the date of the production of Mairet 's play as 
1626 or 1627. He then points out Mairet's debt to Sidney's Arcadia 
and Barclay's Argents, to the Amadis ami the Astree. and especially to 
his immediate predecessors, Racan and Theophile de Viau. Finally he 
indicates the position occupied by the Si/lvie in the development of 
French drama, shewing that with Theophile's Thisbe and Racan's Les 
Bergerias, it marks a decided advance in poetical style and artistic 
composition beyond the unliterary efforts of Alexandre Hardy. For a 
pastoral play, La Sylvie is decidedly readable. Though Mairet has 
retained all the traditional elements of this highly artificial kind of 
drama, he has skilfully kept the more unnatural of these in the back- 
ground, and the result is a romantic play not too utterly removed from 
the range of real life and human emotion. The text is followed by a 
learned commentary chiefly consisting of parallel passages from other 

rtoral writers. In thus rendering La Sylvie accessible to students, 
Marsan has performed a real service. It is an additional recom- 
mendation that it is excellently printed. 

Arthur Tilley. 



The Principles of English Verse. By Charlton M. Lewis. New 
York: Henry Holt & Co., 1906. 8vo. 143 pp. 

It is a pleasure to welcome Professor Charlton M. Lewis's Principles 
of English. Verse. His Foreign Sources of Modern English Versification 
(Berlin, 1898) already gave evidence of hiB solid metrical scholarship, 
and the new book more than justifies the ample promise of the old one. 

Professor Lewis distinguishes between ' rhythm ' and ' metre.' Both 

Srose and verse, he says, following Patinore, are rhythmical, but 'the 
istinguishing feature of verse is not rhythm, but metre.' ' In every 
sentence that we utter there are certain words or syllables that are more 
important than the others, certain syllables which are in the foreground of 
our thought and which are therefore pronounced with greater emphasis ; 
and our instinctive tendency is to separate those syllables in speaking, by 
regular intervals of time.. ..In metre, as its name implies, the number 
of syllables is measured with more or less strictness.' White welcoming 



Reviews 



Professor Lewis's insistence on the regularity of time-intervals as a sine 
qua non of rhythm, I do not think that his distinction between rhythm 
and metre is valid. Had he restricted the condition of regularity of 
time to verse-rhythm or metre, and had he found a less amhiguous term 
than metre for the relation of syllables to the regular time-intervals, his 
theory would have gainer! in clearness. Some prose does undoubtedly 
approximate to the regularity of rhythm asserted by Professor Lewis, 
but the best prose does not. I should prefer to distinguish metre from 
rhythm by saying that metre is the scheme into which the rhythm 
must be fitted, this scheme implying that regularity of time- intervals 
which Professor Lewis calls rhythm. The number of syllables between 
successive accented syllables is restricted in verse, not necessarily because 
of any metrical convention, but because it is usually the case that less 
than one, or more than three syllables will occupy too short or too long 
a time- interval. There may, of course, be a syllabic convention as well ; 
and m languages where the differentiation of accented and unaccented 
syllables is weak or where quantity — whether dependent on this diffe- 
rentiation or not — is weak, there will usually be such a syllabic convention 
to ensure regularity of time- intervals Professor Lewis insists as strongly 
as either Mr Omond or Professor Wulff, that ' feet are arbitrary and 
phantom concepts, and this description of the line does not touch the 
really vital fact about its rhythm, the underlying regularity of ita time 
scheme.' Or again, ' Feet are not organic elements of rhythm. Analysis 
by feet is like analysis of pictures by square inches.' On page 40, 
however, he seems to fall into the error of regarding the quantity of 
syllables and hence the time occupied in pronouncing them as in- 
dependent of their accent. But surely, the quantity of syllables in 
English is so closely bound up with their accent that it is worse than 
useless for metrical purposes to attempt to separate them. 

Professor Lewis's explanation of weak stresses seems to me to be 
the correct one. He holds that if the equal intervals of time are filled 
up by the proper complement of syllables, one, two, three or whatever 
the metrical convention may exact, the demands of the verse -structure 
are satisfied, even though one or more of the syllables, which mark off 
the equal intervals of time, are unaccented. Although Professor Lewis 
does not definitely say so, I take it that this is not very different from 
the contention that the isochronous time-periods, together with the 
metrical syllabism, are the foundation of verse, the accents marking 
without originating these time-periods. Professor Lewis, in this con- 
nection and elsewhere, protests against the 'common error' of accenting 
m verse syllables which would be unaccented in prose. It is true that 
he guards himself by the proviso : ' at all events, those which demand 
such treatment are comparatively very rare.' This concession, however 
slight, to another school of metrists, ib, I think, unfortunate. Professor 
Lewis would have been wise to adopt the uncompromising attitude of 
maintaining that all stresses in verse are explicable on the principles of 
prose rhythm. 

The treatment meted out to ' pause ' is not quite so satisfactory 




Reviews 



263 






On page 48 we read: 'A grammatical or rhetorical pause marks the 
end of one sequence of equal intervals of time., .and the beginning of 
another, The pause may be long or short, according to the sense of the 
context or the caprice of the reader. .. .These pauses may occur anywhere 
in a lint- of blank verse.' This is hardly true even in prose. A good 
author constructs his prose in view of a certain relation of pause and 
sound. But even if this statement could pass for prose, it is surely 
impossible to regard, in verse, these pauses between 'rhythmical ]>eriods' 
as extra-metrical. For Professor Lewis, who (p. 10) places these pauses 
outside the rhythm — as he defines it— of a prose passage, they must be 
equally outside the rhythm of a passage of verse and hence equally 
outside its metre. It is not clear whether he regards the pauses 
between ' rhythmical phrases ' (p. 55), as being also outside the rhythm 
and metre. A sentence on page 28 seems to suggest that these pauses 
always, or at least sometimes, are extra- metrical. ' When a grammatical 
pause occurs, it easily fills out the rhythm, as in the third line of this 
passage: 

But that the dreiul nf something after death, 
The undiscovered country from whose bourne 
No traveller returns, puzzles the will.' 

Otherwise, there is some inconsistency, or at any rate, some obscurity. 
Professor Lewis apparently has in his mind pauses occurring between 
more subordinate groups of words, still, on page 6 and from time to 
time, he alludes vaguely to the matter; but nothing is clearly stated. 
Professor Lewis has done admirable service in distinguishing 'rhythmical 
periods' from 'rhythmical phrases." I wish he had gone a step further 
and differentiated a subordinate 'accentual group' from either. It seems 
to me impossible to appreciate rightly the problems of metre without 
taking this further distinction into account. The rhythmical period 
'Said then the last archangel' — whether regarded as prose or verse — 
would fall, according to Professor Lewis's division, into two rhythmical 
phrases, ' Said then j the lost archangel,' of which the first is an accentual 
group, while the second forms two accentual groups, ' the lost j arch- 
angel,' or the last syllable might possibly be regarded as forming part 
of a third. It is tolerably certain that pauses occur between adjacent 
accentual groups, as well as between rhythmical phrases and periods, 
and that these pauses, however slight, play an important part in the 
metrical structure by filling out Professor Lewis's equal intervals of 
time. 

Professor Lewis is leas happy in his treatment of line structure, and 
in applying to it his distinction between rhythmical periods and rhyth- 
mical phrases. A line of verse may be a ' rhythmical or a ' metrical ' 
entity ; a line of vers libres is a rhythmical entity, a line of fixed length, 
e.g. a pentameter, is a metrical but not a. rhythmical entity, in the sense 
which I have attached to these words. Professor Lewis does not, how- 
ever, appear to realise clearly the exact relation of metre and rhythm in 
the case which he chiefly considers, that of blank or rhymed pentameters; 
and the reason would seem to be that he does not distinguish between 



264 



Reviews 



verse that is on the whole syllabic and verse that is not syllabic. 
is part of his fundamental error in supposing syllabisni to be the feature 
that distinguishes verse from prose. If verse be syllabic, in the sense 
in which a French Alexandrine or a line of Milton's blank verse is 
syllabic, then this syllabisni is a metrical element which divides the 
verse into groups of a definite number of syllables, ten, twelve, or 
whatever the scheme may require, each group ending with an accented 
final syllable, which may or may not be rhymed, and thereby marks 
off the division into lines. But where the verse is not syllabic, as, for 
instance, that of Shakespeare's later plays or of Mr W. B. Yeats, the 
division into lines is not marked off by a syllabic element, but merely 
by the coincidence of an accented syllable with (in the case of the 
pentameter) the end of every fifth period. The division is apt to be 
ambiguous, and it is in many cases reinforced by the coincidence of 
rhythmical division with metrical division, i.e., by a pause at the end of 
each line. In the case of syllabic verse, the final pause being, as a 
constituent element in the division, non-existent, Professor Lewis's in- 
sistence on the value of the conflict of line and rhythmical period falls 
to the ground. In the second case, that of non-syllabic verse, the pause, 
when it exists, being present solely in order to mark an otherwise am- 
biguouB division into lines, the conflict cannot, without a contradiction 
of terms, be said to exist at all. Where, indeed, no pause reinforces 
the weak metrical division of non-syllabic pentameter verse into lines, 
and where unaccented syllables are, as is often the case, allowed to 
follow the accented syllable of the fifth period, the divisiRaitito lines is 
purely arbitrary. Thus unless the division into lines has some 'real 
value,' rhythmical in the case of vers libres, metrical or metrical and 
rhythmical combined, in the case of regular verse, the verse might as 
well be printed as prose ; but this real value is not, as Professor Lewis 
supposes, to be found in the opposition of ' the ideal scheme into which 
the poet's thought is to be compressed,' to the thought which is in 
' perpetual conflict ' with it. It is true, ' the end of the line, even when 
the rhythm and the sense of the words ran past it, is afler all a 
point of importance,' but it is not the case that ' we are, or ought to 
be, conscious that it is a resting-place for the rhythm, even when the 
rhythm does not actually rest there ' (p. 55). 

I have referred merely to matters of first principles, and Professor 
Lewis applies these principles with cogency and perspicuity in a series 
of most interesting chapters dealing with the various kinds of verse. 
There is much of value in this most suggestive book which neither tht 
metrical student nor the general reader can afford to neglect. 

Thomas B. Rcdmose-Bkown. 



Reviews 



2C5 



The First Editors of Shakespeare (Pope and Theobald). The Story of 
the first Shake spear inn Controversy and of the earliest attempt at 
establishing a Critical Te,rt of Shakespeare. By Thomas R. 
Lounsbl-ry. London: D. Nutt, 1906, gm xxii + 579 pp. 

Professor Lounabury's aeries of books on Shakespearian Wars b;i8 
reached its third volume. After having dealt with Shakespeare as a 
Dramatic Artist and with Shakes/ware and Voltaire, he proceeds to 
discuss, not so much the history of the- emendation of Shakespeare's 
test — that would have been an instructive, though, in some ways, 
melancholy, record of much misplaced ingenuity — as the history of 
eighteenth century quarrels and ill humour and bad taste. It is 
possible that the cause of learning has been advanced by these con- 
fcrovereies ; it is certain that injustice was done ; and it is probable that 
even yet we do not know the whole truth about the lies, the jealousy 
and the petty vanities that helped to cloud the reputation of Theobald. 
Professor Churton Collins 's article entitled The Porson of Shakespearian 
Criticism, published many years ago, was a step in the right direction. 
Professor Lounsbuiy's book should <i> much to clear away further cobwebs 
and a variorum edition of The Dunciad would be an effective helpmeet. 

Those who know Professor Lounsbury's previous contributions to 
literary history, notably his Chaucerian studies, will know what to 
expect iu the present volume. It is a painstaking, exhaustive, scholarly 
survey of Theobald's treatment of Pope, Pope's treatment of Theobald 
and Pope's and Theobald's treatment of Shakespeare. The introductory 
chapters, leading up to a consideration of the main theme, are 
intentionally brief. A more thorough treatment of the earlier period 
woidd have been preferable, especially as it has been found necessary 
to lengthen the work in other ways, e.g. the consideration of later 
eighteenth century editing has been postponed until a fourth volume 
of the Shakespearian Wars can be published. Of especial value is the 
chapter devoted to the Grub-street Journal, and the manner and 
methods of newspaper criticism are set forth with first-hand knowledge 
of the periodical literature of the eighteenth century. Theobald was 
attacked : with an activity that never slept and a malignity that never 
tired,' largely because he had ventured to work in a field wherein some 
one else had begun to work. This, though ' the labourers are few,' 
seems to have been deemed then, as in earlier and later times, a 
sufficient reason for misrepresentation and abuse. 

Although Professor Lounsbury works hard to establish the reputation 
of Theobald, he is not blind to his defects ; certain errors of Theobald's 
edition are pointed out even as certain merits of Pope's labours are 
indicated in an earlier chapter. It is as a contribution to the titerary 
history of Pope and his circle that the book will be most useful in 
spite of its somewhat discursive nature. We shall look forwanl with 
interest to the completion of the task. The index of eight pages seems 
to be of quite inadequate assistance to the preceding 590 pages of text. 

A. R. Waller. 



Poems. By George Crabbe. Edited by Adolprub William Ward. 
3 vols. Cambridge: University Press. 1905-6, 8vo. xiv + 542, 
viii + 508, xx + 568 pp. 

L'edition de Crabbe, entreprise par M. Ward en 1905, vient d'etre 
compl^tee par la publication du troisieme volume. Elle se distingue de 
ses devancieres par certaines qualites qui lui appartiennent en propre. 
M. Ward, seconde par M. Waller, a multiplie les efforts pour donner un 
teste correct des cenvres depuis longteinps con nues, pour reunir K 
)es pieces eparses et divert fragments inanuscrits qu'on n'avait ] 
encore publiee. Grace au contours de M. Lyster. bibliuthecaire a Dublii 
il a pu retrouver et feuilleter la collection in^ignifiante, mais tres ra 
du Lady's Magazine, dont les six volumes furent edites, semble-t 
par trois libraires successivement, par John Wheble pendant le pit 
semestre de 1770, par Robinson et Roberts jusqua la fin de cette n 
annee, et par Robinson tout seul de 1771 a 1775, epoque a laquelle 
cette revue s'eteignit. M. Ward y cherchait, avec une curiosite que 
nous comprenons et que nous aunons partagee, le my.sterioux 'prize- 
poem on Hojie,' la triompbante Espdrance qu'an rapport du tils et 
biograpbe de Crabbe, Wheble aurait couronnee et publiee en 1772 dans 
le Lady's Magazine. Comment ne pas s'iiitere&ser, Inrsqu'on est editeur 
ou critique, a cet heureux debut de faspirant poete ? Malhenreusement, 
en depit des recherches les plus consciencieuses, YEsperance de Crabbe 
reste toujours introuvable. Sans doute, il existe, dans le Lady's 
Magazine d'octobre 1772 et de fevrier 1773, deux Essays on Hope, mais 
lee vers que le Biographe cite conime terminant le ' prize-poem ' ne s' 
rencontrent point, ct Ton ne pent que conclure a, la non-authenticite c 
l'un et de l'autre 'essai.' M. Ward, cependant, ne voulait pas reveiu 
bredouille de cette chasse a YEsperance: aussi a-t-il cm devoir insere 
dans son edition tine demi-douzame de pieces tiives du Lady's Magazine 
de 1772 et signees ' G. Ebbare ' ou ' G. Ebbaac' Elles sont peut-etre de 
Crabbe, mais nous ne leur trouvons pas un fuinet poetique des plus 
delimits. 

Beaucoup plus importante est la reimpression integrate d'lnebri 
le premier pofenic public independamment par le jeune apprenti-apol 
caire de Woodbridge, alors dans sa vingt et unieme annee. Le Biogmph* 
respectable pasteur, nous en avait bien donne d'abondants extraits dan 
son edition de 1834, et l'etude de ce pastiche realiste et ironique de 
YEssay on Man de Pope nous avait montre k quelle ecole Crabbe avait 
appris 1'art de versifier et dans quel sens il developperait un jour so 
originalite propre. Mais nuns soupeonmons k peine ce que nous revelei 
les passages omis par son fils, (Ju'il a besoin tie s'assagir avant < 
devenir pasteur, ce jeune medecin grivois, pilier dc cabaret, qui tous 1 
soirs observe et partage peut-etre Ylvresse, si bien decrite par li 
Le portrait de Fabricio, prudemment tronque par le Biographe, 
s'inspirerait-il pas de l'experience personnels du poete I Car ce n'es 
rien de nous dire que le pauvre adolescent, buveur par persuasioi 



Reviews 

absorbe a contre-cceur la ' potion etincelantc.' II taut voir avec quel 
entrain et quelle abondanee Crabbe nous peint, en pres de trente vera, 
les consequences inevitables de cette juvenile orgie, ['irresistible debacle 
oil Fabricio BOodain s'effondre : 

But now, Alas the hour ! th' increasing flood 
Rolls round and round) and auuoot I* withstood ; 
Thrice he essays to atop the ruby flow, 
To stem its force aud keep it still below ; 
la vain his art '. it comes '. at distance gaze, 
Ye ataucher sots, and lie not near the piaoe ! 

Et quels edirknts cmiseils ce f'utur ecclesiastique, alors plus pres de 
Wilkes que de Young, ne donne-t-il pas au beau sexe, dans la troisieme 
partie de son poeme compietement supprimee par le Biographe! 'Buvez ! 
s'ecrie-t-il, buvez, Chloris, buvez, Flavie: 

Drink then, ye Fair, anil Nature's laws fulfil— 
N'est-ce point la premiere d'entre vous qui ravit le fruit defendu ? 

iveyUl 

Buvez, pour qu'avec les efnuves du vin, l'ainbition vous monte a la 
tSte ; buvez, pour que, sous la caresse de la chaude liqueur, vos seas 
soient prets a 1'amour ! Souvenez-vous qu'en un jour la feinme peut 
op^rer pres de mille guerieons, que 

The state of Nature is a state undrest ; 
Be reeling Ciesars in a Cyprian mould... 
We fell with yon, and you should fall with us!' 

A la bonne heure ! On ne saurait etre plus jeune, et nous remercions 
sincerement M. Ward de nous avoir niontre' Crabbe en train de jeter sa 
gourme poetiquement. 

La ne se bornent point, d'uilleiirs. les nouveautes de cette edition. 
Une assez tongue elueubration en vers blancs parfois inintelligibles y a 
t^te piil.'liee pour la premiere fois en entier sous le titre de Midni'/ht, 
d'apres le manuscrit que possede M. Edward Dowden. Une reproduction 
exacte du teste original de la Bibliothii/ue (1781) a trouve place partni 
les variantes du premier volume; quelques moreeaux — telle la \ision 
composee a Edimbourg en 1'honneur de George IV — entrent entin dans 
le cadre des ceuvres completes; la Preface du Borough est imprimee, 
cotnme elle devrait toujours l'etre, de maniere a former un tout et nan 
pas une suite d'extraits; de nombreuses ebauches inedites ont.^te 
publiees d'apres des manuscrits achetes par 1'Universite, ou pretes par 
M. Dowden, par M. Buxton Forman et par M™* Mackay; une biblio- 
graphie tree complete— trop complete peut-etre 1 — sert d'appendice au 
troisieme volume, et entin, ce qui constitue une innovation precieuae, les 
8 ont et£ partout numerous. 

eroyons-noiis, lee n- 42 et 11 (vol, m. 
Tola., ctlle de 1S34 (n" 40), que John 




Mais, a cote de ces Stages, de serieuses reserves s'iiupt>seiit. Nous 
OOUa demandoce d'almrd a quel public s'adresse cette edition. Serait-ce 
aux gem du monde, aux amateurs tie poesie, meuie realiste '. Alors, que 
signifie cet appareil critique de notes, de variances, d'errata relegues a 
la fin de chaque volume ! Que signifient ces brouillons sans valeur, 
ces eequisses inachevees, parmi lesquelles la Deserted FawUy teok 
merit erait d'etre conserves ! Serait-ce aux erudite ? Mais alora ll 0009 
semble que, pour la commodite meme de la lecture et du travail de 
reference, il eut tallu se garder de rejeter lea notes et les variantes a la 
fin de ces litres. Nous ne pouvons voir sans one insurmontable re- 
pugnance cette disposition typugraphique qui force le lecteur studieux 
a feuilleter les oeuvres d'un poete comme il ferait un dictionnaire. 
L'erudition, pour etre ainiable, doit avoir un abord plus engageant. 
Quelle vienne au-devant de nous, et ne nous oblige point a courir apres 
elle. Ses charmes ne sont pas si grands quelle puisse esperer etre 
court isee, sans y mettre du sien, Qu'au baa de chaque page, notes et 
variantes, eonfortablement installers et bien en vue, s'offrent a nos 
regards curieux et satisfaits sans peine. Mais qu'on ne nous fasse pits 
travailler des bras au.ssi bien que des yeux ; qu'on s'applique a nous 
eviter tout effort inutile I 

Supposons maintenant que ces volumes aient ete" destines aux 
erudits plutot qu'aux gens du monde, et examiuous-les avec toute la 
rigueur et le serieux qui conviennent a la critique des textes. Nous 
Bommea surpris du desordre qui regne en certaines parties de cet 
ouvrage. Le plan manque de la terme cohesion que donne. une vue 
d'ensenible du sujet; 1'editeur, au lieu de dominer ses materiaux, se 
laisse entrainer par eux, comme un roi trop faible cede aux exigences de 
ses sujets. II a des distractions et des incertitudes. II oublie. dans le 
premier volume (p. 66), qu'il nous a promis de publier iotegralement 
dans le troisieme (p. 388) une Epttre a Mira dont il cite d'avance un 
passage inutile. II ne e'apercoit pas, en coinpulsant les documenta 
achetes par son Universite, que quatre vers reimprimes a la page +14 du 
troisieme volume font en realite partie du poeme public ibid. p. 432, ct 
qu apres le vers 18, on lit dans le manuscrit: 

The one so worn, as you behold. 
So thin and [iale — and jet ■■•■ gold ! 
The punon sndi it was to prove, 
Worn by Life's cares— and yet ill IiOTfc 

II pretend arranger d'apres l'ordre chronologique lee pieces detaehe* 
qu'il a rassemblees dans le troisieme velume (pp. 375—442). Maie il 

n'esfc pas toujours assez bien renseigne pour le poiivoir faire avec surete. 
Ni le poeme intitule Infancy (vol. ill, p. 301) et compose le 16avril 1S16', 
ni les vers sur la Satire (p. 398), dates du mois d'aout 1818', n'auraieut 
du passer avant. Betcoir Castle (p. 400) de 1812, Parhum Revisited 
(p. 414) de 1814, A Ring u> me (p. 432) de 1813-4, To a Lady at 



Review* 



269 



Hi'hnoutlt (p. 434) du 22 septembre 181+'. Et c'cst par inadvertance, 
sans doute, que ] Epltre an Due de Rutland (p. 493), du mois d'aout 
1784, vient apres des ebatiches de contes destines aux Tales of the Hall 
(pp. 444 as.). 

Paasons a l'etablissement du teste, que M, Wart!, en consultant les 
editions originates et en se guidant sur celle de 1823, a certain enient 
reussi a corriger par endroits. Le 'just right enough' da Village 
(ed. Murray, 1861, p. 119, col. 1 ) a ete heureusement rem place par 'just 
rich enough ' ; le ' rigid sand ' du Borough (memo ed., p. 177. col. 1 ) est 
tres justement devenu ■ ridgy sand,' et an 'took' des PosthttmottS Tales 
(mfime ed., p. 555. eoL 2) ' told ' a ete fort avantageusement substitue, 
d'apres le texte de 1834 et celui du mh. Mais pourquoi M. Ward ne 
s'est-il paa aervi de 1'edition <le 1783 pour effaeer, dans le Village, la 
seule nicorrection grammatical- qui depart' encore cet intcressantpoeme ? 
Au lieu des vers 49—50 (vol. I, p. 121): 



No ; cast by Fortune o 
Which neither groves i 



a friiwmii<r ci'.ist, 
>i* happy vallcya lioast, 



il aurait eu, d'accord ftVflO les exigences de la syntaxe la plus ele- 

inentaire : 

Ni>; cast by I'l'itiiiie mi a ftowning cout, 
Which can DO groves nor ha^jiy valleys boast. 

Poui-quoi surtout a-t-il cm devuir asse/. I'requi-unniem. changer le texte 
de Crabbe, sans qu'aucune autorite t'y invitat ? Prenons les longuea 
listes d'errata, ou plutot de ' correcta,' que contient chacun des trois 
volumes. Eliininons tout ce qui n'est que minuties de punctuation, 
d'orthographe ou de citations inexaetcs. Que reste-t-il ? D'abnrd tin 
bon nombre de lapsus que M. Ward croit etre le premier fi corriger, 
maia auxquels I'etliteur de 1834 avait deja remedie 2 . Ensuite nue serie 
d'emendations douteuses ou M. Ward, a tort ou a raison, Be mete 
d'anieliorer la syntaxe trop souvent deleetneuse du poete. Or cette 
audace ue va pas sans quelques dangers. Car s'il est a. la rigueur possible 
de lire k la page 23, vers 196 (vol. I), 

Ami senseless titt'rhigs seusc of mirth cniifoiiiul 

au lieu de ' titt'ring,' il est beaucoup plus douteux qua la page 205 
(meme vol.), vers 270. Crabbe ait voulu ecrire 

E'eu well-feigrrd |WMsiona for our sorrows call, 
au lieu de ' passion,' et a la page 28 du deuxieme volume, vers 13. 

Pains rnis'd with l »ity in our batOBM rise', 
au lieu do 'pain,' le pluriel, en ce eas, constituant presque une im- 
propriety de termes. I! I'aut, croyons-nous, dans tous ces passages -id la 



' La date remorl de la biogruphie 
Ucljoii lirniuuey). 

-1 Voir entre autros, vol. I, p. 10, 
v. BftB, ilihj mm lieu de tilly, etc. etc. 



t du camel de voyage de Crabbe pout 1M14 (col- 
^<}■i, pfadfim'i ati lieu de ftttOtrtt, ibid. p. 152, 



270 



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f-ammaire est lesee, laisser a Crabbe la responsabilite de ses fault's 1 , 
lies font partie integrante de son originalite. N'est-ce pas lui < 
ecrivait dans un vers incorrigible que M. Ward lui-meme n'a 
ose* retoucher: 



Blaze not with fairy light the phosphor fly? 



. 461). 



Surtout on doit s'abstenir d'augmenter la culpabilite dti po&te en Ie 
chargeant d'erreurs imaginaires, ou simplemenl. dues a l'inadvertance 
de son editeur. II nous sera peut-etre permis de faire remarquer que 
' cives' (vol. I, p. 161, v. 139), employe par Crabbe, n'est pas moms 
anglais que 'chives,' propose par M. Ward; que nous preferons, et de 
beau coup, le 

Theirs, or the ocean's miserable prey 
an 

Their, or the ocean's, miserable prey 

(m6me vol. p. 123, v. 118) 

que 1'editeur, au mepris de toute haimonie, et sans aucun avantage 
pour le sens ou la grammaire, voudrait y substituer. Voyez k quels 
penis un critique, meme competent, s'expose, lorsqu'il s'engage dans 
cette voie '. A la page 6 du volume n (ligne 21). Crabbe, eenvant la 
preface des Tales in Verse, s'exprima ainsi : ' In a Poem of this nature, 
the princijial and inferior characters in some degree resemble a general 
and his army, where no one pursues his peculiar objects and adventures, 
or pursues them in unison with the movements and grand purposes of 
the whole body,' phrase par laquelle Crabbe voulait evidemment dire 
que 'personne dans cette arm4e ne poursuit drs d.'sseins particuliers, on 
que, s'il en poursuit (or, if he pursues them), e'est d'aecord avec les 
mouvements et les intentions de l'arm^e tout entiere.' M. Ward, 
oubliant que Crabbe, malgre ses quelques incorrect ions, reste un grand 
ecrivain et sait toujours ce qu'il veut dire, rejette cet 'or' et lui 
substitue un 'but' inutile et presque obscur. De meme, en un autre 

rsage (ibid., p. 93, v. 197), Crabbe se propose de decrire le sentiment 
fierte que peut ressentir one petite fille, lorsque ses tantes et s 
gi-and'mere iui permettent de jouer ' un ecu ' an whist avec eltes : 

mil she was then enteeiu'd— 

entendez par la 'quelle ferome d'importance on la jugeait etre.' 
M. Ward n'est point satisfait de ce ' what ' et prefere un 
quelconque, d'une platitude oil s'emousse tout le piquant de l'obs 
vation psych "logiq ue de Crabbe. Prenez encore le vers 344 o 
page 381 du meme volume, ou M. Ward vent changer ' bounded s 
en ' bonded slave.' Ne saute-t-il pas aux yeux que, s'il faut remplacer 
' bounded,' ce sera par ' bounden,' et non point par ' bonded ' ? Et, pour 
mon eompte, je ne changerais rien. 

1 Stuf, bien eitenrtn, lorsiiu'une Edition antfrieureoupontcntute justitie le cl 



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271 



Car il nous parait evident qu'une regit' abaolne doit etre observee 
dans l'e'tablissement d'un texte meme moderne : n'apporter aneune 
modification qui ne soit autorisee par des editions contemporaines de 
I'tscrivain on par ses manuscrita. Autrenienfc on tonibe dans 1'arbitraire 
et noua eroyons avoir demontre que le Dr Ward, en d'assez nombreux 
endroits, n'y a pas eehappe. Si nous avons insiate sur tant de details 
qui ont pu parait re fnstidieux, ce n'est point par esprit de chicane, mais 
parce que la vraie methode critique nous semble avoir ete partbis 
abandonnee dans ces trois volumes. II en reaulte que nous ne possedons 
pas encore d'edition definitive de Crabbe. Celle de Murray est alourdie 
par des extraits d'articles de revues plus que supertlua, et ausai gatee 
par de nombreuses fautea d'impression; celle du Dr Ward est encombree 
d'un fatras de materiaux, in edits sans doute, mais depourvus de toute 
valeur. Nous pensons qu'une edition veritablement critique de Crabbe 
devrait exclure toutes les pieces que le Dr Ward a tirees du Lady's 
Magazine, ausai bien que Midnight et, sauf la Deserted Family, tout le 
content! des manuscrits trop tideletiient copies « Cambridge. Par contre, 
elle com p rend rait V Inebriety en entier. leapoeines de jeunesse publics en 
appendice par le Biographe en 1834, les Poetical Epistles de M. Buxton 
Forman, dont 1'interet biographique est certain, le Candidate et toutes 
les ceuvres posterieures dans I'ordre tradvtionnel, Au bas de chaque 
page de texte, on noterait soigne use me nt les variantes huportantes, sans 
oublier la premiere partie de la BMiotheqtie d'apres ledition de 1781. 
Et, a lepreuve, on constaterait sana doute que I'e'dition la plus sure 
pjnr I'etablissement du texte eat celle de 1834, quoi qu'en ait dit 
M. Ward. 

R. H re hon. 



John Hookham Frere. Sein Lehen and seine Werke, sein Einflitss auf 
Lard Byron. Von Albert Eichler. ( Wiener Beitrdge sur 
englischen Philologie, xx.) Vienna: W. Braumuller, 1905. 8vo. 
viii + 194 pp. 

Tennysons Sprache und 8til. Von Roman Dvboski. (Same Series, 
XXV.) Vienna: W. Braumuller, 1906. 8vo. xxx + 544 pp. 

Dr Eichler'a study of John Hookhatn Frere is a welcome and readable 
addition to what has been already written on the subject by Sir Bartle 
Frere in his Memoir, and by Gabrielle Feating in his John Hookham 
Frere and his Friends. A better title for the book would perhaps have 
been 'John Hookham Frere und seine Zeit,' for the author is, at times, 
very discursive in dealing with matter only indirectly connected with 
the subject about which he is writing. He gives about eight pages, 
fur instance, t<> supplying a detailed account of other authors' con- 
tributions to the Microcosm, whereas he devotes a little over three to 
Freiv's rive contributions to the same publication. In a similar way, 
dealing with the A nti -Jacobin Review, he assigns ten pages to a 



272 Reviews 

description of articles due. at any rate, mostly to others, asd of which 
none can be definitely attributed to Frere, while he dismisses the one 
essay mentioned that is surely his — Meeting of the Friends of Freedom — 
in a page. However the space allotted to the last named journal is not 
to be regretted, as a good deal of fresh light is thrown on the caustic 
wit and oiling satire of Frere's allies and friends. The account given 
of Monks and Giants is most interesting, and the contents of the poem 
are tersely and incisively told. To judge from this specimen of Eiehler's 
style, it is to be regretted that he did not carry out his original intention 
of writing a metrical translation of the poem. A chapter - deals 
exclusively with the influence exerted by Frere's chef-d'auvre on Beppo. 
The origin of the assumed influence of the one work on the other i> 
Byron's own statement in a letter to Murray that he was writing Beppo 
in imitation of Monks and Giants. Beyoud the fact, however, that they 
are both written in ottava vimu, there is but little connection between 
the poems. If, however, one sets out with the determination to discover 
some influence, it will no doubt be possible to detect a few points 
resemblance; but we are inclined to think that, in his desire to justify 
Byron's words, Eichler has attempted to prove too much. 

The volume dealing with Tennyson's language and style is the uu 
recent addition to Professor Schipper's admirable series of studies 
English philology. It is dedicated to the late Professor Richard Heinzel, 
whose method — namely, vine gegehcne Nuiiime literariseher Prodnkte, 
alseinheitliche.St'ifliuasse zusuumiengefasst.michverschiedeiii'i] < i.sichts- 
punkten zu analysieren und die gefunclenen Merkmale mit Belegen 
zu einer " Beschreibung"' zusammenzustellen ' — the author has here 
attempted to adapt to the life-work of a modern poet. 'Auf solche 
Weise anch nur im Kleineii der grosseu Idee zu dieiien, deren Verwirk- 
lichung Heinzels M.-thode anstrebte, namlich der Auniiheruiig der 
Philologie von einer einseitig historischen Be trachtungs weise an das 
beobachtend-biselireibende Verfahren der inodernen Nattirwtsseiisehaft. 
ist Zweck und Ziel dieses Bitches.' With this object in view, Dr 
Dyboski has written a treatise which adds considerably to our know- 
ledge of Tennyson's art. The author's admiration of the late 
laureate is also gratifying, since he iB one of the few English poets 
have not, perhaps, received in German-speaking countries the s 
meed of praise that they enjoy in their own. Part of Dr Dyboski's 
study, namely, that on the structure of words, had already appeared, it 
should be noted, in Professor Kellner's Baitsteine. The book is provided 
with a detailed table of contents, but unfortunately has no index of 
words. This deficiency is partially made up for by a rather short 
'Glossary,' which is, however, a considerable advance, in many respects, 
upon Brightwell's Concordance. 

A. B. Young, 



tity 

t 

zel, 



Friedrich Soktagtl, 1794-1802. Seine jirosoischeit Jugendschriften. 

Herausgegeben von J. Mixor. Zweite (Titel— ) Ausgabe. 2 Bande. 

Vienna: Konegen, 1906. Svo, xi + 362 and xii + 431 pp. 
Frederic Schlegel et la Geneie du Romantisme allemand (1791-1797). 

Par I. BOUQK Bordeaux: Feret et fits, 1904. xiv + 315 pp. 
Erla uter ■unr/eii zn Friedrich Schleoels ' Lucinde.' Von I. RoUCE. 

Halle: Niemeyer. 1905. Svo. 136 pp. 
Friedrich SvUegd mid Coethe, 1790-1802. A Study in Early German 

Romanticism. By J. W. Scholl. (Publications of the Modern 

Language Association of America, Vol. xxi, No, 1, pp. 40-192.) 

Cambridge, Mass.: Modern Language Association, 1906. 
Die Weltanschauung der deutschen Ruinantik. Von Marie Joachimi. 

Jena: Diederichs, 1905. 8vo. viii + 236 pp. 
It would be rash to say that the large and constantly increasing 
body "f special studies on the German Romantic School which have 

appeared during the last few years, lias helped us forward in proportion 
to its bulk. Vet it lies perhaps in the nature of investigations into 
this, the most difficult and complicated of all periods of German litera- 
ture, That what the toilers have achieved cannot bo fairly estimated 
Ulltil the burden and the heat of the day are over. It is interesting to 
observe that the attention "f literary investigators — who, for years after 
the appearance of Haym's fundamental Romantische Schide (1870), 
ivi'H- strangely apathetic where Romanticism was concerned — has been 
directed to the period by the general tendency of German intellectual 
life at the present day. The latest phase of German individualism has 
recognised the spiritual movement of a hundred years ago as kindred 
and sympathetic, and the leaders of that movement have become the 
objects of interested curiosity to those who, under the influence of that 
essentially modern Romanticist, Friedrich Nietzsche, are pushing out 
into troubled waters in the search for a new faith. Romantic literature has, 
in consequence, become the fashion: first editions of the Romanticists 
command extraordinarily high prices, and the market has been Hooded 
with dainty, but unfortunately not always accurate or scholarly re- 
prints. 

The latter reproach certainly does not apply to Professor Minor's 
admirable edition of Friedrich Schlegels JugendHchrifteu, which was 
originally published as far back as 1882. Sehkgcl is forbidding fare to 
the modern aesthete, who has been attracted to Romanticism by the 
religious mysticism of Novalis or the enthusiasm of Wackcnroder ; and 
1 doubt if these two volumes will appeal to a much wider public to-day 
than they did twenty-five years ago. But to the serious student Pro- 
fessor Minor's reprint of SchlegelV writings in the form in which they 
actually influenced the literary movement of his day, is not merely 
invaluable, but indispensable, Here are to be found the chief docu- 
ments bearing on the construction of the Romantic creed, for which 
Herder, a generation earlier, had with unfailing intuition prepared the 



274 

way. The first volume, which contains Schlegel's writings on Greel 
literature, defines the attitude of the new movement towards antiquity, 
a preliminary which every literary movement from the Renaissance to 
the beginning of the nineteenth century has been obliged to go through, 
to justify its existence. The essay fiber das Stadium der griechischen 
Poesie, that ' manierirter Hymims in Prosa auf das Objective in der 
Poesie,' is the best — one is tempted to say, the only— introduction to 
the aesthetic theory of Romanticism. And in Volume II we see the 
practical outcome of Schlegel's long wrestling with antiquity, and are 
able to realise what it was to mean for German thought and poetry. 
Here, too, are the powerful essays of the Chai-ak-teristikeii und Kritikeii, 
Friedrich Schlegel has not had all the credit he deserves as the pioneer 
of a new form of literary essay ; and we in England, who can place 
the work of Macaulay side by side with that of Carlyle, are, perhaps, 
better able than Schlegel's own countrymen to realise how much his 
initiative meant for the development of Romantic criticism. In these 
two volumes, then, is to be found, as nowhere else, the key to the 
' Romantik,' the gradual unfolding of a revolutionary literary doctrine, 
which, it is hardly too much to say, was only compassed and compre- 
hended by the brain of one man. 

Professor Rouge of the University °f Bordeaux has given 
studies devoted to Friedrich Schlegel. It seems almost superfluous 
praise the clearness and lucid arrangement of the general treatise ; for 
it is rare that such qualities are absent in French academic work. The 
method, it is true, occasionally tries the patience of the reader wht> is 
in quest only of the author's new contributions to knowledge, and would 
prefer to be spared the methodical recapitulation of familiar facts; 
especially as the Frenchman, unlike his German colleague, is unwilling 
to burden his pages with more references than are absolutely necessary. 
But even if M. Rouge has not much to tell us that is absolutely new, 
his finished workmanship, his art of seeing his subject as a whole, and 
his logical, synthetic mind, have put. Friedrich Schlegel's thought and 
work in a new light. Excellent and illuminating, for instance, are the 
chapters on ' Anciens et Modernes, Classiques et Romantiques,' although 
M. Rouge does not 3eem to me to discriminate clearly enough between 
those aspects of Greek art and literature which the Germans of the 
earlier eighteenth century regarded as ' classic,' and those which ap- 
pealed to the ' Sturm und Drang ' and the Romanticists. The strength 
of the book lies in its admirable generalisations, which will in most 
cases recommend themselves to the student of the period. Occasionally, 
M, Rouge errs by excess of generalisation ; he shows a tendency to treal 
Schlegel as he might have treated, say, Fichte or Schelling, as a 
philosopher with a definite system to expound, instead of as an irre- 
sponsible, impulsive genius, who thought, for the most part, inconse- 
quently and illogically, and, as Goethe would have said, ' im Dunkeln,' 
by flashes of intuition. M. Rouge is, in other words, inclined to 
attribute to Schlegel a metaphysical outlook on literature which smacks 
rather of latter-day philosophies than of Romantic individualism. 



: 






After this enlightening study, it is somewhat disappointing to turn to 
M. Rouge's commentary on Schlegel's 'erhabene Frechheit,' LucindeK 
With the language— for the commentary is written in German — the 
author would seem to have thrown oft* just those qualities of conciseness 
and width of view which might have been as invaluable in interpreting 
Schlegel's fragmentary novel, as they are in M. Rouge's French treatise. 
The commentary is extraordinarily conscientious and throws light on 
many dark places — on some, perhaps, that might with advantage have 
remained dark — but M. Rouge fails to make sufficiently clear, even in 
the ' allgemeine Ubersicht,' the wider aspects of this work and its 
signification tor the history of Romanticism. He might in this respect, I 
think, have learned more than he has done from H. Gsehwind's sugges- 
tive, if not always convincing study on Die eihischen Newemngen rfer 
Friih-Romantik (1903). As it is, his ErUinterungen are too exclusively 
microscope work. 

The third contribution on my list of reeent Schlegel literature 
comes from America, and is obviously intended to be supplementary 7 to 
C. Alt's excellent book on Schiller und die Briider Schlegel (1904), 
Mr Scholl has set himself a hard task; to use a favourite phrase of 
Schlegel's own, he has undertaken ' to bore the board where it ia 
thickest,' and if he has not been altogether successful, the difficulties in 
his way ought not to be forgotten. But one feature of Mr Scholia 
study makes an unpleasant impression at the outset, and that is his 
slavery to the methods of the German dissertation ; he even carries it 
so far as to imitate the parsimonious system of referring to frequently 
quoted books and journals under cabalistic letters. This excessive 
Germanism is to be regretted for a twofold reason: Mr Scholl does not 
leave the impression that he has behind him the training and discipline 
which are essential for success on lines where German scholarship 
excels, and, on the other hand, I find a few pages of his work which 
lead me to think that, had he not so lightly parted with his Anglo- 
Saxon birthright in such matters, he might have given us something 
better. M. Rouge's French treatise has shown how jealously the 
French guard their tradition and method, and with what success. Why 
should America allow herself to be overawed by foreign models, which 
are hardly, one would think, congenial to the national genius * Mr 
Scholl has collected his materials industriously, systematically, scientifi- 
cally ; but he works among them somewhat blindly : and one is inclined 
to doubt at times whether his familiarity with the literature of the 
period <-\tends far beyond the authors immediately under consideration. 
He does not seem to be always at one with himself with regard to what 
constituted Romantic theory and practice ; I miss, in particular, what is 
indispensable for a study of this kind, a clear discrimination between 

1 In Yiew of the misprints (see Rouge's Ert/iiilrrtmgen, p. 13) o( the most accessible 
text ol I.utindt — that in Reduin'o l'iiir<!rMiliil<Ui>flirli—& is worth noting that the firm 
of Diederichs id Jena, to which the attideul of the Romantic movement is already bo 
deeply indebted, has just published a new edition of Schlegel's novel, as well as of 
Schleiermacher'B Tertranit Brieft. 



276 



/,'■ <■„ w.$ 



Goethe's thought and Schiller's, and an understanding for Friedrich 
SclilfgiOV indebtedness to Schiller. Had Mr Scholl, instead of setting 

out t" }ii-«ve Goethe's influence, approached the problem in a scientific 
spirit of unbiassed inquiry, he would, I am sure, have been less con- 
fident in proclaiming Goethe the dominating influence on Schlegel's 
thought and work. 'Friedrich Schlege!,' he says in his conclusion, 
'was overwhelmingly dependant upon Goethe for the subject matter of 
literary work, materials for aesthetic and moral theory, and for models 
of imitation.' He has not, however, succeeded in convincing me, at 
least, that Schlegel was indebted to Goethe for any of these things in 
an 'overwhelming' degree. 

An interesting feature in the reviving study of the ' Romantik ' is 
tin.- fascination this nn ivement, which owed so much to its women, has 
for women in our time. It would seem as if a finer ear were needed to 
hear the light vibrations of the Romantic soul than is possessed by the 
ordinary ' NeuphiMog,' drilled in the too often blunting and numbing 
school of academic research. The study of -Romanticism is little 
furthered by the routine work— the ' Karrnerarbeit ' — of the univer- 
sities; investigations into sources and new biographical and biblio- 
graphical discoveries leave us very much where we were; and it is 
significant that a new edition (1.906) "f Hayin's Romantisciie Schule can 
be brought out and depend upon finding purchasers, without any essen- 
tial alterations on the first edition of thirty-seven years ago. The 
spiritual essence of Romanticism is something which, in all but a few 
exceptional cases, the ' coarse thumb and finger ' of the school philology 
has failed to plumb; it would seem to resist the intrusion of the 
scientific method. The understanding of the time can, in fact, only be 
furthered by sympathetic study, by loving penetration, by complete 
immersion in the Romantic atmosphere. This explains the success of 
the women who, in recent years, have devoted themselves to the 
unravelling of the Romantic mysteries. I think especially of Frau 
Ricarda Huch. one of the mast gifted novelists of our day, whose two 
volumes of studies, BliiUseit der RoiiMntttk and Auxbreituaij and VerfaU 
der Romantik appeared in 1899 and 1902. and of Friinlein Marie 
Joachimi, whose Weltanschauung der deutscken Romantik seems to 
me much the most enlightening contribution to the literature on the 
Semantic School that has appeared for several years. 

Outwardly. Fraulein Joachimi's book is an attempt, not unlike that 
of M. Rouge, to reduce the thought of the leas! systematic of thinkers 
to a system; she discusses the fundamental dogmas of the Romantic 
faith under the various headings of ' God,' ' The Universe,' ' Humanity,' 
• Romantic Poetry.' and the like. But she nowhere presses her system ; 
and these headings, so far from implying completeness, only embrace a 
small part of the entire Romantic doctrine; she recognises too clearly 
the ' willkitrliche ' element in early Romanticism, and especially in so 
chameleon-like a writer as Friedrich Schlegel, to lay much weight on 
systematising, She is content to link up disconnected ideas wherever 
she can. The supreme merit of the book lies in its peculiar combina- 



Reviews 



•177 



tioii of penetrating thought with a feminine sense for the concrete; 
Fraulein Joachimi has the metaphysical, dialectic type of mind, without 
which it ia hopeless to approach so complicated a personality as was 
Friedrich Schlegel : but she has also what the average dialectician 
rarely has, the delicate feminine appreciation for the realities of things ; 
she has that touch of common sense, without which one cannot expect 
to succeed in solving the Romantic enigmas. The fault of too many of 
the previous critics of the ' Romantik' — and even Hayin is not free 
from it — is to confuse Romantic spirituality with Hegelian metaphysics; 
it is the error into which the metaphysical type of mind, nurtured on 
philosophic method, invariably falls in judging the Romanticists. Such 
critics overlook the fact that, as Frtiulein Joachimi reminds us, 'die 
Frlihroinantik bedeutet nicht Krankheit und Mange! an Virklich- 
keitssinn in der Entwicklungsgeschichte des deutschen Geistes." One 
sees this metaphysical tendency, for instance, exemplified in th. most, 
recent contribution to the literature of Friedrich .Schlegel, E. Kircher's 
PhUomphtS der Romantik (190IJ), a valuable and suggestive collection 
of essays, but essays in which the author, with aggravating persistence, 
renders the obscure only more obscure by translating into the abstrac- 
tions of philosophy ideas that, in the minds of the Romanticists them* 
selv. ■.-, were tangible facts of •experience. To Frjiulein Joaehimi's fullness 
uf knowledge it is testimony enough that she comes of an excellent 
school ; under Professor Walzel of Bern, to whose labours in the field of 
Romantic literature we owe so much, she has learned to avoid with fine 
tact the Keyllu of aesthetic vagaries and the Oharybdis of the school 
philology. I know of no one who has laid bare with finer insight and 
more sympathetic understanding than she, the motive forces of the 
movement which she admirably describes as a ' Protest gegen kleinliche 
Interessen, kiirnmerlichc Moral, spiessbiirgerliche Ideale, seiitiinentale 
Lebensauffassungen ; sie ist ein Kauipf gegen alle diejenigen, die 
eng in Vorurteilen gebunden bleiben una dabei sich mit nochtra- 
benden Redensarten und erborgten Idealen wichtig machen. Die 
Romantiker wolleu die Deutschen tiefi-r sehen, grosser denken, wahrer 
fiihlen lehren, Deshalb suchen sie alles Leben in Poesie zu tauchen ; 
und deshalb mochten sie die Grlindlichkeit der deutschen Wissenschaft 
durch den fortwahreuden Hmweis auf das Unendliche und Unfassbare 
im Natur- und Geistesleben, auf die Philosophic, vor Klein kramerei 
und Verknocherung bewalmn.' 

J. Q. RllltERTSON. 



Old Geniiun Love Songs. Translated from the Minnesingers of the 

Twelfth to the Fourteenth Centuries. By Frank C. Nicholson. 

London: T. Fisher Uuwin, 1907. 8m Ix + 19(i pp. 

In his Old German Love Songs Mr Nicholson's aim has been 

'to present English readers with a selection from the Minnesong 

sufficiently variid and extensive to illustrate roughly the nature and 




Reviews 

range of the art and indicate the main lines of its development.' 

This task was well worth attempting, not only in itself, but also 
on account of the fact that, while the epic poetry of the same 
period has received a moderate share of attention from English 
translators, the lyric poetry, in spite of its fully equal claims, has 
been neglected. Mr Nicholson's qualifications for the task he has 
undertaken are well above the average ; his translations are entirely 
free from the usual mistakes, and his Introduction contains a reliable 
and well-written account of the history and the main features of 
Minnesong and Minnedienst. In choosing between strict adherence 
to the form of his originals and modification of the form for the sake 
of greater freedom of expression, Mr Nicholson has perhaps done well 
to select the former alternative. In some of his translations the fresh 
simplicity and delicate fragrance of the mediseval poems are inevitably 
lost, but the reader will at least be able to obtain an idea of the variety 
and intricacy" of form, as well as of the themes and ideas, characteristic 
of Middle High German poetry. Moreover, this adherence to the 
original form, together with the closeness of the translation and the 
simple and natural language employed, do, in many cases, combine to 
produce an effect not unlike that of the original poems, On the other 
hand, Mr Nicholson has not always been able to make the matter fit 
the form without having recourse to such expedients as impure rimes, 
forced constructions, etc., though it is only fair to say that blemishes 
of this kind are not very numerous. 

The representative character of Mr Nicholson's collection may I 
gathered from the fact that it contains, in roughly chronological order, 
1 50 poems drawn from all the more important and upwards of 40 of the 
less known poets of the period, and represents nearly every type of 
Minnesong. Walther von der Vogelweide is unfortunately only repre- 
sented by fifteen poems, but it is to be hoped that Mr Nicholson will 
some day venture to overstep the limits his diffidence has led him to 
impose on himself, and attempt to justify Walther's reputation more 
fully to English readers. 

F. E. Sandbach. 



Die erstett deutsdien UberaeUuuijen eiir/linc/ier LusUpiele im achtzehn, 

Jahrhiindeii. Von Jacob N. Beam. {Tketiteryeschichtliuke For 

Bchuiiijm, xx.) Hamburg: L. Vose, 1906. 8vo. x + 95pp. 

This book contains a careful and detailed study of the nine Gei 

translations of English comedies which, according to Goedcke, Grtiiidri 

zu.r Geschichte tier deutschen DichUing, iii, § 200, appeared in Germar_ 

between 1737 and 1768. Mr Beam divides the translations into fivi 

classes according to the place of publication, and he ingeniously fine 

some connection, either internal or external, to justify his classil 

cation. The list given by Goedeke can, however, hardly be complete, 

and, as a matter of fact, the British Museum possesses several Gerr. 



279 






trail slations ot' the English plays in question, which are independent of 
the translations examined by Mr Beam. 

The value of Mr Beam's investigation lies in the comparison of the 
various translations with one another, as illustrating the methods of 
translating practised respectively by Oottsched and his opponents. 
The difference may be seen clearly in the translations of Granville's 
She-Gallants, and Congreve's Love for Love, the former by J. C. Mtil- 
dener, the latter by H. E. Freiherr von Spilcker. Die weiblichen 
Liebhaber is a faithful reproduction of the original. The order of the 
scenes in the English play is carefully preserved ; stage-directions are 
accurately translated ; the names remain the same as in English ; no 
attempt is made to nationalise the comedy according to the rules given 
by Oottsched and carefully followed by his wife and others of his 
followers. Der uuversvhidiche Vater, on the other hand, is a ' Bear- 
beitung ' rather than a translation. The scene is transferred to Copen- 
hagen, the names are Germanised, and the play is recast in order to 
render it more intelligible to German ears and acceptable to German 
tastes. 

Mr Beam's conclusions as to the identity of Johann Christian 
Miildener, the translator of The Conscious Lovers and The She-Gallants, 
are undoubtedly correct. There has apparently always been some con- 
fusion as to the name of this author, who wrote under the pseudonym 
of ' Geander- von-der-Oberel be.' Rassmann (Knngef assies Le-vilcon 
deittscher pseudonymer Schriftstelkr, Leipzig, 1830} mentions: "Geander 
an der Oberelbe, Joh. Christoph Miildener, geboren 1699, etc' and, in 
Kayser (Index Librorum, etc., 1832) he appears as "Joh, Ephraim 
Miildener.' The confusion may have arisen partly from the fact 
that another author seems also to have written under the name of 
' Geander,' There can be no doubt that the translator was Johann 
Christian Miildener, 

Mr Beam is not very convincing in his attempt to establish an 
earlier date for Die weiblichen Liebhuber, He bases his argument on 
the supposition that Lcssing must have known the translation of this 
play as early as 1748. Albrecht in his Leszings 1'lagiate, vol. iii, has 
shown that Leesing, when writing Miss Sara Sampson, borrowed in two 
cases from Granville's She-Gallants; Mr Beam goes further and makes 
this English play responsible for scenes in Der gate Mann (1753) and 
Der Leichtgtdubige (1748), and he infers that Leasing already knew 
Granville's play in its German form in 1748. But one may fairly ask : 
why should Lcssing not have read the play in English, a language 
which he certainly knew as early as 1748 i As further evidence 
that Leasing was acquainted with the translation Mr Beam mentions 
the fact that both Leasing and Miildener have changed the name 
• Courtall ' to ' Courtal ' ; but in view of the phonetic alteration Lessing 
had already made in the English word ' woman-hater' in Der Misogyn 
(' Wumshater'), the alteration of 'Courtall' into 'Courtal' does not 
seem to need much explanation. 

In the last section of his book the author points out that all the 




280 



Ri-vica 



English plays chosen for translation were the works of Restoration 
dramatists who wrote under French influence, and that all the German 
writers of the time, not excluding Leasing, looked at English literature 
from a French standpoint and judged it according to the standards of 
French criticism. 

Jessie Croslaxii. 



MINOR NOTICES. 

In 1887 Mr Austin Dobson issued at the Clarendon Press a volume 
of selections from the poems of Goldsmith, with a brief but admirable 
account of the poet, and notes illuminative of the text. Thia volume is 
Ben reprinted in revised and extended form (The Complete Poetical 
Works of Oliver Goldsmith. Edited with Introduction and Notes by 
Austin Dobson. Louden: H. Frowde, 1906), and will be a permanent 
satisfaction to all lovers of Goldsmith. It contains every verse he wrote. 
The Threnodia AngustaUs, the Oratorio of the Captivity, Vida's Game 
of Chess, five pieces of occasional verse, and some fragments of trans- 
lation have been added to the earlier selection. The Introductory 
Memoir is reprinted with a few minor changes of phrase; but the 
notes are expanded with the tact and appositeness in which none of* 
Goldsmith's editors has excelled Mr Dobson. Specially valuable atv 
the notes in Appendix form ; on the portraits of Goldsmith (faced by 
Bunbury's caricature) ; on the epithet 'sentimental,' that curious by- 
product of eighteenth century taste; and two groups of Goldsmith's 
chief prose criticisms of poetry. Nothing is lacking in this edition that 
love and learning can suggest; and if Mr Dobson is wise in not 
in trading critical reflections on the object of his care, he is not the 
less happy when in a passing sentence he does suggest the value of 
Goldsmith's Attic style; 'Avoiding the epigram of Pope, and the 
austere couplet of Johnson, he yet borrowed something from each, which 
bfl combined with a delicacy and an amenity that he had learned from 
neither' (p. xxx). 

A. B. W. 



The Globe plays an important part both in the history of the 
Romantic movement and in the development of Sainte-Beuve as a 
critic. Everyone knows with what eagerness Goethe welcomed the 
arrival, three times a week, of the little paper with its four short pages 
— 'Was aber die Herren vom Globe fur Menschen siud'— and how when 
J. J. Ampere visited him in 1827 he was struck by his youthful 
appearance, and was surprised to learn from him that all the con- 
tributors to the Globe were young men. Unfortunately Mr T. R. 
Davies's treatment of this promising subject (French Romanticist* and 
the Press. The Globe. Cambridge: University Press, 1906) is for 



Minor Notices 

from adequate. His introductory account of the Globe and its con- 
tributors is meagre and incomplete; his description of the meaning 
of Romanticism, or, as he prefers to call it, the Romantic Tendency, 
is confusing. But all this might have been pardoned, if the body of 
his book had been satisfactory. His method — a sound one in itself — 
is to give short summaries of all the important literary reviews which 
appeared in the Globe. But alas! he has done this in such a way as 
tn make it difficult, sometimes quite impossible, to distinguish between 
the opinions of the author of the book reviewed, those of the reviewer, 
and those of Mr Davies himself. On the last page he states his own 
view as to the position of the Globe, and naively adds that it 'differs 
from that of Sainte-Beuve.' The sad part of the book is that, with a 
little judicious guidance, it might have oeen made really useful, 

A. T. 



Dr Malcolm W. Wallace's edition of A Tragedie of Abrahams 
Sacrifice. Written in French by Theodore Beza and translated into 
English by Arthur Golding (University of Toronto Library, 1906) is 
a solid and commendable piece of work, creditable alike to the editor 
and to the University of Toronto, which has published it in a very 
attractive form. The Introduction contains valuable sections on the 
life of Golding, the Abraham Sacrifiant of Beza, English versions 
of the Abraham and Isaac story, the relation of Le viel testament plays 
to English versions, and Golding's translation. Then conies the text of 
Golding's play, and this is followed by notes and by the text of Beza's 
French play. Various photographic facsimiles of the title-page and 
illustrations of the 1575 edition of Golding's play are added. To 
searchers of the bye-ways of Elizabethan drama this book is to be 
heartily recommended. 

G. C. M. S. 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



December, 1906 — February, 1907. 

GENERAL. 
BocKEL, 0., Psychologic der Volksdichtnng. Leipzig, Teubner. 7 
Edwardes, M., Summary of the Literatures of Modern Europe (England, 

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7*. ed. net. 
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MILTON'S HEROIC LINE VIEWED FROM AN 
HISTORICAL STANDPOINT. 

English poets who, after the seventeenth century, made use of the 
heroic line, learnt their art from Milton; Young, Cowper, Wordsworth 
and Tennyson, to mention some of the best-known, professed themselves 
his pupils and owed much to him, But though Milton's authority in 
versification is usually recognized, the rules which he followed in writing 
verse are still called in question or at least differently interpreted by 
preseDt-day critics. Indeed, the modern pronunciation of English, not 
being the same as that of an earlier date, has favoured the introduction 
of innovations, such as trisyllabic feet, into the heroic measure, in spite 
of all classical precedents, and many abettors of these recent innova- 
tions seek to father them on the authors of a former age. Current 
opinion on the subject would have ub believe that Milton, heedless of 
all traditional principles with regard to the heroic line, wrote so as to 
satisfy the ears of our generation, and modem theorists assume they 
are entitled to scan Paradise Lost according to their twentieth century 
standards of pronunciation, whatever standards may have prevailed in 
the past. 

These are the views of many critics, chief among whom we note 
M. Ch. Witcomb in France and in England Professor David Masson, 
the most learned of Milton's commentators. The latter takes it for 
granted that all English poetry, from Chaucer {inwards, should he 
pronounced in modern fashion and sums up his judgment in these 
words: 'On the whole it is best to assume that strictly metrical 
effects are pretty permanent, that what was agreeable to the English 
metrical sense in former generations is agreeable now'.' He would 
have us pronounce in the distinct and deliberate manner adopted by 
I lie educated classes who think it vulgar to drop or to contract any 
syllable, and would thus remove from the text of all previous poets 
the shortened forms and elisions abhorrent to the present stage of the 
language. 



290 



Milton's Heroic Line 



Opposed to this school of critics there are others who set store 1 
traditional rules handed down from past centuries and who believe i 
distinction should be made in reading the works of an early poet and 
those of our contemporaries. Foremost in this group, which is but 
indifferently represented in England, is Dr E. A. Abbott, the eminent 
author of the Shakespearian Grammar, whose study of Elizabethan 
writers and idiom will often be referred to in the following pages. 
Continental scholars first undertook to compare the different lines 
adopted in neighbouring lands with a view to seeing whether they 
were not due to some common source. Their conclusions on the 
subject thus tend to differ from those of British critics as a whole, 
who often seem to accept mere caprice as a law of versification in the 
case of Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained, and to agree with 
Dr Mbbbdb that ' Milton. ..but obeyed the mood of his thought : 
the instinct of a musical ear as perfect and fastidious as was e 
given to man 1 .' Our purpose is to show that Milton carried on I 
work begun by Chaucer, Spenser and Shakespeare and regarded I 
heroic line as an heirloom banded down to him not rifely fr 
previous British poets, but from still earlier writers of both 
and France, who sang the deeds of their national champions, 
task demands a careful study of Milton's two epic poems, and i 
as a preliminary task, an investigation into the laws of heroic i 
in French, in Italian and in earlier English, if we are to detect t 
true connection between these rude beginnings and our poet's raai 
vellous line. 

1. 

Many theories have been broached as to the origin of the Frencr 
decasyllabic line. These we need not examine in detail. It is enough 
to know that it was used in the so-called ' chansons de geste ' about the 
eleventh century and complied with fixed rules easy to define. The 
principal rule is expressed in the name of the verse, decasyllable, which 
implies that it always comprised ten counted syllables. But early 
poets, computing the syllables by the ear only, regardless of any 
traditional system of spelling, used to overlook an extra unaccente 
syllable closing the line or preceding the caesura. Hence arose I 
hypercatalectic verse and what Diez aptly termed the epic caesura, i 
in the following instances from the Chanson de Roland : 

Carles ea ad e dulur et peeance 

De vera la toa/e/aur le ooeur li descent 

1 D. MasHon. Tht Poetical Work* of J. Hilton, London, 1833, Vol. in, p. 



WALTER THOMAS 291 

This extra syllable, however, always occurred singly in French either at 
the end of the verse or before the caesura. 

With this slight esception the number of syllables in the !ine 
remained invariable. We note briefly a few rules relating to the 
division of syllables in mediaeval French, which we borrow with the 
accompanying quotations from Professor Tobler's standard work on the 
subject 1 : (1) Vowels between which a former consonant has dropped out 
on passing from Latin into French belong to different syllables. Thus 
pri-a, ou-ir, jou-er. (2) Vowels contiguous to each other in Latin, but 
belonging to distinct syllables, remain distinct in French, unless the first 
vowel has undergone some serious alteration. Thus provinci-al, paii-ent, 
vati-on, and on the other hand Janvier. (3) Contiguous French vowels 
due to a single Latin vowel are merged into one syllable in French, as 
in bien, pied, miel. (4) Contiguous French vowels due to a vowel fol- 
lowed by a consonant in Latin always coalesce (even in the case of three 
vowels) into one syllable, at least in early French. Thus fruit, viieux, 

When a mute e at the end of a word in early French stands before 
the initial vowel of another word, and sometimes even before the so- 
called aspirate h, it is elided as in the following octosyllables; 'Je ne 
ferai forscourre — Or va' (Theatre j 'ran fain du Moyen Age.ed. Moninerque 
et Michel, 183!), p. 110); 'Les sermons et l'eglise (h)anter' (Renart le 
Nouvel, 1. 5150). Similarly via, ta, sa and occasionally the relative and 
the interrogative pronoun qui are elided before a vowel. Indeed, in 
some poems where traces of negligence are to be found, more than two 
vowels may coalesce into one syllable as in the line: 'Sour un estang, 
d'aige i avoit a fuison' {Aliscaus, 1. 13}'. Nor was it more the custom 
for early French poets to avoid hiatus between two words than for 
present-day writers within the same word. 

We pass on from the counting of syllables to the caesura of the 
decasyllabic The epic line in old French was usually divided by a 
pause in the sense after the fourth counted syllable, or, as we have just 
seen, after the fifth unaccented syllable not counted in the measure. 
Less frequently the caesura might stand after the sixth counted (and 
stressed) syllable which might also be followed by an unaccented 
syllable not taken into account in the computation. Thus: 'En uue 
cambre en entre / de marbre bis' (Aiol, 1. 2146). Rarer still was the 



S!92 



Milton's Heroic Line 



caesura after the fifth unaccented, but counted, syllable, as in lyric* 
verse, or after the same syllable bearing the stress. The lyrical caesura 
following the fourth and unaccented syllable seldom occurs in epic 
metre, where it points to carelessness. Here is an instance of it : ' Ma 
promease / m'est tournee k faillir' (Maetzner, Alt/ram. Lieder, m, 11). 
Lastly, a very small number of lines seern to lack a caesura 1 , a negligence 
condemned by the usage of the best poets. One further peculiarity 
distinguishes the early French decasyllabic from that of other Latin 
peoples, namely, the Gallic use of one caesura only throughout one 
Bud tlx' same composition, whether after the sixth accented syllable, or, 
more often, after the fourth. 

With regard to accent no early writer in any Romance language 
seems to have made it the main element of the decasyllabic line, But 
most French words, as a matter of fact, end with a stressed syllable, and 
the ten-syllable metre naturally assumed on the whole an iambic rhythm 
which English poets at a later date introduced with its other character- 
istics. This was demonstrated by M. Mo there' in a pamphlet in which 
he studied the verse of some early French poets and more particularly 
of Guillaume de Machault', from whom Chaucer borrowed the heroic 
couplet. We may sum up as follows the strict rules of the old French 
epic measure: there are always in a decasyllabic line ten counted and 
sounded syllables, two successive lines are connected by final assonance 
or rhyme, and in the same poem the caesura, mostly placed after s 
accented syllable, remains at the same place throughout- 
Competent metrists are generally agreed that this old French deca- 
syllabic was the source and model of the Italian epic line. It is sufficient 
for our purposes to remark that the Italian line was imitated Ironi the 
Provencal poets and that the early French decasyllabic appears in 
literature long before the Italian heudecasy liable. The latter, indeed, 
is nothing more than the Gallic metre with an additional eleventh 
unaccented syllable. But as the measure thus lengthened influenced 
in no small degree the English heroic line, we must briefly examine ita 
structure and ascertain its rules. It was owing to the nature of the 
Italian language, in which most words are accented on the penultimate 
syllable, that the French metre was regularly provided in Italy with a 
feminine ending'. It is used by Dante in his great epic, by dramatists 
and later poets, and is regarded as the normal type called ' verso piano ' 



1 Cf. Romania, vn, p. 33-1, ami M, GaHton Parie'a remarks 
1 Cf. liin pamphlet, Lit Thforia da Vtn I'" " 
ttijlcation jraa.;aiK, Paris, lflHli. pp. 33-36. 
* Cf. L. G, Blanc, Gramma tt* der iiaUtauelit 



;gl a i 



WALTER THOMAS 



293 



consisting of eleven syllables, thus : ' L' opinion*, mi disse, dei mortali ' 
(Dante, Par., n, 1. 53). This line, like the French decasy liable, may be 
lengthened by a final unaccented syllable, thus producing a verse called 
' sdrucciolo ' (gliding) as in ' Che noi possiam nell' altra bolgia scendere ' 
(Dante, Inf., ZXXO, 1. 32). And we have a proof of the real identity of 
the French and the Italian line in the fact that the latter can now and 
again discard the extra unaccented syllable and reappear in the shape 
of a ten-syllable metre ealled'verso tronco'in Italy', as in the following: 
'Lo ciel perdei, che per non aver fe' (Dante, Purg., vn, 1. 8). If we 
bear in mind how few words in Italian, owing to the very nature of the 
language, end with a stress, the presence of such instances in an early 
classic is in itself an interesting confirmation of the survival of the 
stricter original form. 

The caesuras, however, which in the north of France were fixed in 
the same place in one and the same poem, began to shift their position 
in Italian. Whereas French poets avoid mixing, in the course of one 
composition, caesuras after the fourth accented syllable with those placed 
after the sixth, Italian authors do not do so and herein follow the lead 
of Provencal troubadours whose lyrical verse was more irregular in this 
respect than the older ' chansons de geste ' and supplied mediaeval Italy 
with its earliest models*. Soon, indeed, a number of liberties were taken 
with the measure. We find occasionally a mere pause, instead of the 
sharp caesura. The accent, too, which precedes the break in the line 
may be shifted in the Italian decasyllable ; it need not fall on the end 
of a word and it is no longer permissible, as in old French, to add an 
unstressed syllable before the caesura without taking it into account. 
All syllables, if pronounced, go to form the total number, as in the 
following line: ' Al tornar della mente / che si chiuse' (Dante, Inf., VI, 
I. 1). Hence in Italy the first hemistich is termed 'tronco' (curtailed) 
like the verse itself, if the stress falls on the last syllable before the 
caesura, as in : ' E pien di fe, / di zelo, ogni mortale ' (Tasso, Qer. Lib., I, 
1. 63). It is termed ' piano,' when the stress falls on the next syllable 
but one before the caesura, as in 'Che 'I gran sepolcro / libero di 
Cristo' (id., Ger. Lib., I, 1. 2), and lastly it is called 'sdrucciolo' when 
the accent lies on the antepenultimate syllable before the caesura, as 
in : ' S' accordan le dolcfssime / parole ' ; but this third kind of caesura 



1 Such lines, however, never (MOT in a careful poet like Tasso. 

1 Cf. F. d' Ovidio'B account in the Giontale Smricu Mil IfKfMfVN itoliana, Vol. inn 

'.IS), p. 45 ; ' piuttosto lirion (u In prim* fiiiiziouu dull' emlecasillabo noatro...' 

' See above what was said of the Italian decasyllabic line called ' verso tronco.' 



94 



Milton's Heroic Line 



is censured by the best critics and seldom occurs 1 . As a rule, 
caesura divides the heroic line into two parts and varies i'rom the third 
to the eighth syllable. It may not be set after the ninth, although 
the ninth syllable may occasionally bear an accent, as in 'Che quel 
imperator che lassu regna ' ; but one fact stands out in Italian vers 
namely, that the decasyllable has discarded the traditional fixed positio 
of the caesura. 

A similar conclusion is reached in studying the place of the accents, 
for the accent, playing but a secondary part in the measure, shifts its 
position with the movable caesura. The one thing necessary, as Dante 
himself implies 1 , is to have the proper number of spoken syllables, and 
the only absolute rule in the matter of accent is that the tenth syllable 
must always be stressed. But since the break in the Hue chiefly occurs 
after the fourth or the sixth syllable and one or the other is accented in 
each case, the Italian hendecasyllabic verse tends of itself to run in 
iambics and never admits five trochees. Poets are therefore advised to 
combine the metrical with the accentual stress on the same syllabic, 
and, should these appear to conflict before the main caesura of the line, 
the word-accent will have to be altered to preserve the iambic rhythm, 
as in Dante's verse : ' Che la mia Commedia (for the usual pronunciatio 
Conimedia) cantar non cura.' Other instances of an alteration in the 
natural stress are to be found in early Italian writers, such as umile lor 
limile and soddisfdra for soddis/ara, but all such changes are forbidden 
to later authors except in accordance with ancient precedent'. 

Yet the Italian heroic line allowB trochees, though not mo 
two together, at the beginning, e.g. ' Hai di stelle im mortal i aurea 
corona' (Tasso, Ger. Lib., I, 1. 12), or after the caesura, e.g. ' Anche < 
qua / nuova schiera s' aduna' (Dante, /"/., in, 1. 120). The latte 
metrical licence is less frequent in Tasso, who aims at making ! 
verse predominantly iambic. 

The chief element in Italian lines being the fixed number of syllables, 
it is of some importance to know how the syllables should be counted. 
All are treated as distinct units, unless cut off by elision or merged in 
the following verse by a combination of the vowels, but none can be 
dropped out of the measure, as in the early French poets, in the form 

1 In the above instance another, and perhaps a. better, caesura, may be placed alter 
the third syllable. 

» Cf. his statement in De Vulgari Eloqutntia, it, C. 5: 'Nullum adhuc invenimus 
oarmen in nil lain can do endecasillabuin transcendisse.' 

1 A similar change (or suppression) of the accent occurs with final monosyllables in 
Dante (/"/., xzx, I. 87), where we muet pronounce ii6h ci ha (instead otnOn ci ftif) to make 
the ending agree with the other rhymes oiicia and tconeia. 



WALTER THOMAS 



295 



of an additional unaccented syllable before the caesura. The usual ruie 
is that two contiguous vowels in the middle or at the end of a word, if 
within the line, are merged into one syllable 1 , even though iu ordinary 
speech they may happen to be pronounced separately, like mi-o, ttt-o*, 
e.g. ' Cosl all' egro fanciul porgiamo aspersi ' (Oer. Lib., I, I. 21), ' Ch' io 
cominciai come persona franca ' (Inf., U, 1. 132). The writer is of course 
free to divide the two vowels, if he pleases, as in : ' Vid' i-o scritti nl 
sommo d' una porta' (Inf., Ill, I. 11). This melting of vowels into one 
another may even occur between two words when a monosyllable formed 
of a single vowel intervenes. Even then each separate vowel is dis- 
tinctly heard, though they are all combined into one syllable, as in 
1 La noja e il mal della passata via ' (Ger. Lib., in, 1. 32), Of course, 
should the poet require it, the vowels may not melt into each other, and 
this nearly always happens when the former of the two bears the accent, 
e.g. 'Cos\ tutta la gente che II era' (Purg., xxiv, I. 67). There is, 
however, no hard and fast rule here either. 

Lastly, it may be well to note a few poetical licences current among 
Italian poets. They may sometimes curtail a word, writing rena for 
arena or e for egli, drop an unaccented middle syllable, as in spirto for 
spirito or medenmo for medesimo. Again, but less frequently, they may 
add an unaccented syllable to a word, as in nutnritlemente for natm-al- 
mente or euso for «ii, and occasionally alter the final unaccented vowel of 
a line, to make a better rhyme, as Dante puts membre for membra in 
Inf., xxix. I. 51. Now and then the place of a liquid consonant in a 
word may be shifted as when drento stands for dentro, and in some cases 
the last polysyllable of the verse, especially if a compound, may be split 
into two parts, the latter being placed at the beginning of the next line, 
e.g. 'Cosl quelle carole, different e — Mente danzando '(/*«>■.. XXiv, 1. 16); 
1 Face la donna di sua man le sopra — Vesti a cui I' arme converrian piu. 
fine ' (Ariosto, OH. Fur., xli, 1. 32). Great freedom is thus granted to 
Italian writers and, if we take into account how carefully Milton studied 
their works, we need not be surprised that he should have adopted 
several of their poetical licences. 

1 This does not apply to casus where the combination wonld be harsh, as in Abra 
lafttta, or to iniliiil Krwels when llie accent falls oil the wcwid as in riilo, aitto. 
' At the close of the line the separation always takes plaae. 



Milton's Heroic lane 



II. 



Although some straggling decasyllabic lines have been discovers 
in two mediaeval English poems of the early fourteenth century by 
Dr J. Schipper 1 , the fact remains that Geoffrey Chaucer was the first 
to use this metre in a work of some length, the Coniple\jiite to Pitee, 
which he wrote about 1370-72. In this composition, the measure of 
which, it would seem, he copied from a French contemporary, and 
probably from Guillaume de Machault*, he does not vary his caesuras 
to the same extent as at a later period. It was after his journey t 
Italy in 1372-73 and especially in 1378-79, when he had becom 
acquainted with Dante's great epic and the productions of Boc 
and Petrarch and had perhaps even met the latter poet at Padua in 
1373, that he discarded all lighter verse in favour of the heroic line* 
which he treated with Italian freedom. His line, according to one of 
the most competent scholars. Professor Ten Brink, always contains t 
syllables when it ends with an accent, and eleven, if an unaccented 
syllable is added at the close. The eminent critic does not allow that 
it ever (Imps an unstressed syllable at the beginning, or admits of two 
unstressed syllables joined to an accent in the same foot, or even c 
an unstressed syllable 1 before the caesura not counted in with the rest. 
And although the poet at this time shifts his caesuras more often and 
more freely than before, and does not confine himself to one marked 
break in the line 8 , yet he preserves the iambic rhythm more faithfully 
than his Italian models'' and rejects all trochees, save at the beginning 
of the line and occasionally after the caesura. He makes a frequent 
use of contractions and elisions, even in the case of words ending with a 
liquid consonant after a vowel, for instance, making only two syllables of 
'fader of,' 'candel at,' etc' With Professor Ten Brink we conclude that 
Chaucer, who was the first English author familiar with the heroic 
couplet, was a regular metrist and indulged in but few poetical licences. 

Of the three principal elements of the old French decasyllable : 
rhyme or assonance, a fixed number of ten counted syllables and a 
strong accent falling on the tenth syllable and on the syllable preceding 

1 See Dr J. Schipper, Englische MetHk, 1881, Vol. i, pp. 43IM2, and Ten Brick, 
Chaucer's Spracht nnil VmUumt, 1**4. pp. 173-75. 

* Cf. Prof. W. W. Skent, The Stiulent't Vhiuor, Oxford, 18'J7, p. iti. 

* The only exceptions mis The Home tij Fame and Sir; Tltopm. writteu ii 

* Bet Ten Brink, op. eit., pp. 175-77. 

* Cf. Ten Brink, op. .-.it., pp. 178-7B. 

* Id., pp. 182-84. 
' Id., pp. 153-54. 



WALTER THOMAS 

the caesura, the first two only would appear to be closely connected and 
originally inseparable. But the accent constantly attached to one and 
the same caesura soon proved tedious. In the French language it had 
but little prominence, and what chiefly struck the ears of listeners (since 
early verse was mostly heard and not read) was the fixed number of 
syllables and the rhyme. These two elements are consequently also 
found in the corresponding English heroic line, which in its structure is 
independent of verbal stress, the latter being still, in fact, somewhat 
uncertain in a good many Norman words. We need not be surprised, 
therefore, from the very nature of the case, that throughout a long 
period, nothing more was required to constitute the heroic measure 
than rhyming finals and ten spoken syllables. 

The decasyllabic metre brought into honour by Chaucer was subse- 
quently made use of by various writers. It is found, without the 
poetical licences current in Italy, in Thomas Hoccleve and John Lydgate 
and pretty often (as we might expect from the Gallic origin of the line) 
in works imitated from the French. Poets in the neighbouring kingdom 
of Scotland borrowed the decasyllable from Chaucer. It appears in the 
verse of tbe so-called 'Blind Harry,' who sang the feats of William 
Wallace and in the compositions of James I and of William Dunbar. 

But, though slightly smoother in the works of Lydgate, the heroic 
line, as used by the successors of Chaucer, had something harsh and 
unpleasant during the period of the civil wars. Its true harmony was 
not revived till the Renaissance of letters in Italy began to influence 
the rest of Europe. Then it was written with greater care and skill, 
chiefly by Sir Thomas Wyatt and Thomas Sackville, and soon vied in 
perfection with the French original. 

One further step was needed after Chaucer's time to secure to the 
English hemic lino freedom as well as rhythm. When the Renaissance 
had turned the minds of men to a closer study of antiquity, the Italians 
Were the first to reject the traditional consonance of verse-endings, thus 
reverting in some measure to Greek and Latin standards. Incited by 
their example, a certain number of English poets determined to use the 
same liberties. First and foremost among them, so far as we know, was 
Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and the title of his work: 'The Foorthe 
boke of Virgill. ..translated into English and drawn into a strauvge 
metre' in itself bears witness to tbe novelty of his attempt. 

Yet the new line, which was destined to such high fortunes, differed 
from the previous decasyllable merely because it discarded rhyme. Like 
[ft predecessor, ii numbered ten syllables, counting by the ear. It was 



Milton's Heroic Line 



298 



divided by an obligatory caesura after the fourth or occasionally a 
the sixth syllable, and both the fourth (or the sixth) and the tenth 
syllables always bore the stress. As the latter usually closed the line, 
English heroic verse in this respect proved different from the Italian 
hendecasyllable and showed greater affinity with its French prototype. 
Lastly, the fact that the even syllables generally received an accent 
made the line run of itself in iambics, as we noticed before in Chaucer's 
works, and it was but natural that with the suppression of rhymes the 
importance of accentuation should have been enhanced in English 
versification. AJthough enjoying some freedom in this matter, the 
early poets as a rule distinctly favour the iambus in blank verse. 

Rhyme, however, was only discarded, for the first time in England, 
towards the end of Henry VIII's reign and the first instance of ita 
disuse does not occur in print till the year 1557. New fashions in 
literature of course imply a certain amount of national prosperity and 
learned leisure which had been wanting till then. But no sooner had 
the Earl of Surrey's innovation come before the public than Thomas 
Sackville and Thomas Norton made use of it in the earliest English 
tragedy written according to classical standards, in Oorboduc performed 
before a select audience in 150*2. Some years later (1576) George 
Gascoigne applied the same metre to satire in his Steele (Has, intended 
to hold up to courtiers a faithful presentment of their foibles and follies. 
No one, however, followed in Gascoigne's steps, perhaps because the 
blank line had won such popularity on the stage as to restrict its use. 
for some time at least, to the theatre. 

Until the year 1589 no poet had greatly improved the new m» 
The early dramatists who wrote after Sackville and Norton, were coni 
with a rather primitive decasyllable the even tenor and uniform caesura 
of which were apt to prove tedious. It was Christopher Marlowe who, 
at a time when Spenser's Faerie Queene was attracting attention to the 
heroic rhymed verse, raised George Peele's and Robert Greene's 
monotonous blank line to a pitah of artistic perfection previously un- 
known. In his hands it became a thing of beauty, the 'mighty line' 
praised by Ben Jonson, which swayed the feelings of the London play- 
goers, inspiring them with terror by its energy and pathos, with awe- 
struck delight by its stately music. Popular applause at once greeted 
Marlowe's achievement, and henceforth by common consent, throughout 
the Elizabethan age. the nnrhymed decasyllabic measure was regarded 
as specially appropriate for the drama. 

The reasons for this close connection with the stage are easy 



use, 

Letre. 
item 



WALTER THOMAS 



discover. Rhyme, however necessary it may appear in some languages 
and for some forms of literature, can hardly be said to suit a tragic 
dialogue. .Once free from these trammels, the heroic line was better 
fitted to express action while it retained its harmony to the full. The 
jingle of like endings being suppressed, it became easier for English 
poets to carry on a sentence artfully from one line into the next, to 
make a skilful use of the caesura and thus to accommodate their verse 
to the dignity and circumstances of their heroes. When dramatists had 
thus learnt the importance of metrical periods running with a majestic 
and even flow or broken by outbursts of passion, they realized the 
potentialities of the heroic measure and recognized its special aptness 
for the stage in its unrhymed form. 

Hence it came about that under Elizabeth and James I none but 
playwrights made a frequent use of the blank line. And it proved so 
popular that, after the success of Tamburlaine, there was hardly a writer 
who reverted to rhyme for tragedy and none who did met with popular 
applause. 

But if the merits of the unrhymed decasyllable gave a fresh impetus 
to the drama, the line itself was by the very fact forced to improve. 
This was chiefly brought about by the dramatic genius of Shakespeare. 
According to Dr E. A. Abbott, Shakespeare adopts the contractions and 
lengthening of words current in the pronunciation of his own time. He 
allows one and occasionally two unaccented syllables after the tenth 
syllable or more rarely before the caesura and may omit half a foot (i.e. an 
unstressed syllable) at the beginning of the line or after the pause, 
provided its place is supplied by an interval of silence. Very frequently 
and with great skill he carries on a sentence from one decasyllable into 
the next. His caesuras are infinitely varied and suit the changes in the 
thoughts expressed. That being so, Shakesj ware's line may well appear 
to be freed from the old trammels — and, indeed, sometimes just a little 
too free 1 — since it has increased the useful poetical licenses, native to the 
French decasyllable, while rejecting with some previous English writers, 
both rhyme and the fixed traditional pause. 

At the close of the literary period comprised within the reigns of 
Elizabeth and James I, we thus meet with two forms of the heroic metre 
sprung from a common source but distinct from each other in structure 
and use. The older form is the rhyming decasyllable derived, as 
M. Mother^ 5 and others have proved, by Chaucer and his fellow-noets 

1 Such wonld mm to bu the ca«c whsn tb« poet drops an unstressed syl 1 
line or when he occasionally induhti.-H in as many as twc-lve syllabi'" 

* CI, bil pamphlet published in 1S8S in Paris under the 
thtoritt du vert MPftlfM migliiii, eto. 



300 



Milton* Heroic Line- 



bora the contemporary Gallic measure and chiefly applied to narrativ* 
poetry. This was soon adapted in Scotland for the same purpose and 
for the expression of passionate feelings, and was then divided into 
stanzas, Such is the form it assumes at the end of the sixteenth 
century in Spenser's Faerie Queeve and Shakespeare's sonnets. 

The more recent form of the decasyllable is chiefly confined to the 
stage. It has done away with rhyme and thus given greater play and 
importance to both stresses and pauses. To judge correctly of the blank 
line we must pronounce it according to the current use of the Elizabethan 
age. It admits of short broken hemistichs or of stately periods as best 
suits the action of the drama. Henceforth thought is not subject to 
metre, but metre is freely moulded by thought. 

Both forms of the decasyllable, however, were in some respects open 
to criticism. The earlier line, more regular in its even flow, was 
hampered by many traditional rules and the rhyme itself often proved 
a serious obstacle to true poetry. The later line, though easier to adapt 
to any given subject-matter, occasionally bordered on prose in the hands 
of some dramatists and thus lost something of its tragic power. It was 
therefore requisite that some commanding poet should set things right 
by making the laxer decasyllable subject to fixed rules and raising it to 
a pitch of perfection worthy of a grand epic work. This became the 
task and ultimate achievement, of John Milton. 



III. 

On reading the lines which Milton wrote in his youth, we notice that 
he hesitated between different kinds of metre. It would seem from his 
extant verse that he first composed English poetry about lfi'24 when he 
was preparing to go to Cambridge. What he wrote at the University 
itself hardly reaches a higher level than other undergraduates' attempts 
and is partly imitated from earlier poets. Milton follows Chaucer's 
and Spenser's example in his rhymed octosyllabics and decasyllabics 
and, like his models, he occasionally admits a trochee instead of an 
iambus at the beginning of the line or an unaccented feminine ending 
at the close. It was in accordance with their precedent, and perhaps 
also with that of the Italian poets he had just been reading, that he 
selected the special forms of stanzas which he used in his odes On tlie 
Death of a Fair Infant and On the Mornin'/ of Christ's Xatiiity and also 
framed his first two sonnets according to the fashion prevalent in Italy, 
and not according to the inferior standard of the later Elizabethan 
authors. A few years later (about 1G30) Milton prefaced some laudatory 



WALTER THOMAS 



301 



versus to the second folio edition of Shakespeare's plays, thus proving 
not merely his acquaintance with the dramatic productions of the age, 
but also his implicit approval of the tragic blauk line. 

His own versification was undergoing a gradual change towards the 
end of his stay at Cambridge and after he finally left the University. 
To this period we must ascribe a number of minor poems distinguished 
by great metrical variety. Less intent than formerly on choosing an 
appropriate strophe, he deliberately makes experiments in harmony, as 
appears from his lines At a Solemn Music and Upon the Circumcision 
(written about 1630) and in the fragments he contributed, a year or so 
later, to the masque of Arcades. On leaving Cambridge in 1632, he 
retired to his father's country seat at Horton, where he gave himself tip 
to the study of ancient and Italian literature without neglecting the 
formal side of verse. This we notice in his longer compositions L'A Uegro 
and II Penseroso, written about this time and made up of heroic lines 
joined to octosyllables and hexasyllables, which show how much he 
inclined in his youth to variety in metre. Milton seems, indeed, just 
then to have been hesitating between two opposite courses. While 
adopting the traditional use of rhyme for his lyrical poems he felt the 
charm of unrhymed verse as it had been used by the ancients and in 
Italy. He appears therefore to have provisionally chosen a middle path 
by freely intermingling measures of different lengths, before he finally 
rejected the 'jingling sounds of like endings.' 

The first attempt of the latter kind we meet with in his works 
occurs in his play, or rather masque, Comns, performed in 1634 at 
Ludlow Castle at the festivities given for the installation of the Earl 
of Bridgewater as Lord President of Wales. The lyrical parts of Comus, 
such as the songs inserted here and there, are written in lines of various 
length irregularly rhymed. All that pertains to the action or the 
speeches, on the other hand, (with the exception of one short passage, 
11. 495-512) is in blank decasyllables which hardly ever depart from the 
normal type of the verse. We notice, indeed, some lines with a feminine 
ending, the average proportion of these being about one out of every 
twelve 1 , and a very small number of run-on lines. Milton favours a 
great diversity of caesuras, but he mostly closes his sentences with a 
full decasyllabic. 

Having thus asserted his freedom in the matter of versification, the 
poet found it difficult to put up with the old bondage of rhyming. In 

Three feminine emlings o 



302 Milton's Heroic Line 

his next work, the pastoral Lycidaa (1637), he mixes like endings rath* 
capriciously', and later on, the scraps of verse inserted in his political 
pamphlets show a strong preference for the blank line or at least for 
free rhymes. It is therefore evident that when he gave up literature 
for a time to devote his energy to public business, Milton had already 
settled what line best suited his taste and felt unable henceforth to 
submit to the traditional yoke in a poem of any length. 

He remained true to his resolve when, towards the close of Cromwell's 
protectorate, he once more took to verse. Then it was that, brushing 
aside the prevailing opinion of c on temporary authors and, indeed, of 
most men of culture in that age. he declared the blank decasyllabic 
metre superior to every other in the language. He deliberately asserted 
this in the metrical manifesto, as it may be termed, which he prefixed 
to his Paradise Lost. Here, therefore, since he wrote nothing on literary 
mtu-i-m, we must try to discover what he thought of his art and why 
he was averse to rhyming. This preface gives us an insight into Milton's 
methods and initiated a fresh departure in English epic poetry ; for thia 
reason it deserves our closest scrutiny. He bases his condemnation of 
rhyme in the decasyllabic measure partly on the authority of the 
ancients. In shorter compositions, he admits, it may be allowed 
but in a vast and elaborate work it diverts the mind from attending 
to the real harmony and has mostly served, he fancies, 'to set off 
wretched matter and lame metre.' The best Greek and Latin writers, 
who excelled in versification, never used it. Poets of a later date 
found rhyming a hindrance to apt and clear expression. It could not 
but be considered ' a thing of itself, to all judicious ears, trivial and of 
no true musical delight.' 

Milton, of course, sides with these judicious critics, as the terms of 
his metrical manifesto inform us. It behoves us therefore to keep this 
preface in mind when discussing the different views of contending 
scholars as to his epic verse. We have it, indeed, on the poet's own 
authority that the heroic line contains three principal elements which 
he calls ' apt numbers,' a ' fit quantity of syllables ' and ' the sense 
variously drawn out from one verse into another.' The poet, therefore, 
as was his wont, set nothing above true harmony. He insisted on th( 
due number of syllables, thus plainly showing that he regarded this s 
an important and fixed element of the measure. He does not hint t 
any possible change in that number, though his mention of the v 

1 Some eight lines interspersed at irregular intervals in this poem do not rhyt 



WALTER THOMAS 303 

caesura in run-on heroics would naturally have led him to do ao, had 
his views coincided with those of modern nietrists. 

His words anent ' the sense variously drawn out from one verse into 
another' allude of course to the diversity of pauses favoured by the 
practice of carrying on the sentence from one line into the next. It is 
the best remedy devised against the monotony due to the recurrence of 
similar breaks, and the aversion which Milton felt for such monotony 
appears both in his careful use of the caesura and in his strong condem- 
nation of rhyme, which it is so tempting to employ in end-stopped 
measures. Consequently in the heroic metre he distinguishes one 
permanent feature, the invariable number of syllables, and two change- 
able features, poetic harmony and the different pauses, essentially shifting 
in nature so as to suit the expression to successive changes of thought. 

From this standpoint it becomes easy to understand why the poet, 
in defiance of contemporary feeling, should have preferred blank verse, 
even in non-dramatic compositions. From the time when, about the 
year 164-0, he determined to write a work which the world would not 
willingly let die, he also came to the conclusion that rhyme was both 
meaningless and tiresome. It was, indeed, the outcome of his own 
experience and that of previous authors. He had already tried his 
hand at the freer measure in his Masque of Comua (1634), where the 
line was treated with less respect for traditional rules than in Paradise 
Lost. Another consideration which probably fixed his choice was the 
fact that he originally conceived his future epic in the shape of a sacred 
tragedy. Such, according to his nephew Edm. Phillips, was Milton's 
first plan, and this informant points to Paradise Lost, iv, 11. 32-41 : 
"0 thou that with surpassing glory crowned,' etc., Satan's address to 
the Sun, as part of the original play. The change in his plan did not 
affect the nature of his verse. 

He was also influenced in the matter by classical precedents. The 
metrical manifesto previously alluded to, expressly mentions the examples 
set by Homer and by Vergil. We notice too that shortly before under- 
taking his lofty task, Milton gave a blank line rendering of an ode 
of Horace, the fifth of the first book. Nor could he fail to remember, 
as he tells us, how some of the best writers both in Italy and in Spain 
had already discarded rhyme with the same purpose. Proudly, there- 
fore, and despite the practice of Dryden and other members of the 
younger poetical school, he resolved to follow in the wake of Greek and 
Lilt in writers And to reject the external ornaments due to the invention 
of barbaric ages. 



304 



Mi/ton's Heroic Line 



Besides, even in England, rhymed metre had not in the past reigned 
unchallenged. Milton with perfect accuracy reminded his readers of 
the fact that the finest poetry of the Elizabethan period was written in 
blank verse. Galled upon by his publisher, Samuel Simmons 1 , to defend 
his departure from the prevalent practice of the time against his critics, 
Miltmi retorted with a triumphant reference to the choicest English 
plays. He could not have lighted on a more effective apology. It not 
only vindicates his position, but proves him to have been a careful 
student of the sixteenth century drama. Nor is it at all improbable 
that Milton found a fresh inducement to discard the use and jingle 
of like endings in his wish to rival the wonderfully free versiti cation 
of Shakespeare. 

Whatever precedents ha might appeal to as an authority for his 
practice, the poet, and he well knew it, was introducing an important 
innovation into tin- literature of England 5 . He himself terms it, in the 
preface on metre, prefixed to Paradise Lost, 'an example set, the first 
in English, of .ancient liberty recovered to heroic poem from the trouble- 
some and modem bondage of riming.' It had been customary from the 
Middle Ages onwards to sing heroic deeds in rhyme. The old French 
' chansons de geste ' were written in verses ending with assonance, 
Dante's Divine Corned;/ in ' terza rima,' and both Tasso's Qtnaaiemmt 
Liberata as well as Ariosto's Orlando Furioso in eight-line stanzas. 
Spenser's Faerie Queene also adopted the use of the Btrophe, and that 
was almost the only previous poem in Great Britain which could be 
compared with Milton's bold attempt in respect of language, grandeur 
of conception and general importance. In fact, up to the year 1667 the 
blank decasyllable had never been adopted in English for anything but the 
drama and satire'. This our poet applied to epic narrative and endowed 
with such sublimity and magnificence that it henceforth completely 
supenseded its rival. But although later bards followed his example, we 
must allow him the credit of understanding to the full the fresh pos- 
sibilities of the blank line and raising it from the somewhat low standard 
to which it hail fallen on the stage, to the loftiest rank in literature. 

By so doing he deliberately broke with the contemporary practice 



, The Pottical ll'orii of John Milton, 1893, Vol. n. p. 5. ' Fifth 
b maoh in the commendatory lines whi 



1 Cf, D. 

litle-pape.' 

3 Milton's friend, Andrew Marvell, admits a 
he wrote for Paraditt Lost 

Thy verw, created, like thy tbeme sublime, 
In number, weight and measure, needs nut i 
1 In this connection it is well to remember that Milton's contemporary, Abrihmm 
Cowley, left an unfinished heroic poem, his Varidf.it, in the rhymed ten-pyllable line. 



WALTER THOMAS 



305 



in versification. Both hia cast of mind and hia previoua training were 
in harmony with the older school of poetry and made him, as he haa 
been rightly called, the last of the Elizabethans. While the authors of 
a later generation were discarding alike sublime subjects and unrhymed 
heroics, Milton, now long past his youth, but fired with undaunted 
enthusiasm, held forth in epic strains on such themes as the Creation 
and the Fall and Redemption of Man. No verse could suit his high 
purpose better than Ben Jonson's and Shakespeare's grand line. He 
therefore boldly introduced it into this new province of art, and, with 
proud consciousness of his far-reaching innovation, calmly set his 
opponents at defiance in the apparent apology prefixed to Paradise 
Lost. This was, as Addison saw, a fresh departure in English litera- 
ture and conferred a permanent dignity on the unrhymed decasyllable in 
Britain. 



IV. 

If we pass on to the actual study of Milton's verse, our first step 
must be to ascertain the true pronunciation of English words and their 
proper accentuation in his own time. For the present study our best 
documents will be the writer's own works, and we shall mostly rely on 
words ending the line because of the constant incidence of the accent 
on the tenth counted syllable. Next to these, in point of certainty, are 
the words which begin the verse owing to Milton's careful avoidance of 
two initial unstressed syllables 1 . The rhymes of our author will also 
now and then give us a valuable clue. Lastly we shall appeal to the 
common usage of other seventeenth century poets, and lay due emphasis 
in this respect on the precedents furnished by the Elizabethans with 
whose comjjositions and practice Milton was quite familiar. 

Strange to say. several obvious facts bearing on the question are 
generally overlooked. Thus we are liable to forget the evidence afforded 
by the actual spelling of the age. The same words may be now and 
again spelt differently in the earlier editions, but in almost every case 
they point back to a shorter form as universally prevalent at the time 1 . 
If we take as iustancos two common terms like ' flower ' and ' tower/ we 
notice that they mostly recur as jJoivr, fluwre, fiow, fioure, flouer or 

1 This, in a few oases, is controverted by Dr Masson {Miltun'x H'urA., Vol. In. p. '2"J2), 
wllofle opinion oil the subject we dir-ciis.- 11 little further on. 

» Cf. E. Onesi, A Btaorf oj li»gl»h SkfthmM, 1882, p. 177 : ■ It is clear that the 
biirliarou* coMraetmnt sn much inveighed uMuiiifi ore not o harden bio 11)11111 the ignorance. 
11I llic [11 111 1.1 : ; 1 1 1,1 (..inn jini t i.il 11 m 1 .-ili-iii uf hi ihii^iiipiiy lit-liLnjiiiU'ly iLiloptcd by n 



educalh 



lb £':,['.. <ul I 



,1 li.ii-imj;.-. - 



. R. II. 



|] 



Milton's Heroic Line 

towr, towre in Paradise Lost (not to mention our present flower i 
tower), which loaves a distinct impression on the mind that they must 
have been spoken as monosyllables. Again, we may refer to the absence 
of any apostrophe in the genitive case of nouns, e.g. 'From Muns 
effeminate slackness it begins,' P.L., XI, 634'. Perfectly similar written 
contractions have been collected from the Elizabethan dramatists in 
Dr Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar, pp. 339-43. With regard to 
Milton, however, Professor Masson rejects any inference drawn from the 
eilili,i piinceps on the plea that the bard was blind when he composed 
his epic and had to put up with his amanuensis' and his printer's 
vagaries*. And yet, discarding those works which he was unable 
personally to supervise', we need only confine our attention to those 
earlier ones, which he undoubtedly corrected, in order to find a fair 
number of characteristic peculiarities. With a view to settling this 
controverted question, we have carefully studied the first editions of his 
Comus and Lycidas. In both of these we constantly came across such 
shortened forms as grovling {Com., 1. 53) for grovelling, count' wince 
(1. 68) for countenance, adventroits (I. 79) for adventurous, Hecut'and 
(1. 135) for Hecate and, th! Indian (1. 139) for the Indian, t' whom 
(1. 217) for to whom, i'th' (II. 282, 301) for in the, tapstrie* (1. 324) for 
tapestrie, o'th' (1.446) for of the, TvtmigU (1 538) for To inveigle, &n<\, on 
the other hand, yee (1. 331) instead of ye as bearing a stronger emphasis, 
and the unpolluted (1. 461) and the unexempt (I. 685) because the vowels 
are not meant to be elided. In the later poem we have noted forc'd 
{Lycidas, 1. 4) for forced, glistring (1. 79) for glistering, to th' world 
(1. 80) for to the world, and to th' oaks (1. 186) for to the oaks. Why then 
should we not accept as equally agreeable to Milton's taste the following 
samples culled from Paradise Lost as it was published in 1667': 
slunil/ring (P.L., I, 203) for slumbering, ris'n {P.L., I, 211) for risen, 
t th' midst {P.L., I, 224) for in the midst, and, conversely, hue {P.L., l, 245) 
for lie used emphatically, and fixed- (P.L., I, 206) intended as a di- 
syllabic, th' irrational (PL., X, 708) for tlie irrational, but the evil {P.L., 
I, 335) when unelided and growing -miseries (P.L., x, 715) when every 

1 P.L. stands for Paradise Lott and PJt. for Paradise Peijained. Both poems are 
r|iu>tftl iii.t'onlirii; In 1'nif. Mason's critical edition. 
» Bee D. Masson, op. cit.. Vol. in, pp. 161 and 211. 

* Even in Paradise Lost (1667] theie in an erratum directing the reader to substitute 
wee tor ire in P.L., u, 114, where the prououn in emphatic. 

* Ci. similar instances in J. Schippi-r's Enfttteki Mrtrik, u. Teil, S. 107. 

' We quote from ' Paradise Lott ai originally published by J. Milton. ..by D. Masson, 
1879.' If some contractions are here omitted in the print (of. W. Ho*t. Die Orthoffraphie 
der erittii tfuurtn-Au*t)nlie wi M Hum's I'arndise Last, 8. 73), we niay ascribe the defect ti 
the poet's blindness. 



WALTER THOMAS 



307 



single syllable is to be heard, These and many other similar cases in 
contemporary writers show ns that we must read the lines of the great 
epic in accordance with the standard of pronunciation in Milton's time. 

Proceeding from the study of written and printed evidence to the 
actual investigation of the metre as it appears in the poems, we find a 
number of words now held to form two distinct syllables, treated as one 
only by our author, and here his practice coincides with the conservative 
tendency of the lower classes to this very day. Thus, for instance, 
bower, flower, shower anil lower rhyme together with the monosyllable 
hour in Conine. 11. 920-21, 984-86, in II Penseroso, 11. 85-86, 103-4 1 , 
and in the Ode On the Death of a Fun- Infant, II. 27-28. We may say 
the same of spirit and heaven then mostly spelt spirt (cf. the modern 
sprite) and heav'rt", and of participles ending in -n, often met with at the 
close of a line (e.g. P.L., I, 594, 716, 776 ; n, 18 ; IV, 515, 561 ; v, 541 ; 

X, 583, etc.). By a similar phenomenon a v may be suppressed between 
two vowels thus reducing seven to se'en (e.g. P.L., ix, 63; xi, 735; and 
XII, 255 : ' Seven lamps, as tn a zodiac representing The heavenly fires '), 
seventy to se'enty (e.g. ' The space of seventy years ; then brings them 
back,' P.L., XII, 345), just as sevennight is still popularly pronounced 
sennight. So, too, even is heard as e'en in P.L., IX, 1079; X, 191; 

XI, 148; P.P., i, 264, and evil as e'it (cf. Scotch de'it for devil) in P.L., 
IN, 683: ' Hypocrisy — the only evil that walks Invisible,' and P.L., IX, 
697-98 (perhaps, too, 1. 864) and P.P., n, 871*. The ijh in higher and 
highest does not prevent their contracting into a monosyllable in P.L., 
viii, 586; xi, 381; xn, 576, and perhaps in P.L., n, 693; as we 
surmise from P.L., vi, 114, P.R., I, 139, where these words conclude the 
line, and better stil! from P.P.., iv, 106 : ' Aim at the highest, without 
the highest attained.' where any other scansion resolves the verse into 
prose. The same obtains with the terms being, used as a monosyllable 
by Shakespeare* and occasionally as such by Milton, e.g. P.L., n, 585: 
' Forthwith his former state and being forgets,' and P.L., iv, 483; viu, 
174; IX, 1147, 1155; P.R., ll, 114; iv, 460; saying, e.g. P.H., n, 104; 
iv, 394, 541, and flying'' in the line: 'How quick they wheeled, and 
flying behind them shot' (P.P., ill, 323). So lav pillar would seem to 
be shortened into pUVr in : ' Before them in a cloud and pillar of fire ' 



18M3, p. aSS, iin.t J. Schipper. 



1 Cf. E. A. Abbott, A SfclfewM tartm ' 

>Uwh VftrU, 1888, n. Teil, i, S. 108. 

•• Cf. E. A. Abbott, op. ML, p. 345, unci J. Bthlpper, op . ,.;(., ,,,,. jiKP-ll). 

1 Cf. Abbott, op. cil.. p. :u;t, iiml ,1. Schijipur, up. cit., p. 110. 

1 Cf. Ablnitt, op. cil., p. 365, unci J. Schipper. "p. ctf., ii. 'Fail, i, B. 10H. 

> B«u amiloKOUh instances in prt'vioua ]K)*t8 us ipiotixl in Abbott, op. C't., ; 



308 Milton's Heroic Line 

{P.L., XII, 202 and 203), and in P.L., n, 302, and reason into tW 
P.L., I, 248, and vni, 591. The poet thus took the liberty of using 
some disyllables as monosyllabic, which he chiefly did at the olon "I" the 
line. 

Nor do these contractions, used in accordance with the practice of 
his times and frequently met with in popular pronunciation to this day, 
take place merely in disyllables. The accent being the one really 
important, element in English words, the poet was always free to cut off 
any syllable which, through its immediate proximity to the stress, was 
less audible than others, and we thus get swage for assuage in ' Nor 
wauting power to mitigate and swage' (P.L., I, .556), 'sdained for dis- 
dained (P.L., IV, 50), 'scaped for escaped {P.L., iv, 7, 8), and 'gan for 
began in P.L., IX. 101(5 : ' Till Adam thus 'gan Eve to dalliance move.' 

A similar licence has been shown by Dr Abbott and Professor Schipper 
to prevail among sixteenth century poets 1 , and Milton merely followed 
their lead. It would be too long to quote a full list of instances in 
point. It is enough to state the principle acted on throughout, namely 
that an unaccented syllable coming just after (as in most cases), or 
before a strongly stressed syllable, can at all times be omitted. Parti- 
ciples are often contracted in this way as neighb{oii)rivg for neighbouring 
in 'Of those bright confines, whence, with noighb'ring anus' (P.L., II, 
395, and cf. P.L., m, 726 ; xii, 136 ; P.R., m, 319), or again ansune.)ri»g 
for answering (P.L., IV, 464; VI, 450; VII, 557), glimm(e)ring 
glimmering {P.L., III, 429), glitt(e)ring for glittering (P.L.. Ill, 3 
P.M., IV, 54)*. So too many adjectives ending in -ous as tim(o)rous in 
' Of goats or timorous flock together thronged ' {P.L., vi, 857 ; cf. P.L., 
II, 117; P.M., in, 241), num(e)rous for numerous (P.L., VII, 418; xii, 
132, 166; P.U., m, 344), akin to the actual French disyllable nombretu- 
and pei\i)htts (P-L., I, 276) which the Elizabethans often reduced to 
parlous*. A lew tonus were pronounced shorter than at present. Such 
were vi(o)lence for violence in P.L., vi, 405: 'By wound, though from 
their place by violence moved' (cf. P.L., xi, 888 ; P.R., iv, 3H8>. vi(o)lent 
fa: violent (P.L., xi, 428, 471 ; P.R., m, 87), pity(i)ng for pitying (P.L., 
x, 211, 1059), and also, to our mind, pol{i)tic for politic in P.R., in, 400. 
Such contractions are to be found both in other contemporary poems 

1 See Abbott, op. cit., pp. »39-4'.2, and J. Schipper, op. cit., u. Teil, S. 114. 

s Cf. Abbott, op. cit., pp. ;i;i I -1! and 355 mid J. Moihere's pamphlet Lei TltforUn du 
Vrrt MraiMM anglait, etc. pp. 8-10. 

1 See Abbott, op. fit., p. il'l, ;i i i . 1 i.-f. iju< A's lemiirk, ttp. cit., p. 173 * [Miltou] seems to 
have liisiii^m.-hid between words that regularly elided tbo short vowel and those which 
did 60 only ocuiiniuiiftlK, « riling mtltiii., without an apostrophe but conqu'rur with oi ' 




WALTER THOMAS 309 

and in the dramatists of an earlier generation. Besides, Milton plainly 
declared the chief element of the heroic line to be ' a fit quantity of 
syllables 1 ' sounded for the ear, and such a fixed number could not be 
made out in these cases without contractions. The latter are therefore 
in accordance with the theory and the practice of the great poet. 

As a rule the present pronunciation of English differs from Milton's 
pronunciation in that he shortens some words. In a few instances, 
however, he lengthens what is now curtailed. Similar cases occur 
both in Shakespeare and his fellow-dramatists 5 ; they are rarer by far 
in Paradise Lost. But Milton, though he wrote contemptati-on in /( 
Penseroso (1. 54) and legi-on in Comas (1. (503), is more careful in his 
epic poems. There we notice senteries for sentries in P.L., II, 412: 
'Through the Strict senteries and stations thick,' ministeries (P.L., VII, 
149) for ministries', re-al as a disyllable (P.L., v, 437; VHl, 310; IX, 
699; X, 151, 613; P.P.. iv,390), and re-alty' for reality in P.l„ vi, 115 : 
'Should yet remain, where faith and realty remain not.' We see 
therefore that Milton at a later date was less and less inclined to eke 
out terms which at present appear in a more condensed form. 

With regard to the accentuation of his words, we can detect any 
departure from our modern pronunciation chiefly by studying the close 
of his lines. Such changes are more frequent in the Latin portion 
of his vocabulary, whereas, except in compounds, he does not shift the 
Teutonic accent. This holds good especially in disyllables. Several of 
the latter with him preserve the French stress on the end syllable, thus 
we have necks in P.L., ll, 130: 'With armed watch, that render all 
access Impregnable ' (and cf. P.R., I, 492), adverse (/'./,., n, :>:>!» ; x. 288; 
P.R., III, 189), aspect in P.L., III, 26(5: ' His words here ended ; but his 
meek aspect Silent yet spake'; contrite O'.I... x, 1091 ; xi, <M),ftitdre 
in P.L., X, 840: 'Beyond all pant example and future,' the following 
nouns: consdrt (P.L., vii, 529), coim'Ut (P.L., I, 798), contest (P.L., iv, 
872; ix, 1189; XI, 80©X eoivotm (PX., vm, 408; ix, 009), wife {P.L., 
i, 632 ; x, 484), impulse in P.L., x, 45 : ' Or touch with lightest moment 
of impulse'{and cf. P.L., in, 120), instinct (P.L.. x, 268), tflS&fa (-PJ2., 
III. 190)", probably process in P.L.. vii. ITS. pnxlitct (/'./-., II, 683)^ the 
adjective prostrdte (P.L., vi, 841), surface in P.L., vi, 472: ' Which of 

' See above, p. fOi, 

» Cf. Abbott, op. cit., pp. 3G5-87. 

■ But see miititlrt/ in P.L., in. BOS. 

* Id P.L., viii, 575 the poel writes rnitilitt. Ho separates the first two Towels in 
every ca.Bc, lucunliiw to the consiaiit practice of it"- 17ih mill 1-Stli centuries. 

1 Cf. amvir.r in Dryden's Epilogue to the WiM Guttant (!. MO> imd intuit in hil 8tfi+ 
moniia and Giiirertr.iu (I. M8). 



310 



M//t<>u'# Heroic Line 



us who beholds the bright surface,' and the verbs traversed {P.L., ix 
434), triumph (P.L., ill, 338; X, 186) 1 , and perhaps vanquish in P.R., 
1, 135. A .similar final stress is also found in some Teutonic compounds 
as sometimes (P.L., ix, 824; P.R., I, 367), tenfold in P.L., II, 705: 'So 
speaking and so threatening, grew tenfold,' upright in P.L., vi, 627 : 
'They shew us when Dai fees walk not upright' (and cf. P.L., vi, 270; 
vii, 632; vm, 260; P.R., iv, 551), and uproar (P.L., II, 541 ; III, 710; 
X, 479). In the case of the previously quoted words future and sttrfa 
Mr Robert Bridges (in Milton's Prosody, 1894, p. 20) iadeed contends th; 
they are accented on the first syllable". But against this assertion l 
must set the tact that Milton's epic verse never ends in a so-called 
trochee and that he observes, no less than his fellow-poets of the 
seventeenth century, the hard and fast rule to which we drew attention 
at the outset of our study, both in the original old French decasyllable 
and in the Italian endecasillabo derived from it, that the tenth sounded 
syllable of the line must be stressed. Lastly we may note just a few 
terms where the accent is nearer the beginning than at present, as in 
brigad (P.L., i, 675 ; II, 532), supreme (P.L., n, 210), and th4mselves 3 
(P.M., in, 174), but this phenomenon is of very rare occurrence. 

Some words of three or more syllables due to Latin derivation also 
bear the tone emphasis in Milton nearer the end than at the present 
day. Such are blasphemous in P.L., v, 809 : ' O argument blasphenimis, 
false, and proud' (and cf. P.L., vi, 360; P.R., iv, 181), illustrate (P.R., 
I, 370), obdurate (P.L., vi, 790; xn ( 205), oddrmts (P.L., v, 482), retinue 
in P.L., V, 355: 'On princes, when their rich retinue long' (and cf. 
P.R., II, 419), solemnise (P.L., vn, 448)', volubil (P.L., iv, 594), and 
perhaps colledgue in PL., X, 59. Some other terms having their strong 
BfcTOBB closer to the concluding .syllable than at present, receive a slight 
accent on what is now an unstressed part of the word. We thus get 
dcceptdble in P.L, X, 139: 'So fit. so acceptable, bo divine' (and cf. 
P.L., x, 855), Attribute (P.L., vm,565: xi, 836; P.fl.,Hl,69),c<fti&lMt« 
(P.L., vm, 155), and ricept&de (P.L., vn. 307; XI, 123)". Of course 
these slight or secondary stresses are to be found in all longer Englit 

1 Cf. acefu, lupr.t, eoiu6rt, erlU, tHtttnet, triumph, in Abbott, op. tit. pp. 388-91 ft 
Schipper. op. rit., 11, pp. 133-135. 

' Dr Massoti, too, (op. Ml., Vol. u, |<|>. 2Hi and -21H) dec Urea t bat P.R., Iv, 63 
Son of the Must Hie", Heir of both worlds ! ' dote not contain a tingle iambus. But b 
again we think it evident the final stress is on icorLli. 

* Cf. Abbott, op. til., pp. H1M-5 [mii,.-l(, etc.). 

' Cf. Abbott, op. tit., pp. ayo mid ;e.i3 |.>r i>b,hir,tte uud loUmnite. 

' Cf. in Drydcn's m,rl,H m\aut il'.ilamon ami Artilt, Bk hi, 1. 453) and rfeeptw 
fTfta now* .i>i'd the /,<■.!/, 1. fil|. C(. Abbott, op. tit., p. 334 for tUlecUible and dcIeildbU 
in Slmkespeare. 



WAI.TEB THOMAS 



311 



words, provided an unaccented syllable be left in every case between 
two successive stresses as in -undeserved!'/ (P. I,., XII, 94) and immurtdlity 
(P.L., IV, 201 ; v, 638). It also happens occasionally that verbal endings 
not usually sounded, such as -hie and -cle may thus receive a poetic 
emphasis, as terrihU (P.L., VI, 910), comUstihU in P.L., i, 233: 'Of 
thundering Aetna, whose combustible,' irreconcilable' {P.L., I, 122) nnd 
6racU (P.L., I, 12 ; x, 182)'. But the poet naturally remains free either 
to elide the ending before a vowel, as in P.L., VI, 681 : ' Son in whose 
face invisibl' is beheld ' (and cf. P.L., vm, 135), or to drop the previous 
unstressed syllable, thus reducing a trisyllable to a disyllable requiring 
only one accent, as in vi(o)lence (P.L., xi, 888), pi(e)ty (P.L., xi, 452, 
799), and de(i)tt/ (P.L., ix, 885 ; XI, 149), or in accordance with a later 
pronunciation to admit but one accent, provided the very next word 
begins with a stressed syllable, as in the case of infinite in P.L., I, 218: 
' i nfinite gotklness, grace and mercy, shewn,' and so too in P.L., V, 874, 
and probably spiritual in P.L., IV, 585. In this way Milton rendered 
his line more supple and added a fresh charm of variety to his epic 
versification. 

We cannot blink the fact that English in the seventeenth century 
was in a less fixed state than at the present day. A contemporary 
writer could with Milton scan undergd in such a line as: 'Before my 
Judge — either to undergo' (P.L., X, 126, and cf. 575), or oviipruising 
{P.L., IX, 615), or again understood in ' NcH understood, this gift they 
have besides' (P.L., vi, 626) and overwhelmed (P.L., xi, 748), but he 
would hardly dare to take tin.' saiiir liberties as our poet with compound 
nouns. For in these epics the Stress sometimes bears on the second 
component', perhaps because Milton means to insist on the latter, as in 
the line : ' By ancient Tarsus held, or that sea-beast ' (P.L., 1, 200), or in 
the words hve-tdle (P.L., I, 452), hell-fire (P.L., n, 364), sword-ldw 
(PX., XI, 672), hell-gdte {P.L., u, 746 ; X, 282, 369, 415). On the other 
hand, we notice several examples of a stress on the former component, 
as in sv&nd-bourd (P.L., l. 709), drch-fiend (P.L., I, 209), drk-hull (P.L., 
xi, 840), ddg-spring (P.L., v, 139 ; vi, 521), and fruit-trees (P.L., v, 213 ; 
vn, 311). Should one of the components only be a noun, it will be 
accented preferably to the other as in the case of mid-air in P.R., I, 39 : 
' Flies to his place, nor rests, but in mid-air' (and cf. P.L., vi, 536), and 

1 Cf. Abbott, up. cit.. p. HKS, thr wi'id- , i-»*ihi : ittli'l>!i : aud vtndiblt. 

■ CI. for an earlier instance of the kind, Bbftkatpwl'l WtnUr't TaU, Act i. So. ii, 257: 
■ But that's |ia.-t lioubt, you have, or your eye-glass,' uud anions later poets Lord Tmiuj. 
bod"s KtvkIi Ardtn, i. 168: -For Enoch parted with his old aea-friond.' Bee too J. 
Schipper, op. cil. n. Teil, S. 40 and 1M. 



312 



Milton's Heroic Line 



of mid-he'aven (P.L., III, 729 ; XII, 263), nymph-like (P.L.. IX. 452), half 
mdons (P.R., in, 309), though we also 6nd midnight (P.L., I. 782; it, 
682 ; v, 778 ; is, 159), etar-pdved (P.L., IV, 976), and a few more similar 
instances. Should the compound be formed of an adjective following 
an adverb, the former usually takes the stress, as in P.L., I, 510 : ' Their 
boasted parents: — Titan, Heaven's first-born' (and cf. P.L., III, 1; xil, 
189), thick Idid (P.R., iv, 343), and full-bUising (P.L., IT, 29). If a 
noun of two syllables is joined in a compound to a monosyllabic noun 
the accent bears on both, provided the second syllable of the compound 
is not naturally emphatic, as in Heaven-gate (P.L., I, 326 ; v, 198)', 
mountu.in-t6ps (P.L., n, 488), hdrlot-ldp (P.L., ix, 1060), and hdrvest- 
q&een (P.L., ix, 842). But if the first noun is a monosyllable, the stress 
falls on the second, as in the case of day-ldbour in P.L., v, 232: 'To 
respite his day-labour with repast,' or of work-mtister (P.L., ill, 696), 
sea-mdnster (P.L., I, 462 ; xi, 751), night- wdnd'rer (P.L., ix, 640), wine- 
df rings (P.L., xji, 21), bondwdman (P.R., u. 308) s . Lastly, if both 
components are disyllabic, each of them receives its proper accent, e. 
harpy-footed (P.L., II, 596), as at the present day in contemporary poets 
Milton, indeed, allows himself such freedom in verse that he often 
changes the stress in similar noun-compounds and even in one and the 
same compound at short intervals. Thus he scans Hell-fire in P.L., II, 
364: ' By sudden onset— either with Hell -fire,' and yet Htll-hounds in 
P.L., 11, 654: 'A cry of Hell-hounds never-ceasing barked' (and cf. 
P.L., X, 630), mid-air {PI,., iv, 940 ; P.R., i, 38), and yet midnight in 
P.L., iv, 682; ix, 159, which makes it easier to accept midnight in 
PJ,., v, 667, where some critics take it that the line begins with a d 
trochee. This may also hold good of P.R., n, 297, where we feel inclin 
to read, with a change in the accents : ' Of wixkl-gods and wood-nymph; 
He viewed it round.' So, too, we detect warlike in P.L.. IV, 780 : ' 
their night-watches in warlike parade,' and wdrlike in P.L., I, 51 
'Then straight commands that, at the warlike sound,' and elsewhere 
(e.g. PL., IV, 902 ; P.R., III, 308). With regard to one frequently used 
compound, mankind, this shifting pronunciation is not open to doubt. 
It is mostly stressed on the second syllable, as in P.L., m, 222 : 'And now 
without redemption all mankind' (and cf. P.L., in, 161 ; IV, 10, 315: 
X, 822 ; XI, 891 ; P.R., I, 266, 388 ; m, 82), whereas the emphasis is on 
the former syllable in P.L., xi, 69 : ' My judgments — how with manl 

1 Sometimes, of coarse, the unstressed syllabi* m;iv he cut off, bo that the ci 
has bnt one accent, as in P.L.. hi, 52 : ' Obstruct Heav'n tow'rs, and in dension 

' Cf. J. Sehijjper, op. eft., n. Teil, i, 8. 160-6-2. Observe that Milton does n< 
the last syllable of a compound, if it is unstressed 



WALTER THOMAS 313 

I proceed/ and cf. P.L., II, 383; III, 66, 275; is, 415; xi, 13, 38, 500, 
696. Both stresses (as in the previous instance of wdod-gods and wood- 
nf/mplis) are found side by side, perhaps purposely, in P.L., VIII, 358: 
' Above mankind, or aught than mankind higher.' We thus see Milton 
recur to changes in accentuation with noun- com pounds to satisfy his 
taste for metrical variety. 

When, however, he adopts the same principle of freedom in the case 
of a word which is not a compound, ho would seem to follow the example 
of earlier poets rather than the custom of his own age. He thus scans 
except in P.L., II, 1032 : ' To tempt or punish mortals, Except whom,' 
and excipt in P.R., IV, 85 : ' Before the Parthian. These two thrones 
excipt,' f&ture in P.L., XI, 114, 764, 870 and elsewhere, and future in P.L., 
X, 840, import'&ne in P.L., IX, 610, and importune in P.P., n, 404. So, 
too, perhaps we must emphasize the second syllable of vanquish in P.P., 
I, 175, whereas the opposite is usual in Milton {e.g. P.L., I, 52, 476 ; m, 
243 ; vi, 410 ; P.P., IV, 607). In the same way we notice consdrt as a 
noun iu: 'Male he created thee, but thy consort' (P.L., VII, 529), while 
it is ctinsort in: 'Since Adam and his facile consort Eve' (P.R., I, 51), 
and cf. P.L., II, 963; vin, 392; Xii, 526. Again we have supreme in 
P.I,., in, 319, and supreme in P.L., n, 210, upright in P.L.. vi, 270, 627 ; 
vii, 632; vin, 260; P.P., iv, 551, and occasionally Upright as in P.L., 
1, 18; vi, 82. But still more striking are such instances as prottrdte 
in P.L., VI, 841: 'Of Thrones and mighty Seraphim prostrate,' and 
prostrate in P.L..X, 1087: 'Repairing where he judged us, prostrate 
fall ' (cf. ton P.L., i, 280 : x, 1098), adverse in P.L., Ii, 259 : ' Useful of 
hurtful, prosperous of adverse' (cf. P.L., X. 289; P.P., in, 189), and 
ddverse in P.L., X, 701 : ' With adverse blasts upturns them from the 
south' (cf. P.L., i, 103; II, 77; VI, 206), or sometimes in P.L., n, 632: 
' Explores his solitary flight : sometimes ' (and cf. P.L., in, 32 ; vn, 496 ; 
IX, 249, 824 ; P.P., i, 367), and sometimes 1 in P.L., vin, 268 : ' Surveyed, 
and sometimes went, and sometimes ran ' (and cf. P.L., vi, 242 ; XII, 97). 
The same variations occur in the case of less important terms, when 
they gain some passing prominence from their position in the line. We 
thus note both henceforth in P.L., V, 881: 'Both of thy crime and 
punishment, Kencsfbrbh,' and henceforth in P.L., x, 379: 'And hence- 
forth monarchy with thee divide' (cf. P.P., i, 456), elsewhire in P.L., I, 
656 : ' Our first eruption— thither, or elsewhi-re ' (cf. P.L., x, 959 , P.P., 
1, 458), and ilsewhere in P.P., IV, 325: ' And what he brings what needs 
he elsewht-re seek?' (cf. P.L., III, 699), ftovtil in P.L., ill, 390: 'He 
1 Cf. J. Schipper, op. cl.. n. Teil, i. S. 198. 



314 
Heaven i 



Mdhtu t Heroic bme 



Powers therein : 



; created 

P.L., v, 575 : si, 895), and tMrein in P.L., xi, 838 : "* By men who there 
frequent or therein dwell ' (o£ P.L., il, 833 ; V, 522 ; x, 483 ; P.R., u, 463 ; 
m, 109), u-itliiUit in P.R., in, 371 : ' By hiru thou shalt regain, without 
him not' (cf. P.L., v, 566, 615, 714, 803; vm, 35; rx, 791) — =i stem 
which Milton always gives to without used adverbially, e.g. in P.L., iv, 
65 ; vii, 65 ; x, 812 — and without in P.L., in, 385: 'In whose conspicuous 
count'nauce, without cloud' (and cf. P.L., i, 67; n, 892; in, 346; iv, 
656; vn, 542; vm, 302; x, 995; xi, 45; P.R., m, 197)'. Lastly it 
may be. observed that the poet now and again seems to delight in 
placing side by side the same word with a double pronunciation*, as 
forthuith in P.L., III, 326-27 : ' Thy dread tribunal, forthwith from all 
winds The living, and forthwith the cited dead,' or therein in P.L., xi, 
895-96 : ' With man therein or beast ; but, when he brings Over the 
Earth a cloud, will therein set,' and he does so even within the com] 
of a single line as with sometimes in P.L., v, 79 : ' But sometimes in tl 
air as we; sometimes,' and with the word without in P.L., v, 615 
'Ordained without redemption, without end.' This shows his deeidi 
inclination towards variety. 

Of course the same love of variety often induces Milton to 
in full, words which he elsewhere contracts. This faculty which he 
borrowed from earlier writers 1 , enables him to make Powers a disyllable 
in P.L., vi, 61: "At which command the Powers Militant,' being in 
P.L., ix, 282, heaven in P.L., I, 360; in, 216; spirit in P.L., I, 697; 
v, 482 ; vi, 848 ; towards and toward in P.L., vm, 257 ; ix, 495 ; xn. 
290; and to make trisyllables of luminous (P.L., Ill, 420), numerous 
{P.L., XI, 130), and others. We can tell when these and similar words 
are to be pronounced in full by the actual rhythm of the verse, as well 
as by the tact that they are so printed in the poems, as in the ease 
of different (P.L., IX, 883), summoning (P.L., III, 325), and violence 
(P.L., XI, 671). The like principle naturally applies to propel namea 1 , 
Thus Urtil forms three syllables in P.L., III, 648 : ' The archangel Uriel 
— one of the seven,' and Michael in P.L., il, 294 : ' Of thunder and the 
sword of Michael ' (cf. also P.L., vi, 202, 411 ; xi, 552 ; xn, 466). Whereas 
Uriel is shortened to two syllables only in P.L., iv, 555 : ' Thither came 
Uriel gliding through the even' (cf. P.L., iv, 589), and Michael in P.L., 
vi, 250 : ' Saw. where the sword of Michael smote, and felled.' So, too, 

' Cf. J. Sohipper, op. eit., n. Teil, i, S. 137, ftnd Dr Abbott, up. eU., pp. M37-88. 
v Cf. Dr Abbott, op, cit., pp. Bfitt-n, wbtre similar iosunees are giveu. 
> Cf. Dr Abbott, op. cit., pp. 361-63. 
* Cf. Dr Abbott, op. eit., pp. 332-64. 




WALTER THOMAS 315 

Abrahdm and Bithleh&in, which are trisyllabic in P.L., XII, 152, and 
P.R., II, 78, become disyllables as Abraham in P.Z., xn, 260, 273, 328, 
447 ; P.R., in, 434 ; and BetKlem (akin to the popular contraction 
Bedlam) in P.R., I, 243; iv, 505 1 . But such a lengthening of words 
does not merely in all cases serve the purpose of filling out the measure. 
It is also sometimes made use of to emphasize the meaning. By 
dwelling on every single syllable of a word Milton adds solemnity to a 
declaration like the following: 'And miserable it is To be to others 
cause of misery ' (P.L., x, 982), or he brings out the force of such an 
adjective as perilous in P.L., II, 420 : ' The perilous attempt. But all 
sate mute/ or of participles such as marvelling in P.L., IX, 551, and 
pondering in P.L., vi, 127, or again gives a heroic ring to the phrase : 
'Yet only stood Unshaken' (P.R, iv, 421). We detect the subtle art 
of the poet in a line like P.L., iv, 74 : ' Infinite wrath and infinite 
despair/ where the expansion, if we may so call it, of the epithet 
infinite, when repeated, enables us almost to realize the hopeless 
character of Satan's ruin 8 . Thus does Milton through his very metre 
endeavour to express the nature of the sentiments he depicts. 

Walter Thomas. 



1 The only proper names the pronunciation of which differs from that of the present 
day would seem to be Ddlilah (P.L., rx, 1061) for Delilah, and Azore$ {P.L., rv, 592) for 
Azdre*. 

* Notice in the same passage the fall scansion of the words ' the miserable * (P.L., rv, 
73), and cf. for other instances Dr Abbott, op. cit., pp. 862-63, § 476. 



(To be continued.) 



RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY. 



THE 'NOVUS ORBIS' OF SIMON GRYNAEUS. 



In Ms fascinating book Les Navigations de Patttuyniel M. Abel 
Lefranc has made it abundantly clear that Rabelais followed with a 
lively interest the great geographical discoveries of his day, and that 
certain portions of Pantagruel which have hitherto been regarded ao 
pure fantasy rest on a foundation of solid fact But can we pursue the 
subject a little further? Can we trace the actual authorities which 
Rabelais used for his geographical descriptions? Can we, as has been 
done with regard to other elements of his great medley, put our finger 
upon the very passages which he had before him ? 

In the earliest days of maritime discovery the results of the voyages 
were briefly recorded in the despatches of Venetian ambassadors at the 
courts of Spain and Portugal, or by the correspondents of Venetian or 
Florentine banking-houses. A little later they formed the subject of 
special letters or other short pamphlets, which were rapidly multiplied 
by copies and sometimes printed. In one or two instances the record 
was made by the discoverer himself, as by Columbus and Vespucci. It 
was not, however, till 1507 that the first collection of voyages, the 
prototype of all succeeding collections, made its appearance. It was 
entitled Paesi novamente retrovati e Novo Mondo da Alberica Vesputio 
Florentino intitutato, and was printed at Vicenza. The editor was 
Fracauzio da Montalboddo, a native of Monte-Alboddo in the march 
of Ancona, and professor of literature at Vicenza from 1502 to 1505 1 . 
It is divided into six books, which are composed as follows : 

1 Sea Hamuli,! di document! t sttidi /'iibblioiru dulbt Ci>m>iiitti»Ht: Columbiana, pt. HI, 
vol. II, pp. 209-211; H. H«rrfcne, HihUvtkren Auuriv.um IV/i,.<, •.■.".'.■. yy. 9(1— »!l -. 
E. Picot, Cat. Itotlwhild, u, 120—429. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 317 

i. Voyage of Ca da Mosto (chapters 1 — 47). 

ii. (1) Voyage of Pedro da Cintra to Senegal, written by Ca da 
Mosto at the dictation of Pedro's secretary (chapters 48—50), 

(2) First Voyage of Vasco da Gauia, recounted in a letter by 
Girolamo Sernigi, a Florentine residing at Lisbon when the expedition 
returned 1 (chapters 51 — 62). 

(3) Voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, written by his pilot in Portu- 
guese and translated by Giovanni Matteo C re tico, secretary to Domenico 
Pisani, Venetian ambassador to Spain, but employed on a special 
mission to the Portuguese Court at the time of Cabral's return * (chapters 
63 — 70). This was the voyage in the course of which Cabral discovered 
Brazil. 

iii. Voyage of Cabral continued (chapters 71—83). 

iv. A reprint of Libretto <le tutta la navigazione de re di Spagna de 
le isole et terreni vom.viente trovuti. Venice, 1504. (The only known 
copy is in St Mark's Library at Venice.) The anonymous writer of 
this narrative is now known to be Angelo Trevisan, fellow-secretary 
with Cretico to Domenico Pisani. He took the substance of it, as he 
acknowledges, from Pietro Martire's then unpublished First Decade'. 
It contains accounts of the following voyages: 

(1) First three voyages of Columbus (chapters 84 — 108). 

(2) Voyage of Pedro Alonso Nino* (chapters 109 — 111). 

(3) Voyage of Vicente Yaflez Pinzon (chapters 112, 113), 

v, Third voyage of Vespucci, described in a I (.'Her to Lorenzo di 
Pierfrancesco de' Medici (grandson of Cosimo's brother). A re-trans lati on 
into Venetian dialect from Fra Giocondo's Latin version of the original 
Italian (chapters 114 — 124). 

vi. (1) Letter from Cretico to the Doge Leonardo Loredan giving 
an account, similar to that contained in Books II and Hi, of Cabral'3 
voyage* (chapter 125). 

(2) Letter from some merchants in Spain to their correspondents 
in Florence and Venice describing a treaty between the King of 
Portugal and the Zamorin of Calicut (chapter 126). 

(3) Letter from Pietro Pasoualigo (Pisani's colleague in the special 

' See E. G. Raveastein, A Journal of the hint Voyage of Vaico da Gama (Hakluyt 
Social, 189S. 

5 vimm. Cii/'im'i., ]jt. Ill, vol. 1, p. 83. 

' fomm, Colomb., At. Ill, vol. II, |>. 171. 

* Here wrongly called Negro. 

1 Conim. Colomb., pt. Hi, to!, i, p. 43. 



318 Rabelais and Geographical Discover'/ 

mission to Portugal, and his successor as ambassador to Spain) to his 
brothers relating the recent arrival at Lisbon of one of Corte real's 
caravels from Labrador (chapter 127). This was the voyage from which 
Cortereal himself never returned. 

(4) Letter from Giovanni France sen Affaitadi (here called Francesco 
de la Saita), a merchant residing at Lisbon, to Pasijualigo, concerning 
the expedition of Joiio da Nova, the discoverer of St Helena (he is not 
mentioned by name), to the Malabar coast (chapter 128). 

(5) An account of Calicut, Carangore, and other places on the 
west coast of India, from the report of a Nestorian priest, named Joseph, 
who had come to Portugal with Gabral (chapters 1 29 — 142). 

The Paesi novamente retrovati had a great success. Fresh editions 
were published at Milan in 1508 1 , 1512, and 1519, and at Venice in 
1517 and 1521. It was translated into German and French, and of the 
French translation there were six editions. More important for our 
present purpose is the Lati n translation , made by Archangelo Madrignano, 
Abbot of a Cistercian monastery near Milan, and afterwards bishop of 
Abelli in the kingdom of Naples. It was printed at Milan in 1508 
under the title of Itinera num. Portugallensium e Lusihinin in Indiam 
et itide in Occidentem et demum in Aquiloiiem. It is full of mistak 
especially in the matter of dates. 

The popularity of* the Paesi novamente retrovati with the prominence 
given to Vespucci's name on its title-page — in the French version, which 
is entitled Le Nutiveau Monde et Navigations faites par Emeric de 
Vespuce Florentin, it is even more prominent — no doubt greatly con- 
tributed to the spread of Vespucci's name and to the adoption of the 
proposal made by Martin Waldseemiiller in his Cosmographiae Intro- 
ductio, of which several editions were printed at Saint-Die in Lorraine 
in a few months (1507), and embodied by him in the globe and map 
which he published in the same year, that the New World (meaning 
thereby the northern part of South America) should be called after 
Vespucci. Moreover the Latin version of Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo 
de' Medici had obtained a for wider circulation than any other narrative 
of recent geographical discovery. Under the title of Mundua Novus 
it had been printed fourteen times during the years 1503 — 1505, in 
Italy, in France (five times) and in Germany", and it had been translated 
into French and German and back into Italian. 



im 
ice 



1 This ia far auperior to the original edition from a typoRniphiciii point of view, 
' Only two of these editions are dated. See K. Pieot in Cat. JinthscliilJ, n, 423, : 
diauUKnioo of the question a* to whether it whs originally printed at Paris or Venice. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 

The next great collection of voyages is the Latin one generally 
known as the Novus Orbis of Simon Gryuaeus. It was published at 
Basle in 1532, the full title being Novita orbis regiamtm «e in/whir tint 
veteribus iiicognilaritm unit cunt titbeUu cosmognipliieu et tititjmd aliis 
consimiUs urgnmentl libeltis quorum omnium untabtgiis sapienti pugina 
patebit. The real compiler and editor of the work was a German 
antiquary named Johann Huttich, Grynaeus merely contributing a 
preface. The map was the work of Sebastian Mliaster, who also 
furnished an introduction 1 . The first part of the book is a reproduction 
of Madrignano's Latin version of the Puesi novanwiite retrwati, the mis- 
takes of which it perpetuates. Then follow ten new pieces, ail of which, 
i'Xi-cpt tin' si-i.'imd. hail already appeared in print. They an.' as fnllnws: 

1. A Latin version of Vespucci's letter to Piero Soderini, Gon- 
falonier of Florence, giving an account of his four voyages (first printed 
in 1507 as an appendix to Waldwuemiiller's Cusmographiae Intrudttctio)', 

2. Letter from King Manuel of Portugal to Leo X relating the 
conquest of Malacca and the relief of Goa by Albuquerque'. 

8. Madrignano's Latin translation of the Itinerant) of Ludovico di 
Varthema, here called Ludovicus Roman us patritius. The original 
work was printed at Rome in 1510, and the Latin version at Milan 
in 1511. The Italian edition was reprinted at Venice tn 1517, 1518, 
1520 and 1522, and at Milan in 1519 and 1523. 

4. A description of the Holy Land by a German Dominican of the 
thirteenth century, named Brocardus, who spout ten years in the 
monastery at Mount Sion. It was first printed at Lubeck in 1475 as 
part of the liudinwntttm Xoviciorttm\ and separately at Venice in 
1519. 

5. A Latin version of the travels of Marco Polo. According to 
Yule it is a translation at fifth hand and utterly worthless as a 
text. It eertainly differs considerably from the fourteenth century 
Latin version, made from the original French through an Italian 



' The map is wanting in many copies. 

' The original letter was printed, probably in 150.5, under the title of T.tltera di 
Amerieo Verpwi tltltr inilt mivtuttfiiU Imenii in ij u'lfro -tmi tiiuggi. A French version, 
printed about the name time, was sent to Itene, Duke of Lorraine, who had it translated 
into Latin, the translator altering the heading of the letter so eih to make it appear that it 
was addressed to the Duke instead of to Soderini. 

1 I can iind no trace of this having appeared in print before. It is included in the 
Chronicon Citiirtue of Paul Lunge, a Herman Benedictine who died about 153(1, but this 
remained in manuscript till it was printed by I'istorius in his Scriptorei Gtrmanici in 1663. 

* The well. known Mtr da hiileiret is a translation of this. 



Rabelais and Geographical Discovery 



i first printed by Gerard Leeuw 



translation by Fra Pipino. This i 
at Gouda in 1483 or MM*. 

6. A Latin version of the travels of Hay ton the Armenian (Hetoum 
Prince of Gorigos), edited by Menrad Molther and first printed at 
Hagenau in 1529. Hayton's narrative, like Marco Polo's, was originally 
written in French at his dictation by Nicolas Falcon, who afterwards 
translated it into Latin. It was this Latin version which Molther 
edited. He has corrupted Falcon's name to Salconi. In the same year 
there was published at Paris under the title of L'histoire merveilleuse, 
etc., a French translation of Falcon's version made in the fourteenth 
century by Jean Le Long of Yypres. There were also incorrect repi 
ductions of the original French narrative under the title of Les f 
des histoires de la terre Dorienl 1 . 

7. A description of Russia by Matthias of Miechow, a Polis 
physician, first printed at Cracow in 1517 under the title of Tra 
de dtiubits Sanmitiis Asiana et Europiana et de contentis i 

8. Another description of Russia by Paolo Giovio based on the in- 
formation of an ambassador from Basil the Great to Pope Clement 1 
first printed at Rome in 1525 under the title of Pauli Iovii Nov 
comensis libeling de legations Baailii vuigni, principis Moschoviae ad 
Clementem VII. Pont. Max. 

9. A summary of Peter Martyr's Fourth Decade, first printed at 
Basle in 1521 under the title of De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis 
simulque incolarttvi moribus R. Petri Marti/ris Enchiridion, 

10. An account of the antiquities of Prussia by Erasmus Stella, i 
physician of Leipsic, first printed at Basle in 1510 under the title c 
De Borussiae antiquxtatibus libri II. Stella died in 1521. His nam 
probably refers to his father's trade of saddler and wheelwrigi 
(Stellmacher)*. 

The Novus Orbis appeared in March 1532. In the following Octobt 
the well-known Paris publisher and bookseller, Galliot Du Pre, issued i 
reprint of it, substituting for Minister's map a much superior one by 
Oronce Fine, the Royal Professor of Mathematics. In 1537 another 
edition was published at Basle*. It included an additional treatise, the 

1 Not at Antwerp in US5, its is commonly stated. See H. Proctor, ludti to the curly 
printed bouki in the Uritinh Minium, There are three copies in the British .Museum and 
one in the L'aniUi-idjjL l.'niv. r-itv Library. 

5 See Biitoire lUlirairc, xxv, 479. ] See Zedier, Vmvenal Lexicon. 

* Grolier's copy of this edition is in the Ciiiuijriiiyi- Uuiivrs-ky Lihrary. 



ARTHUR TILLEV 



321 



account of Magellan's Voyage by Maximilian Transylvanus, contained in 
a letter to his father, the Archbishop of Sulzburg. It was first printed 
at Cologne in 1523. 

I have described the contents of the Novus OrbU with this degree of 
particularity, because it was a book which Rabelais undoubtedly used, 
It will be well to make this evident at once, by putting side by side his 
account of Pantagrtiel's first voyage and a passage from Sebastian 
Minister's preface : 



Ils...prindrent la baulte mer, et en 
l>ritrfrt jours, pasaans par uorto sancto et 
par Modero, firent scalle es isles da 
(Jan aire. 

De la partaus passerent par Cap 
bianco, par Senega, par Cap virido, 



par Oambre, par Bagres, par Melli, 



Primum itu(|uc.'ii]ii Hispiuii in Indiarn 
traiecturi sint, ]«tiint Port ma tanetam, 
Meilerum, ■:! septem Cfwtiriti-* iimnfnn, 
quae olini Fm-tiLiiataedictaosunt...Hinc 
navigaturad Cnpi.it allium, pnrtiuu conti- 
nents Africae..,R.elicti> Capita albo et 
insulin adiaeentibus...venitur ail roguuiu 
Senegtie..ALutt\ Imyi' alioni hiiius Hmni- 
niH est Caput viride. .. Relicto Capita 
viridi due tore Austro pervenitur i«l 
iKtmin /It, rit' (jiimlirtii:,. AWiu- inivrj.inti- 
bfla offertur caput Hogru, ac deinde 
transitu rnjuo \t,li pervenitur ail < 
Bonae spei, quod corrupte et Hispj 
De bona tperantza quida 
Nam hinc navis aeiisiui renit versus 
aequatorem, ubi scilicet est r'-gnum 
Melvndae. 

It will be noticed that Rabelais adheres very closely to his authority, 
using the strange form Cap irirido and spelling speranUa in exactly the 
same way. He continues his narrative as follows : 



zaput 



De la partans, feirent 
Uti, par Udem, par Gelasi 
Achnrie, niialemeut arrivent 



.ill- 



m vent de la transmontam-. psissans par Meden, par 
[iar les isles des I'heca, et jouxte lo roynulme de 
port de Utopie. 



Here we seetn to have left real countries for the land of pure fantasy, 
and the names of Achorie and Utopie are obviously borrowed from 
Sir Thomas More. But M. Lefranc's conjecture that in Meden, Uti, 
and Udem, three Greek words which signify 'nothing.' wo have a play 
upon the places Medina and Aden is almost certainly right, for on 
turning the page of the Novus Orbis Rabelais would have come upon a 
summary of Ludovico di Varthema's journey, in which Medina and 
Aden are mentioned in two consecutive lines. It is a bolder conjecture 
that Gelasim stands for Ceylon, but I think there is a great deal to be 
said for it, though I should rather regard 'Gelasim' as an anagram 
(with the addition of the initial letter) of Seilam, the form which the 
name of Ceylon assumes in the Latin version of Marco Polo in the 
Novus Orbts'. 

1 Lib. in, c. mi (ffniu OrUt, p. 363). 
H. L. R. II. 22 



322 



Rabelais and Geographical Discovery 



It is even possible that, as SI. Lefranc suggests, ' the islands of th« 
Fairies' may vaguely represent the wonderful islands beyond Taproban a 
(Sumatra) which Albuquerque's conquest of Malacca had opened up 
to the Portuguese— Ternate with its cloves, Banda with its nutmegs, 
Borneo and Java with their cinnamon, of all of which Rabelais 
might have read in Varthema's narrative'. He might have read too 
the abridged French translation of Pigafetta's narrative of Magellan's 
voyage (dedicated to Louise of Savoy), which Simon de Guinea printed 
at Paris in 1526 or soon afterwards 5 . 

In the next chapter (xxv) it is just possible that the encounter with 
the sis hundred and sixty knights may have been suggested to Rabelais 
by Vespucci's narrative of the fight with the natives off the island of 
Giants (Curacoa). 

In the last chapter Rabelais promises his readers a continuation of 
the story, 'You shall see,' he says, 'how Panurge was married,, .and 
how Pantagruel . . .puma les moiis Cuspies, conn/tent il nuviga par tu mer 
Athlantique et dejfit les Caniballes, et conquestu leu isles de Perlas' 
Here again he is almost certainly following the Novas Qrhis, for in the 
account of Columbus's voyages there is a chapter, De Canibaluram mori- 
bus'', ami another, Quonwdo Adniirans adivit Canibalorum insulas*. that 
is to say, the Caribbeean islands. For by a misunderstanding which 
the habits of the natives amply justified the Caribs were at first called 
Cannibals. A little further on in the Novus Orbis we read of the voyage 
of Pedro Alonso Nino to the Islands of Pearls, and how ' he returned 
home laden with pearles ' and ' how he fought with the Cannibals,' By 
the Pearl islands are meant Margarita, which, with a few much smaller 
islands, lay off Venezuela, and was celebrated for its pearls in all the 
marts of Europe 1 . 

Rabelais then continues, Comment il espousa la fills du roy de Inde 
nomine Presthan. M. Lefranc inters from this in conjunction with the 
whole passage that it was intended that Pantagruel like Columbus and 
many explorers after him should sail lor the East by the West, and 
so reach Cathay and India. This is a brilliant suggestion, and it is only 
the mention of the Caspian mountains that makes one hesitate about 
adopting it. In any case it is interesting to find Rabelais placing the 

1 See Yarthema, Lib. vi, en. iriv-m (.Will Orhii. pp. 835 (I.). 

a Lt coya-if r! navigation faicl par Ira ktpai flunk <:< I»lt» ■!/■■ ilotlueqnei |Prinled at 
the Sign of the S„ln! ,t'Or ami therefore nut hefore 1526. There i.- uo printer's device). 

» c. liiiTiii [p. 81). * c icii (p. 83). 

* Beailerf of il'ttttettrd Ito will i'Biiiniih'-r how Auiyns Leigh s,mi his companions took 
the pearls at Margarita from the Spaniards. Curiously enough Kingdey in thin very 
chapter refers to Panurjre's behaviour in the storm. 



ARTHUR TILLEY 323 

mythical kingdom of Prester John in India, in accordance with Marco 
Polo and other mediaeval travellers 1 , For at the close of the fifteenth 
century it was generally located in Abyssinia. This is the position 
assigned to it in the account of Vasco da Gama'a first voyage, in 
Varthema's Itinerary, and especially in the letter of King Manuel, who 
says that Albuquerque had a scheme for draining the Nile into the Red 
Sea with the assistance of Prester John. In spite, however, of this 
combination of authority in the Novits Orbis, Rabelais clings to the 
mediaeval tradition. In this he agrees with the interlude of The Four 
Elements, written about 1515, in which Experience is represented as 
saying : 

This quarter is India minor, 

And this quarter India major, 

The laud of Prester John. 

So too in one of the legends inscribed on ' Sebastian Cabot's ' Map 
of 1544 we read of a mighty king in Central Africa ' whom some call 
Prester John,' but ' this is not Pi-ester John, because Prester John had 
his Empire in Eastern and Southern India until Genghis Khan, first 
king of the Tartars, defeated and overcame him in a very cruel battle 
in which he died 5 .' 

If Rabelais seriously entertained the idea of writing a continuation 
of his story which should include the account of a long sea-voyage, he 
was diverted from his intention for many years. It was not till the 
autumn of 1545 when he was writing the final chapters of the Third 
Book that he returned to it again. There are, however, in Gargamtua 
occasional references to the New World and other matters of geographical 
interest. Thus in chapter xxxi he speaks of ' those who dwell beyond 
the Canary Islands and Isabella,' the latter being the city which 
Columbus founded in Hispaniola or St Domingo. Again in chapter lvi 
we are told that every year seven ships were brought to the Abbey of 
Thelema ' laden with gold ingots, raw silk, pearls, and precious stones 
from the islands of Pearls and the Cannibal islands.' 

Rabelais is also indebted to the narratives of travellers for some of 
his descrijitiiin of animal*, and we find instances of direct borrowing 
from the yovus Orbis in the account of the Island of Satin in the Fifth 
Book (chapter xxix). Thus the description of the elephants i* taken 
partly from Ca da Mosto and partly from Vartheina. 

1 It appears in Central Asia in Mnrtin Iielinim's globe of H!)l, which is based for 
these parts on Marco Polo. 

" C. B. Beailey, Johu Md Bftattfm* Qaboi, p. 233. 



324 



elats '"i 



leugrttph 



'orery 



Ilaont le uuiaenu long tie dcus tx>iidi : ca, Ilomineiu u 

et le nommoiis proboMlde, fcvec leqiiel ubi luedit, ruanu booiineni comprehe 

ils puisout ''iiii \x>\ir boire, prennent sum iacit in sublime ultra arena iaetntu : 

palmes, prunes, toutes sortes de man- tsa dieitur (nanus clepbunti, quaui alii 

geaille, s'en defl'eudent et oftendeut ])ronmscidemappeIIaut...nianum habent 



mbat jetton t 
] l':iir, et .1 la ebute lea 



lis tint mi nil t belles et grand es urcilli's 
de la forme d'un van'. Ila out jniuiiure^ 
et articulations es jambes : cem qui out 
eiscrit le contraire, n'en veirent jamais 

Ju'en [it.-iiiti.nt; : entre lews dents lis ont 
eux grandee cornea. ..et aont en la 
ruandibule sujierieure, non iriferieure. 



inferiors maxilla, quam eiercent et 
retrahunt pro libitu, hac ciburo cajiiunt 
et hauriimt potum omnotu. 

Ca da Mohto, c. uii. 
Verum sunt plana qui existimant in 
cmribua elephautes nun habere inter, 
injdin, plicareque ob id noquire tibias : 

Siod profecto a vero plunmum nbest. 
nbent iuneturaa ut caetera auiuinlia, 
seil in ima prupa parte eruruw...Bini 
deute« qui prominent colloeantur in* 
superioru maxilla : auriculas quaqua- 
veraumgerniiTi)«buL]iiai;iiiti[dinehabent. 
Varthema, IV, C X. 

The unicorn, as described by Rabelais, is well worthy of a place in 
the island of Satin, for it is a compound of Marco Polo's rhinoceros, 
evidently described from personal observation, and a mysterious one- 
horned animal which Varthema saw in the temple of Mecca. 

C'est une bote Moons a. nierveilJes, du 
tout aenibiable a nn beau cheval : ex- 
cepts qu'ellii a la teste eomme uu Corf, 
les pieds eomme un Elephant, la queue 



aigue, noire, et longue de 
pieds.. ..Une d'icelles jo 
eorne eruunder unt! fotitnine. 



vy„ 






Alterum enruni pullo equino...baud 
ulisimilem crediderim. Prommet in 
fronte cornu unburn Imigitudine trium 
cubitoram. Colons est id animal oqui 
inustelini : caput cervi instar. 

Varthema, i, c. iix. 

Et sunt unicornes paulo minores ele- 
phauti>, [liluui liiil-'iitt-K liuliali, et ele- 
phanti pedeni, Habent caput ut aper, 
et more norcorwu libentor morantur in 
luto et aliis iinmunditiie. In medio 
IVtiiit-is yi'Htant ciinm uuum, groasum et 
nigrum. 

Marco Polo, hi, e. st. 

are introduced to 'a little hunch- 
backed, misshapen and monstrous old man,' who was called Hearsay ; 
and round him were ' a number of men and women listening attentively, 
...and among them one held a Map of the World and was explaining it 
to them compendiously in little aphorisms.. ..There I saw Herodotus 
[here follow the names of various ancient writers on geography] ; more- 



In the next chapter (xxx) i 



Albert le Jacobin "jniul, I'krre TestiMiioiiu:, rapt' Pye second, Vnlaterrau, Paullo 
Jovio, Le vailUnt lioiiiiue t.'.-ubieni^t, Te vault, Jacques dirtier, Hay toll Armeuien, 
Marc Paule Venetien, Lodovic Rouiaiu, Petes Aliaree, 

and I know not how many other modern historians, hidden behi 
a piece of tapestry stealthily writing tine stuff, and all by Hearsay.' 
1 This sentence is omitted in the printed lexts. 



A.RTHUB TILLEY 



325 



I have given the names according to the reading of the manuscript 
in the Bibliotheque Nationale. AlterTestemoing to Tesiuoing. Cadacuist 
to Cadamosto, Tevault to Tenault, and Petes to Petrus, and connect le 
vaitlant liomme with Jovio instead of with Cadamosto, and the result is 
a better text than that of the printed editions, which read Charton for 
Hayton, and omit Cadamosto and Tenault altogether. The order in 
which the names are put is not altogether fortuitous. They are arranged 
in two divisions, first five writers who were not travellers, then seven 
travellers who left records of their travels. Possibly Petrus Aliares, 
the Latin form of the name of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, one of the two 
discoverers of Brazil, is put last because he wrote no account of his 
voyage. But it is more probable that Rabelais was misled by the 
heading in the Novus Orbis before chapter cxxv, which runs Jierum 
memonthilium Calecliut quae von sunt absimites Mis quas Petrus Aliares 
secundo et altero tractutu scripdt, referring to his pilot's narrative in the 
second and third books of the Paesi novamente retrovati. 

Seven of the twelve are represented in the Novus Orbis, namely 
Pietro Martire, Paolo Giovio, Ca da Mosto, Hayton the Armenian, 
Marco Polo, Ludovico di Varthema, and Cabral, but of these Pietro 
Martire is represented only by a summary of his Fourth Decade, and 
Paolo Giovio by a single short treatise. With regard to the latter, 
Rabelais was possibly acquainted with his Descripti" Britanniae Scotiue 
Hiberniae et Qrchtidum, printed at Venice in 1548, with a special privi- 
lege for publication in France, but I can find no trace of his having 
used it. There is a short sketch of the history of maritime discovery at 
the end of book xxxiv of his Historiarmn suitemporis libri xb\ which was 
published at Florence in 1.550. Further it should be noticed that the 
form which three of the names assume in Rabelais's text, namely Jovio, 
Ludovic Romain, and Petrus Aliares, points to his acquaintance with 
them through a Latin translation Of the five who are not represented 
in the Novas Orbis Albertus Magnus has a place probably by virtue of 
his Liber cosmogruphitms de natura looorum (first printed in 1.514 both 
at Vienna and Strassburg), and possibly also of his De Animal 'ibas, while 
Pope Pius II (.'Eneas Sylvius) appears as the author of Cosmographine 
libri II', a very popular work, of which there is a Paris edition, edited 
by Geoffrey Tory for Henri Estienne I, of 1.509, and another of 1534 
with the title of Asiae Eurojmeqite elegantissi'ma description By 
Volaterran is meant Raffaele Mallei of Volterra, whose Gommentariorum 



326 Rabelais and Geographical Discovery 

urbanorum libri axrxviii was first printed at Rome in 1506 and wvnt 
through many editions. There are Paris ones of 1510. 1511, and 1526. 
It is a sort of encyclopedia, compiled with little critical power, of which 
the first twelve books deal with geography, the last chapter being 
devoted to loca nuper reperta. Tenault is Jean Thenauld, guardian of 
the Franciscan convent at Angouleme, who was Bent by Louise of Savoy 
in 1512 on a private mission to the Holy Land and who wrote after his 
return an account of his travels. It was printed at Paris between 1525 
and 1530 under the title of Le voyage el itin[er]aire de oultre mer'. 
Rabelais cites him in Gargimtua (chapter xvi) as an authority for the 
fact that ' a little truck has to be fastened behind the sheep of Syria to 
bear up their tails, so long and heavy are they.' As a matter of fact 
there is nothing about these ' fat-tailed ' sheep in Thenauld's narrative, 
and Rabelais's authority is either Herodotus or ^lian*. Indeed, with 
the exception of Jacques Cartier, I cannot find that any of the writers 
enumerated in this list of geographers and travellers, except those who 
are represented in the Nuvus Orbis, have left any mark upon Rabelais's 
narrative. 

Of Rabelais debt to Cartier I hope to say something in a future 
number. Meanwhile it may be noted that Rabelais lived to see pub- 
lished the first volume of Ramusio's great collection of voyages, which 
appeared at Venice in 1550 and which far surpassed the Xovus Orbis in 
completeness and accuracy. 

Arthur Tillev. 



1 Edited by Ch. 9I*fer in tbe Rtfcueil di Vnyaget, Paris. 188*. 
1 Her., in, 113 (of the sheep of Arabia), and see Rais'lio soil's notes ; .Eliar. 
Yule, .Vnreo Polo, i, 100 »., but with a wrony reference to iElian. 



A POSSIBLE REMINISCENCE OF PLOTINUS 
IN TENNYSON. 



More than one commentator has drawn the attention of readers of 
In Memoriam, xcv, to the similarity between the experience of the 
poet as there described and that of Piotinus, as recorded by his disciple 
Porphyry and by himself in the Eiineades (Enn. iv, viii, 1 ; vi, is, 9, 
10, 11). But, so far as I am aware, no one has noticed the close 
resemblance between the conditions which accompany the trance of 
the poet in In Memoriam and those which are prescribed by Plotinus 
for the production of trance or ecstasy — a resemblance which appears to 
be more than accidental. 

In the fifth book of the Enueades (V, i, 2, 3, 4) Plotinus demands 
certain antecedent conditions for the soul that would find communion 
with the Great Soul. Before contemplation of the Great Soul, the 
individual soul must be freed from deception and every kind of beguile- 
meiit and be in a state of peace. But not only must its own mental 
and bodily surroundings be peaceful ; the surrounding external world 
must also be at peace. 'The earth must be cairn, the sea calm, and 
the air, and the very heaven itself without, a wave 1 .' 

The trance of /■» Memoriam and its preceding conditions are described 
in sections xc — iflT, which, as Mr Bradley 5 points out, form ' a group of 
closely connected sections on the present communion or contact of the 
living and the dead. It opens with the expression of desire for such 
communion, and closes with the description of an experience in which 
this desire seems to be fulfilled.' The poet after calling on his friend 
to come back (xc), to come back in visible form (xci), rejects the wish 
upon reflexion (xcii), but desires a direct contact of soul and soul (xciii). 
Then in the next section (xciv), he demands that the spirit desiring 

1 It calling Willi Kinhhoff Actyur. There U some disagreement in to the exact text of 
this passage, but none as to its meaning. 

' A Comtiunlary on TtHnytan'* lit Memoriam, by A. C. Bradley, 2nd Edition, 
pp. 16*— 192. 



328 A Possible Reminiscence of Plat inns in Tennyson 

communion with the dead he in a state of internal calm, and ii 
opening of section xcv he lays emphasis on the external calm o 
evening and night as appropriate precedent conditions of trance. 
Thus, in xciv, he writes: 

Id vain shalt thou, or any, call 

Thu spirits from their gulden day, 

Except, like theiu, thou too canst say, 
My spirit is at peace with all. 
They haunt the silent* (if the breast, 

Imaginations calm and fair, 

The memory like a cloudless air, 
The o 



and again, in xcv, he s 



s of: 



calm that let the tapers burn 
Unwavering j not a cricket chirr'd : 
The brook alone far-off was heard, 

and in his own note 1 on this passage Tennyson says: 'It was 
marvellously still night, and I asked my brother Charles to listen I 
the brook, which we had never heard so far-off before.' 
Then follows the description of the ecstatic condition: 

And all at once it seem'd at last 
The living sou! was flaah'd oti mine, 
And mine in this was wound, and whirl'd 

About empyreal heights of thought, 

And came on that which is, and caught 
The deep pulsations of the world, 
jEonian music measuring out 

The steps of Time— the shocks of Chance — 

The blows of Death. 



Nor is 
internal sn 
condition : 



this all ; a similar correspondence between external I 
roundings is suggested when he tells of the passing of t 



the termination, that is to say, and the doubt came with the uncert 
of the morning dusk, and with the rising of the breeze of dawn : 

Till now the doubtful dusk reveal'd 
The knolls once more where, couch 'd at ease, 
The white kinu glimmer'd, and the trees 

Laid their dark arms about the held : 

And suek'd from out the distant gloom 
A bree/e hegan to tremble o'er 
The large lenves of the sycamore, 

And fluctuate all the still perfmue, 

1 See In Mcmariam annotated by Ike author, p. 256. 



MARGARET DE G. VEKRALL 

And gathering fresliliw overhead, 

Kock'd tliu fiili -fnli,-ii;('(.i l'Iuik, and swung 
The heavy -folded rose, and flung 
The lilies to »ud fro, and said 
'The dawn, the dawn' and died away. 
Admitting that Tennyson, like Plotinus, associated with the trance- 
condition familiar to him 1 circumstances of external calm as well as of 
internal peace, it remains to consider whether this is more than an 
independent agreement of sensation. The question hardly admits of a 
certain answer without evidence, which I have not found, as to Tennyson's 
reading. But the following considerations perhaps suggest that the 
resemblance is not accidental and that the writings of Plotinus were not 
unknown to Tennyson and were consciously or unconsciously recalled 
to his memory when he was describing his own similar experience. 

1. There is a certain resemblance between the phraseology of the 
above quoted passages from In Memoriavi and the language of Plotinus. 
The ' Hash ' and the ' spirits' golden day ' are paralleled in Plotinus" who 
Speaks of ' the illuminating entry (tlo-tovaav real elaXafi-rrouvav) of the 
soul' bringing a 'golden vision' (j^pvo-oeiBf) oyfrtv) and again of the 
'effulgence' (irepiXanyfrtv) surrounding the contemplative soul. The 
word 'jEonian' 3 recurs several times in Plotinus; in his trance he sees 
that Time is an image of Eternity, ' the real .'Eon,' and that its three 
divisions ait one', there being no past, no future, only 'that which i 
(o 6vrt»$ alwv, ov /it/itiTat ^poVo?...*ai to ianv aet, ical ovSafiov to 
ft,eWov...ov&£ to irape\i)\v06s). The calm of earth and heaven desired 
by Plotinus is directly expressed in section xcv of In Memoriam ; the 
calm of air and sea appears indirectly in the images of Motion xciv : 
' The memory like a cloudless air, the conscience as a sea at rest,' 

2. The passage of Plotinus describing the required antecedent 
ciiiidiiiiins of ecstasy is unmistakably paraphrased by S. Augustine in 
a famous chapter of the Confessions'; a work with which it is believed 
that other passages of In Memoriam show an acquaintance". But there 
are phrases in In Memoriam and not in IS. Augustine which resemble 
the phniseology of Plotinus, and which must therefore have been 

1 ' I have often liail that fueling of being whirled up and rapt into the Great Soul.' 
Annulafcd tdiUnn, p. 2S7, 

- Am., v, i, 2—8. J See J« Km., ipv, above quoted, 

* Sue akto In Htm., nvi, stanza 3, and Mr Bndla*i aota thereon. 

B Cob/mi., ii, 10 ; ' Si cui Bileat tuimikti-. cuini*. si leant iiliuntuHiao til rim ot aqnarum 
et atria, eileant et poll, et ipsa sibi anima silml. Hltni-inuH m-trimim Sapietitiam super 
omnia manentem.* 

■ See In Mem., i, 1 ; iv, 1 ; Tiii, 3 ; uri. H ; l\iw. 1(1 ; and illustrative iiuotationn ii 
Mr Bradley'* Comment/try on those passages. 



330 A Possible Reminiscence of Plotimts in Tennyson 

derived, if derived at all, direct from the original. It is therefor 
hardly possible that the allusion in S. Augustine has any direct col 
nexion with these sections of In Memoriam, though it may have helpi 
to recall the original passage of Plotinus. 

3. It is known that Arthur Hallam was a student of philosophy 
and the volume of his Remains in Verse and Prose contains passages 
showing familiarity with the doctrines not only of Plato but of the 
Neo-Platonists 1 . That the account of the ecstasy of Plotinua i 
known to him in the words of the author is proved by the appearand* 
in his Essay on Cicero' of an allusion in the original Greek to tht 
experience of Plotimts. ' The <f>vya fiovov trpo? [lovov preached by the 
later Platonists was not possible for him.' Plotinus is the 'later Platonist' 
who preaches ' the Flight of the One to the One." The Enneades of 
Plotinus ends with the description, revealed to him in ecstasy, of 'the 
life of gods and of godlike and blessed men, a release from every earthly 
thought, a life untouched by earthly pleasure, the Flight of the One to 
the One*.' 

But whether or not we suppose a direct connexion between Plotinus 
and Tennyson, it 6eems probable from the description in In Memoriam 
sections xciv and xcv, that some importance was attached by Tennyson 
to calm as a condition of trance, and this sentiment is perhaps further 
reflected in the phrase of section cxxii 'in placid awe,' which seems to 
refer to the earlier experience. This phrase, which has caused difficulty 
to some critics, is certainly more appropriate if the adjective is no mere 
descriptive epithet, and if placidity is regarded by Tennyson, as it was 
by Plotinus, as an essential condition of ecstasy. 

Margaret de 0. Verrall. 



NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE 
SPANISH DRAMA. 



In the vast field of the Spanish drama the student has an excellent 
guide in Barrera, whose Catdloyo is his indispensable companion. But 
it is now nearly half a century since that work appeared, and in the 
long interval much has been done, especially as regards the bibliography 
of the subject. Thanks to the investigations of Spanish scholars, the 
date of composition of many a comedia can now be fixed more approxi- 
mately. A very important addition to our knowledge of the chronology 
of the Spanish Drama was made by Sr. Cruzada Villaainil, who published 
a series of articles in 1871, bearing the following title: Datos inMitoa 
que dan d conocer la Cronologia de las Comedias representadas en el 
Jteinado de Felipe IV en los Sitios Reaies, en el Alc&ttfr de Madrid, 
Buen Retiro y otras partes, sacados de Ins Libros de Gnstus y Cuadernos 
de Ndminas de aquella Epoca- quese conservan en el Archivo del Palacio 
de Madrid. These articles appeared in El Averiguador, a journal which 
has long since ceased to exist. The scarcity of this publication and the 
importance of Sr. Villaamil's list of comedias has induced me to 
republish it here. These comedias were privately performed before 
Philip IV, and for these private representations or particulars the 
amount paid in each case was two hundred reals. I have arranged the 
titles in a more convenient order, and have added, where possible, 
the name of the author of each comedia and the date of its first 
publication. To Sr. Villaamil's list about a hundred plays have been 
added from other sources, including an interesting list of plays in the 
possession of a theatrical manager, Jeninimo Amelia, in Valencia in 
1628, which has been published by Henri Merimee in the Bulletin 
Hispanique (1906), These additions are marked with an asterisk. 



D July 13, 1H26. Tho j>lay 



Abanillo (ElJ.-Loi* de Vega, 

Re]iivsentcd l.v Aiit..iii.i .l<; i'rado, in Feb. 1 
is mentioned in Lope's 1'crcgrino, ed. of 
•Abrahan.— i 

This [>lny was in the |*i*-*MHi'>n nf the Micitrical »iiiTiii|<or J (.'milium Amelia, i 
Valencia, in LOSS. Bm livUrtin Hitpamjma (190*1), p. 378. Them is 
comedia La F4 d« Abraham by 'tres ingnfM, pera k pa the sunie. 



332 Note* on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama 

Abrir el ojo. — Francisco lie Roja* Zorrilla. 

Represented liv FWtolome Romero in Toledo, in -Sept. 164)). First printed in 
Zorrilla's Comediat, Part u, Madrid, 1648. 
A buen tiempo.— t 

Represented by Toruas Fernandez, Nov. 19, 1634. 
•Acero (El) de Antequera.— I 

Coinedia represented Icfore 1637. Saiichez-Arjoria, Annlet, p. 311. 
Acertar errando (El Emh'ijnduf fiutjido).— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Adrian Lopez, Jan. 6, 1653. Printed in Lisbon, 1603. 
Adversa 'Lai Fortuna de Rui Lopez de Avalos.— Pauiian Salustio del Poyo. 
Represented by Gastiar de Porres, in July, 1605. Published ill the Tercera Parte 
de Comediat de tops de Vega >j utrim, Barcelona, 1612. 
Agradecido (El).— ? 

Represented i ■ v T"in:i" Fernandez in San Lorcn/.o el Real, before Nov, 18, 1625. 
"Agravio El) en la Lealtad.— 'I 

A play in the possession of Jerouimu Amelia in 11128. It is probably Lope's 
/,.; Lritltud ,'n i.-l Aiii-iiiii'ii. first printed in his Comidiiii, Part xxil, Zaragoza, 
1630. 
A la Villa voy y de la Villa vengo.— I 

Represented by Juan de Morales, June 25, 1623. 
•Albia(El).-1 

A play in tiiv pussesMfiri of Jeronimo Amelia in 1658. Perhaps this is L-.i 
llattilla dil AlbU, ;/ mayor Hecko de Carlot I', ascribed to Villegas and also 
to ' tres ifigeuioe. 
Alcaide CE1 ■ de si mismo.— Calderon. 

Represented by Juan Martinez, Jan. 29, 1636. First printed in 1651. 
Alcalde (Eli de Coria. 

Represented by Juan de Morales, June 4, 1623. 
A lo hecho no hay Eemedio [y Principe de tot Monies]. — Montalban. 

Represented by Bartolome Romero in the Salon at Madrid, Jan. 1, 1634. 
Printed in Montalban, Comediat, Part I, Madrid, 1636. 
A lo Que obliga el aer Key.— Luis Velez de Guevara. 

Represented by Roque do Figueroa, March 28, 1628. Printed in Escogidat, x, 
1658. 
Aman y Mardoqueo. — ? 

Represented by Bartolome Romero, Dec. 16, 1637. There is a coinedia Aman 
ff Mardoaueo, 6 hi Horea vara «u Dueho by Felipe Godincz, of ivbich there 
is a My. (copy) in the Bib. Nac., Cat. So. 2841), dated 1613. Lope de 
Vega's Ln ermota Stttr, also called La Suburbia de Aman >/ Mardotjue, 
euni in jiit autograph .Brit. Hub.}, dated April 5, igio. 
AmanteB (Lob; de Teruel. — Tirso de Molina? Montalban? 

Represented by Manuel Valleju, Nov. 27, 1633. Tirso's play is [win ted in 
his Seytwla Parte, Madrid, 1627 ; Mi mtal ban's in his Comediat, Part I, 
Madrid, 1635. 
Amar por hacer fortuna.—? 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, Jan. 27, 1635. 
Amete (sic). — Lope de Vega? lielnumte. and Martinez? 

Represented dy Adrian Lopez, Jan. 2. 1653. Lope's |>)ay El Hamete de Toledo 
was pulilisbed in Part ii (1617), and that of Belmoute and Martinez 
in Escoaidut, I (1652). The plays have the same title, but arc entirely 
different. 
Amor (El) al use— Solis. 

Represented by Bartolome Romero in Sent. 1640. First printed in Solis, 
Comediat, Madrid, 1681. 



HUGO A. RENXERT 



333 



Amores de proteccion.— ? 

Represented by Juan de Monies ljeforc liny, 1625. 

•Amorosas Sutiles&s.— J 

A play in the possesion of .leronimo Amelia in 162*. Perhn.p.s this is Tirso de 
Molina's Sut&estu de Amor, tbe alternative title of Amur par Blum de 
Ettado, first printed iu 1627. 



Amor (El) vandolero. 
Represented by Alonso 
Part xa 






, 1636. Printed I 






Amotinados (Loa),— £o* Am^luiados en Flundct,— Luis Vele/ de Guevara. 

Represented l>v Roque do Figueroa, Sept. 25, 1633. Printed in Di/erentei, 
xxxi, Barcelona, 1638. 



Animal (El) profeta.— Mescua? Lope de Vega? 

Represented by Juan de Morales, June 24, 1630. There is a MS. (copy) in tbe 
Bib. Nac. dated KS31, ascribing it to Mescua. See my Lih "i /-■'/« de Vega, 
p. 495. 

'Antes que te cases [mira lo que kaces\— Alftreorj. 

A [day in tlm possession of Jeroiii Amelia In 1628. This is the alternative 

title of El Examen tie Marido* (see below). It was Brat printed in Lope's 
Camtdicu, Part xxiv, Zaragoza, 1633. It may be noted tfiat the last bfty 
verses or more of Alaruon's play as now printed differ from the version in 
Part xxiv, of Lope de Vega. 



Alan 



Madrid, i 



!-Vni;inde/-( oierra, 



Aristomene (sic).— ? 

Represented by the same tiutor on May 15, 1(!36. It is probably El vtderoso 
Arutomerie* mrxt-ttio, [iriuted in Difereiite*, xxxr, Barcelona, 163K, where it 
ia given without the author's name, but it is ascribed to Alonso de Alfaro 
by Barrera. It occurs aa a suelta, with the title Qmtar d Feudo rf *u 
I'l/triu, Aristoitteitta mrieiuo, ascribed to Matoa Fragoso. It lias also been 
wrongly attributed to Cnlderon. 

Atrevimiento y Ventura.— 1 

Represented bv Antonio do Prado, Jan. 6 
Jeronimo Amelia in 1625. 



1623. It w 



i the possession of 

Aun de Noche alum bra el Sol,— Felipe Godinez. 

Represented by Antonio de Prado, Nov. 16, 1634. Printed only as a tutlta. 
A ana Dnda otra mayor.— ? 

Represented by Cristobal de Avendano, June 4, 1634. 
Ayo (El) de su Hijo.— Guillen de Castro. 

Represented by Juan Bautista Valencin.no in March, 1623. This play was in 
the possession of Jeninimo Amelia in June, 1628, 
•Acote (El) de la Heregia.— 1 

This comedia was in the possession of .leroiiiuio Amelia in 1628. Fernandez de 
Buatauicute wrote a play with the same title. 
Balcones (Los) de Madrid. —Tirso de Molina. 

Represented by Alonso do Ohnedo prior to 1637. It is printed only as a tutlta. 
'Baltaaara (La).- -BoJM ZorriUa, Antonio Coello and Luis Velez de Guevara. 

Comedia represented before 1<J;(T. Sanchez- Arjoua, p. 31 1. Printed in Eteogidat 



334 Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama 

Basta intentarlo.— Felipe Godinez. 

l;.'[iiv-ciit'.'>l i iv A1i'hi.*i dr.' lilmei.li.i liofi.no ]li37 ami liy Pedro de la Rosa 1 

the Pardo before March, 1637. Printed in Difererdes, sxkii, Zaragoz 

1640. 

•Batalla :La> naval de loa Galeones — > 

Comedia represented before 1637. Sanchez -Arjona, ]i. 311. 
Bella. (La) Estefania.— J 

Represented by Antonio Griumdos 1-efore July i:>, 1626. There ia a 

l,.i th-*</ic/i<itl" Estvftiiiix by Lope, printed in 1019, and a suelta by 1 
Velez de Guevara, £d# 6Wst /imla to* Owtof, J( rfMrJhModa Eitefan ' 
Bien vengas, maL. si vienes solo. — Calde ron. 

Represented by Juan Martinez, Dec. 16, 1635. Printed In Calderon, Part i 
(1691). 
Bizarrias 'Las) de Beliaa. — See Lai Vifurriai. 
Boba (La) para loa otros.— Lope de Vega. 

Represented liv M.imn.'l Vallejo in the Pardo, Jan. 25, 1635. Printed in Lope'u 
Comedia*, Part SSI, 1635. 
•Boca (La) y no el Corazon (Fingir por conteruar).— 

Comedia represented lieiniv ](.i;i7. S;lik hi/Arjona, p. 311. There ia a MS. of 
this play in the Bib. Nnc, Oat. No. 12ii!i, which contains emendations said 
to be in the hand of D. Francisco de Rojas. 
Braail (El).— Lope de Vega J 

Represented by Andres de la Vega, Nov. 6, 1625. 
Caballero (El) bobo.— Guillen de Castro. 

Represented by Antonio de Prado at Shrovetide, 1628 
Printed at Valencia, 1608. 
•Cauallero (El) de Cristo.— J 

See Paz v Melia, Cutdtogo, No. 439. This play was in the 
Amelia in 1628. 
•Caballeroa (Los) nuevos.— ? 

A comedia owned by .Jeroniiuo Lopez de Suatnya before March, 1602. 
Cada Loco con SU Tema.— U. Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza. 
Represented l.v Antonio do Prado, Feb. 27, 1629. Printed L 
ed. of Madrid, 1728. 
Oada uno con su iguaL— Bias Fernandez de Mesa. 

Represented by Tomas Fernando* in the ltetiro, Feb. 14, 1637. Printed i 
Etcugidait, xvi, 1662. 
Camandula (La).— ? 

Bepreseutiul by Antonio de Pra.io, in March, 1IJ23. This cannot be Lot Bam 
A flOMM v fundacion de In Canal itduht by Matow Fragoa 
born till 1610. 
■Capitana (La) del Cielo.— ! 

Play in the possession of Jcninimo Amelia in 1628. 
Capitan El Chinchilla. — Antonio Enriipmz Gomez. 

Represented by Tomas Fernandez, Llec. 4, 1034, and by Juan S 
1636. Mentioned by the author in his Samson Nazureno, 16 
Carbonera (La).— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Retire, June 25, 1636. Printed i 
1630. 
Carlos en Times. 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, Feb. 21, 1623. 
[Carlos?], La primera parte del Emperador ' 
Represented by Antonio de Prado, Nov. 22, 1634. 



HUGO A. RENNERT 



Carlos V, La segunda parte de.— ? 

Represented by Antonio do Prado, Dec. 3, 1634. This is clearly the same 
comedin in two parts, with the exception, perhaps, of Carlos mi Tune*. 
A play with the latter title by Cafiizares is much too late. A number 
of plays upon the history of Carlos V. are given by Paz y Melia, Cutii/ogo de 
Afamiscritut, p. 57, col. 1, under Lope's Carlos V en Franciu. See also 
Rcstori, Zeitttchrift fiir Rom. Phil. Vol. xxxi. 
Casa con dos Puertas [viala et d-: guardur], — Oalderou. 

Represented by Juan Pciialoaa, Aug. 4, 1630. Written in 1629, according 
to HartKenbiwch. 
•Casarse por vengarBe.— Francisco i!i: R.ijas Zorrilta. 

Written before March 5, 1636. l'drez Pastor, Cddenw d«i:«meuto>, I, p. 119. 
First printed in the Comedian of Rojas, I, Madrid, 1640. 
Castigar por defender.— Kodrigo de Hcrrera. 

Written for Juan Marline/, theatrical director, March 2, 1633, Printed in 
Flor de hi' unjoret dure Ctimvdiat de lor mai/wi Imffaiuida Espaua, Madrid, 
1653. 

Gastigo (El; de la Vanagloria — 1 

Represented by Pedro Rodrigui^ and "tliers, May 22, 1602. 
Castigo (El) sin Vengaaza.— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Manuel \'allcj<>. Fell. ',',, 1632, and by Juan Martinez, Sept. 6, 
1635. Printed in Barcelona, Pedro la CaWtleria, 11(34. Autograph M.S. dated 
Aug. 1, 1631. See my article in Zeittchrift fur Romanitcke Phitologie, 
Vol. xxv, p. 411. 
Catalan (EL Serrallonga. — See Serrallonga, 
Cautela contra Cautela. — Tirso do Molina and Alarcon. 

Represented by Francisco Lopez, June 3, 1632. Printed in Tirso's Comcdias, 
Part II, 1635. It bad been represented by Avendafio lie-fore the Queen 
between Oct. 5, 1622 and Feb. 5, 1623. Schack, A'acktritye, p. 67. 
Cautela s son Amistades. ' 

Represented by Juan Marline/, Sept. 13, 1U3S. A play entitled Cuutela en 
In Amutad is published as a luella and ascribed to Godincz. Under the 
title Lo que rnerece «n Soldadu, Lot dot Carlai, it is ascribed to Moreto 
in Di/erentet, Part XLIH, Zoragoaa, 1660. 
OeloB (Lob) del Diablo.— ? 

Represented by Bartolonie Romero in the Salon, Madrid, Jan. 24, 1036. 
CeloB Los en el Caballo.- Xmionet de Enciso. 

Represented by Pedro de Valdes, Aug. 9, 1628. In Di/erentes, xxv, Zaragoza, 
1632, it is ascribed to 'Enciso'; in the edition of the satno volume, of 1633, 
it is attributed to Dr Ximeue/ de Enciso. [It was represented by Valdes 
before Feb. S, 1623, before the Queen. Sec sJluik, A'achlrdge, p. 66.] 
Oeloa engendran Amor.—? 

Represented by Juan de Morales tieforo May, 1625. Rairera (p. 534, coL 2) 
says that it mi |il.iw<! Injure the Queen at the end of 1622 or beginning of 
1623. See Schack, 'X„tfdriiye, p. 67. 
CelOB, La segunda parte de los.— i 

Bqnmttd by Antonio de Prodo, Nov. 27, 162& 
Celoso Estremefio 'El!.— Antonio Coollo. 

Repmented by Manuel Vallcjo, May 30, 1632. Fust published in Diferentes, 
xxvm, Ilnese.'i, 1634, and in Part xxvm (cj-trrwaganle), Zaragoza, 1638, 
of Lope, and ii-cribed to the latter in both volumes. 



i anonymous play 



336 Note* OR the Chronology of the Spanish Drama 

Celos y Honor.— 1 

IJvi.i.-Miilnl ).y Pedro ile lit Rosa ill the Retiro, Feb. 21, 1037. There is a 
Zeloi, Honor ii Vi'i-tliini by Antonio Coello, printed in Diferentes, '. 
Barcelona, 16HM- See aho ranolMB-Arioaa, Antdcs, p. 311. 

Cereo (El) tie Cordoba.—? 

Represented by Pedro Rudriguen and others, May 22, 1602. 
Ciro y Cartago \sic). — Lope de Vega) 

Represented by Pedro de la Bona in the Gallinero del Retiro, Aug. 9, 1636. 
Perhaps this is Loin's Contra Valor no hag Dstdicha >i Primer Rey de Persia, 
to which Kirreru adds the tit If, Ciro y .1 rpujo ; th'.' la Iter ure two characters 
in Lope's play. It was printed in 163*. According to Fajardo the alter- 
native title in Ziro, hiJD tie la t'erra. Medel a 
called Ziro, 
Comedia de Ciro, La tercera parte de la-—? 

Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Retiro, Feb. 17, 1637. 
Comedia (La) de las Mujeres.— I 

Represented by Tenuis rVmanduz in the Retiro, Feb. S 
Lo que eon Afii/erei, by Rojaa Zorrilla, published it 
Madrid, 1646. 
•Comendadores (Los).— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Ualiriel Nunez in July, 1593. It is Lot Cvmciidadore* > 
Cordoba, printed in Lope's Part n, 1609. 
Como ha de ser el Sefior. ' 

Represented by Alonso de Olniedo before Jan. 23, 1C36. 
Como nan de ser los Padres.— ? 

Represented by Juan de Villegas before Jan. 1623. 
Como Padre y como Bey.— Moutalban. 

Represented by Antonio de Prado, Jan. 1, 1635, and again on June 12, 1 
MS. copy, partly autograph in the Bibl. Nae., duted 1629. Cat No. 645. 
Printed as a multa. 
Como 86 engaflan lOB OjOS.— Juan llautiata de Villegas. 

Represented by Juan Bautista de Villegas, before Jan. 1623. Printed i 
IH/ereiUet, xxv, Ziiragoza, 1632. Olmedo had represented it in 1622 be] 
the Queen. Scback, Xachtriige, p. 68. 

Como se quita el Amor. — ? 

Represented by Antonio de Prado at Shrovetide, 1628, and on Jan. 6, 1636. 
Con Amor servir y esperar (sic).— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Juan Martinez, May 22, 1635. It is Lope's Amar, kw 
ttperar, Part xxn, 1635. 
"Conde de AJarcos (El). -Guillen de Castro? Mescua? 

Represented by Pedro Rodriguez and others, May 22, 1602. Castro's play ii 
printed in his Comedian, Part I, Valencia, 1616 ; Mira do Mescua's 
Etcogidas v, 1653. 
Conde de Fuentes (El). -Luis de Belmonte Bormudez. 

Represented by Antonio do Prado, July 15, 1626. Printed as a sue.Ua. 
•Conde (El) de Pufionrostro.— ? 

Represented by Antonio de Prado, at Shrovetide, 162S. 
Conde de Sex (El).— Antonio Coello. 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, Nov. 10, 1633; and by Toraits Fernandez i 
the Betiro, Feb. 5, 1637. Published in Diferentes, XXXI, Barcelona, 16" 
and ascribed to Antonio Coello. It also ap|>eared as a suelta with the t 
Dor la Vidu par ea Damn, attributed to Luis Coello. 



HUGO A. RENNERT 337 

•Conde (El) don Sancho niflo, — Luis Velez de Guevara. 

Play in the possession of Jeroniimi Amelia in 1628. It was first printed in 1627. 
•Condesa Matilda (La).— Lope de Vega. 

Represented by Gaspar de 1'orres, Mji v 7, 1605. Printed iu Lojie's Part II, 
1609, with the alternative title L-i Hetitteucia h.mrada. 
Con el saber y la ventura.— ? 

Represented by Roque Je Kigueroa, Wore March 28, 1(128. 
ConquiBta (La) de BraaiL— Lope de Vega 1 

Represented l>v T ■'-• K--niande/. liefiirv Nuv. IS, \l\-i:>. Peril rips these plays 

arc identical. Lope's linttit r.ttituidt, was finished on Oct. 23, 1626. The 
autograph is in the Lenos library, New York. 
Contra Valor no bay Desdicha.— Lope do Vega. See Ciro. 

Represented by Pedro de la Rosa, April 6, 1636. 
Coronacion (La) del Key de Iob Romanes. I 

Represented hy Pedro de la Rosa in the Retiro, before March 3, 1637. 
'Coronacion (La de Romanos, 

Represented by Alonso del Olmedo before March, 1637. 
Corona La) del Agravio (■'• III At/rmuo wiri'jyWio), — Alonso Cuhillo de Aragou. 

Represented by Alonso de Olinedo lieforc Jan. 23, 1636. Published only us 

•Corona (La) de Ungria. — I 

Play in the possession of Jeroniiuo Amelia in 1628. Thin cannot he Lope de 
Vega's play of the same title, foe rlie autograpb of the latter, dated Dec 23, 
1633, is said to i* in the Archives of the Marquis of Astorga. See Bib. Nac., 
Cat. No. 716. 
Cueva La: de Salamanca. — Alarcon. 

Represented by lh.i.iiue.o lidhin, July :>, 1023, Published in Alan-mi's Comedias, 
Part I, 1628. 
Culpa (La) buses, la Pena.— Alareim. 

Represented hy Antonio de Prado, Nov. 9, 1634. Printed in Part XL! de 
Portal, Valencia ( ()■ See Barrera, p. 686. 
Oumplir con su Obi igacion,— Mont.il ban. 

Represented by Toma.s Fernandez, lieWu .Inly 31, 1625. Printed In Montalbau's 
Comcdiat, l, 1635. 
Decir y hacer.— 1 Can thiB be Die/to y hecAo (Lo die/to kecho)% q. v. 

Represented by Fenian Sanchez de Vargas on -Sept. 20, 1623. 
Desafio (El) del Emperador. - El l>t*<jh. d<- Carlo* V hy Rojus Znrrilla > 

Represented by Cristobal de AveTidaiio, May 28, 1634. The play by Rojas 
is printeil iu Eteogidat, w, 1654. 
Desde el Pardo a Fuencarral— t 

Represented by Antonio de Prado, Doc. 28, 1628. 
Desengaflo (El).— ( 

Represented by Tmnas Fernandez, Nov. 12, 1634. Can this be El Ik*t;H>i'tiit> 
,/,*■/,„*,. Lv Cuilluo de Cn.-tro. published in Part I of his ' V„,j, ■,/,',,.,, Valencia, 

1616? 
•Desengaflo (El) a buen tiempo. I 

Comedia represented before 1637. Sanchez- A rjona, p. 311. 
Desengaflo en Celos — t 

K.'pres.'iiieil by Antonio de Prado, Feb. and M.neli, lli23, and in the possession 
Of Jardoimo Ameila in 1628. .Lieiuto Cordero (born 1606) wrote a play 

entitled /i,:.-i-„,,h„,, </■■ r.l.„. 



Despreciada querida (La;. — Jui 



Rep re.su ii led l.v Andrea de la Vega 

Ms. !, v VWegaaia dated May 15, 1621. 



Vilii'..MS. 

Shrove Tuesday, 1625. 



The autograph 



& a nulla and 



l Bautiata de 



Sates on the Chronology of 

Despreciar lo que se quiere {/*•■</''" i-u-.*--- /«n- ■,.•,,.,■■.,• Mviiit.allan. 

Represented by Roque do Figuoroa, Out. 9, 1633. Printed iti Montalban, 
Comedias, Vol. II, 1838. 
Desprecios (Lob) en quien ama.— Moutalbanf 

Represented by Andres de la Vega, Out. 22, 1625. Printed only 
also ascribed to Lope. 
Diablo (EI) predicador [y mayor eiivtmi-i,, Amiga). — Belmonte? Jui 
Villegas I 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, Feb. 26, 1623. First printed at Zaragoza, 1663 
See Ronanet'a translation. 
Dicha (La) por la Oautela.— I 

Represented by Cristobal de Avenduno, Nov. 26, 1635. 
Dicho (Lo! dicho (sic). — 1 

Represented by Antonio ilo Prado, Feb. 4, 1628 and Dec- 7, 1634. A pUy 
Lo dicho hec/io by Antonio (Awllo i.s published in /.hferetitet, XLtl, Zaragoza, 
1650. 
Diciembre (El y el Agosto.— I 

Kepivsi'titol by '['iioi.i- Fernandez, Sept. 22, 1637. Perhaps this is Diciembre 
por Agotlo, Sue/tint .Seimra d* In* .Yn'i»:i, by Juan Velez de Guevara, published 
m Etcogidaa, x\i, 1662. ■ 
Dido y Eneas. —Guillen de Castro? 

Represented by Pedro Valdes. June 29. 1625. Printed in Castro's Comediat, 
Part ii, Valencia, 1625. Cubillo's play Elim 1'ido, Ileiw de Cartago, was 
lirst published in bis Enano de lot Mutiu, 1654. 
Diego de Camas (/-'' rtriiatc i'aya tic Camas). — Antonio Enriquez Gomez. 
ReprcsenteJ by Manuel Valleju, .May ii, 1633. First mentioned i 
Samson A'azareiw, 1656. 
•DLFnnto (El) Vengador.— 1 

Play in the possession of Jer6uimo Amelia in 1828. 
Dineros son Calidad. — Lope de Vega. 

Represunte.1 h\ Felipe S:mrhez Kcheverria, .Sept. 1623. First printed in Lope's 
Part xxiv, Zaragoza, 1633. 
Discretas Amigas (Laa).— J 

Represented by Andrea de la Vega, May l(t, 1634. 
Disparates (Los) de D. Juan el Clerigo — ? 

Represented by Juan de Morales, July 2, 1630. 
Distraido (El).— ? 

Represented by Toniaa Fernandez, June 20, 1637. 
"Doncella (La) de Francia («'e).— ( 

Corned i a represented In-fore 1637. Sanchcz-Arjona, p. 311. This is almoa 
certainly Jm I'oiu-ellti de Franci'i. by Lope de Vega, j. v. 
Donde hay Agravios no hay Celos (el Amu tWorfo ).—Rojas Zorrilla. 

Retireseiited by Pedro de la Rosa in the Pardo, Jan. 2!j, 1(137. Publish. 
/! n Rojas, Comedi.it, i, Madrid, 1640. 
Donde hay Valor hay Honor.— Don Diego de Rozas y Argomedo. 

Represented by Salazar, .Sept, 9, 1637. Printed in Dt/erentet, ISM, Zaragoza, 
1640, and ascribed to Diego de Rojas. 
Donde no esta SU Dueno esta su Duelo — ( Lope de Vega I Guillen do Castro I 
Represented by Fenian Sun, 'he; de Vargas, Sept. 3, 1623. Ascrilied t.. Lo]-j in 
Difereiitrt, ssis, Huosca, 1634. It also appeared as a itteltu, ascribed to 
GuiM-n de (.'asrr->. See Mm/cm /.,f ><■/>'";!<■ Il-ci- »■ I !«»:;, |. [t*\. 

•Don Diego de Noche.— Rojaa Zorrilla. 

This play, in the possession of Jeronimo Amelia in 1628, ivas first printed it 
Escogidot, VII, 1654. 



HUGO A. RENNEBT 

Don Florisel de Niquea. -Montalbau. 

Represented In- (.'ristubnlde AvcmUiio, June 10, 1634. Published in Mootalban's 
Comediat, Part II, 1638, 
"Don Jayme el Conquistador.— ? 

A piny hi the pn.sses.--i on of Jen'mimo Amelia in 1628. 
Don Juan de Austria en Flandes.— Lope de Vega. 

Represented liy Airmail .lit [Ii<rt:ilii<., July 2H, HJU4, and by Roipie lie Figueroa 
before the King on March 2K, I62M.' It is not primed in any of the old 



.■olWtlol 



Vol. : 



imiiiis, but may now be found in the Academy's ed. of Lope, 

Don Pedro Guiral- Montaiban. 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, A^ril 10. 1633. Printed only as a ntelta, 
Don Quixote.— Calderou? 

Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Retire on Shrove Tuesday, 1637. 
There are I'omedias bearing ibis title by Guillen de {'astro, CaJderon and 
Matos Fragoso. Perliajw this was Calderou 's, which was first produced 
Oil I'.-b. 16 or 17, 1637. 
■Don Sancho el Malo. ' 

Represented by Pedro Vnldcs before the Queen, between Oct. 5, 1622 and 
Fob. 5, 1623. Schack, .Yai-litri't/e, p. 68. 
Dos Aldeaa (Lao).— I 

Bepresenteii by Tomas Fernandez on St Michael's day, 1625. 
Dob (Los) Fernandos.— ProWbly Dun Fernando* de Anuria, by Don Antonio 
CoeBo. 
Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Pardo, Jan. 21, 1637. Coello's play 
was published in Djfei mt n , Pm* xxxvs, Valencia, 1646, 'a coata de Juan 

Duarte Pacheco. - L« pntftn >j aduna ForUi.nn de Lhutrte Fai/iceo. 2 partes. — 
Jacinto Cordate, 
Represented by Juan Martinez, June 19, 1631. Published in Lisbon, 1630. 
Dudoao ;El).— I 

Represented bv Feruan Sanchez, Sept. 1), 1623, and by Lorenzo Hurtado, 
Aug, 31, 1631. There is a play by 1). Guillen de Castro entitled El Dudoao 

fit hi Yetiyilii'i [ht.< ('.,„„. ,-„ ,1 /''<>/'■/), printed ib.'I «:ll„. 

Duelo de Amor y Amistad.— I Anon, in Barrow*. 

Represented by Lorenzo Hiirtado, Get. 12, 1631 ; and by Roiiue de Figueroa, 
Sept. IB, 1633. There is a folic de Honor y Amistad by D. Jacinto do 
Herrera y Sotoinayor, in Fnmi/idus, xxxil, 1669. 
•Duqne (El; de Alba en Paris.— Lope de Vega. 

Kepiv.cntetl by Dieyo Lope; dn Alcarux, Fell, 26, 16m!; and by Antonio de 
Prado, at Shrovetide, 1628, before the King. Lope's play is mentioned 
in the Grot ed. of his I'errgrino (1604;. It is no longer extant. 
•Empenos de Amor y Celoo.— '. 

Comedia represented before 1637. Sanchez-Arjona, p. 311. 
Empezar a set bueu Eey. - 1 

Represented by Pedro de la Boob, M;.\ 16, 1636. Perhaps this is Emciiar 
A wer buen Reg, wrongly ascribed in a intuitu to Calderon, See bis Quinta 
l''irtt; If JIM, in tbu list of plays usi-ri>>ed to biiti. 

■Encantadora (Lai de Amor— I 

Represented by Poon- de lijii.,,.i. Nov, 21, I62SJ and Feb. 12, 1630. There is a 
turned la /....,« Fn.;i,,i.„i. de .]/../,„ by Rojas /.onilla, published ill his Comediat, 
Vol. ii, ir.i.i. Whether this is tho same play [ do not know. 
Encubieito ED, Diego Ximoow d« Endso, 

Represented by Antonio de Prado, June 11, 1623. Published onlv :i- ;i suettti. 

23—2 



340 Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama 



Sanchez- A rjona, p. 311. 



> [»).-! 



I 



Represented by Toman Fernandez in the Fardo, Jan. 25, 1C37. IVi'h.i|- Uii - is 
Los Euganoi de tin Engaita (Los Em/jtho* de •in Enyaiio) by Alarcon, 
published in Part n of his Comedies, 1634. 
•Enredos (Lob) de Benetillo.— 1 

Represented by Gabriel Nunez, July 12, 1503. There is a play Lis Enredos de 
lUnii.i, Mmibed to Lope do ?(sa> in Pualra QMMdfujwnatM 'i 1 '. ft i»M </e 
GSni/ora y L<>)h- de Vcaa, Madrid, 1617, also a play l.-\< /.'»,/.). r/c /,'.■„. -tin, 
by Luis de Beuavides. Of the latter there is a SIS. iu the Bibl. Naeioii;tl 
dated 1586, Cat No. 434. 
Escanderbeg. Sec L-< Hvgnwhi de Etciritderheg. 
•Esclava (La.' de su Hija. ■ 

A play in the possession itf Jeronimo Amelia in 1628. 
Esclavo (El) de su Patria.- I 

Represented by Juan Biiuti-ta de Villeins before Jan. 1623 
'Escuelas (Las) de Atenas.— Alonao del Castillo. 

The play was written for Gaspar de Porres in Sept. 1589. 
■Espigadera (La).— 1 

A play in the posse-ssi if .lei-onimo Amelia in 1628, There is 

Tirao de Molina, La mejor Etpigadtra (1633), which is also attnoutea to 
GodJOM in a siielta. 
Examen (El) de Maridos — Alareon. 

Represented by Andres dc la Vega before Nov. 1632. Printed in Alarcou, 
OonueUat, Vol. u, Madrid, 1634. See Above, under its alternative title. 
Antes que te cases. The two titles are registered in El Aeeriffuador aa if 
they were separate plays. 
Falerina (La).— 1 

Represented by Juan Martinez, Jan. 17, 1636. There are two plays entitled 
El Jardin de Faierina, one by Lope de Vega, written before 1604, and 
Oalderun's coinedia, written in 1620, at the latest (Hartzen bunch). 
Familiar (El) sin Demonio.— Caspar de Avila. 

Represented by Roque de Fij-uema, Sept. -22, 1633. A Vila's play is published ' 
Elor de hi* mnjur** duct co/itf/i-n, etc. Madrid, 1652. 
Fernan Mendez Pinto. — Antonio Euriquez Gomez. There were two parte of 



. 



play. 



Mentioned i 



•Fiesta (La) del Retiro.— I 

Represented by Bartolonie Romero, before Aug. 3, 1640. 
•Fiestas (Las) de Madrid.— 1 

Represented by Bartolome Romero, before Aug. 1640. 
Finezas y Enemistades.— ? 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, Nov. 20, 163a 
Floresta (La; de Mantua. — ? 

Represented by Roque de Figneroa, March 28, 1628. 
Fraile (El) Capitan.— ? 

Represented by Domingo ISalbin, July 23, 1623. 
Fregona (La) de Brasil, ' 

Represented by Tomas Fernandez, before Nov. 18, 1626. 
•Fuensanta (La) de Cordoba.— i 

Represented by Jeronimo Lopez de Suataya, before March 5, 



HUGO A. RKNNERT 



Fuerza La) del Exemplo.— ? 

Represented bv Antonio de Prado, I'V'li. 1G23, This phv w 
of Jeroniino Amelia in 1628. 



j tin: [H.isscssit.l] 



Galan {El; secrete— Mini de Mescua. 

Represented l.v M;.[]iiel Vallejo, Feb. c, 1(132. Ascriltfd to Mescua in Diferentes, 
xxix, Valencia, 1636, and in E*-i»rii/>t», xxxiv, 1070, hut printed aa Moreto's 
with the title El Secreta eiitre dot Amigot, in Vol. Ill of his Comeditis, 1631. 
Galan (El) sin Daina. — Don Antonio Hurtado de Mendona. 

Represented by Juan Martinez, Nov. 29, 1635, and by Pedro de la Rosa, 
April 8, 1636. Printed in El mei«r </•■ /„.< me/nret Libras, etc. Alcala, 1631 
(Barrera, p. 709). 
Galan, valiente y discrete— Mira do Meaeua. 

Represented by Francisco Lopez, June 6, 1632, Printed in D tf t mtM , xxix, 
Valencia, 1636. 
Gallarda Policena (La).— > See Ia Foliema. 

RtiprcHented by Toinas. Fernandez on Trinity Sunday, 1625. 
Gallega (La) Mari Hernandez.— Ti ran de Molina. 

Represented by Manuel Vallejo, April 24, 1625. Published in Tirao's Part I, 
Madrid, 1627. 
•Ganar Amigos. — Alarcon. 

Represented by AklMO de Olmedo before the Queen prior to Feb. 5, 1623. 
Schaek, Nue-htrilm, p. 67. Its alternative title is Amor, I'leito y Desajio, 
and it is aaerihed to Lo|>e lie Vega and printed in his Cimi-llu*, Parts XX II, 
Madrid, 1636, and SUV, Zaragoaa, 1633. It appears in Alareon's Comediai, 
II, 1634. A play by Lope entitled Amur, I'lcita >/ firm/fin, finished in Madrid 
on Nov. 23, 1621, is entirely different from the play ascribed to him above. 
Garcia de Par odes. ; Belnionte? 

Represented by Antonio GmnadoM, before July 25, 1626. Lope's l din 

/,.' ( ',i,i i i. mh, ilr I in, ■■■i.i ,/,■ I'ii miff i/ il I 'iifiitmi .1,11111 d,' I 'rliin.it, is an early 
play, of which a MS. copy is in tiic Bib. Nac. dated Feb. 15, 1600. See 
('at. No. 1750. It ia more probable that the above play ia Belmonte's 
Durlrs .mi l,i K,il,-i-t,-,inhi 'JiUgo O'areia de Pnredei), El Valor no tiene 
Edudy Hanson de E'trrmadnra, printed, ill Di/erente*, XXXI, 1636. 

General (Elj de Manned.— '. 

Represented by Mamie! Vallejo, May 14, 1623. 
•Grtanilla (La).-Montalban ? Solia? 

Toman Kernandcz. theatrical manager, owned a play bearing this title, before 
Nov. 1, 1637, Sanchez- Arjona, p, 310. 
"Gobemadora (La) de Italia.— ? 

A play bearing ibis title mi in the [iilllMlliul of Tomaa Fernandez, theatrical 
manager, on Nov. 1, 1637. Sanohez-Arjona, |i. 310. Perhaps this ia Lo[>e's 

La Hilt,-,-,.,, (/,„-,(, nit..|iti -A in his /'.,'.■,,,•„)„ ( iijij4), lint imv probably lost. 

•Gran (El) Cardinal de Espana.— 1 

A comedia in the possession 'if .leniniino Amelia in 1628. There are two playa 
bearing this titl.i, one by Lope do Vega, the other by Enrique i ionic/. 
Hater bien sin saber a quien.— ) 

Represented by Pedro Valdos, Feb, 1623. 
Ha de ser lo que Dios quiera.— Felipe QodbtM. 

Represented by Roque de Fitrueroa between Nov. 21, 1629 and Feb. 12, 1630. 
Printed only as a tudta. 

Hugo a. Bennxbt. 



{To be c 



inued.) 



BRUCHSTtfCKE EITs'ER M1TTELNJEDERDEUTSCHEN 
BEICHTE NACH DEN ABSCHNITTEN DES KATECHISMUS. 



Vor ein paar Jahren schenkte mix ein Bckannter die beiden unten 
ahgedruckten Pergamentblatter. die er von den innern Seiten der 
Holzdeckel dee darin eiiigebiindenen seltenen Traktats : (*»n furper. 
bmtdji | rcn belt fcieien gctfe | bleu Ccv .iei>ftlicbnt, Wcmlidj ucn (5'iiiirnidh | 
ubcr geliorfambnit, arniiit, vni" v«)iii= | gfeit, @kma<$t tnird) brfilwr Qtuarciaii 
fju I SBttrpUigf objiruetkit Vb | beat, (jfi trofi »nb fttT* | ifm edict frcmcii | 
grift lidwn. I .". I Jmiair. W-T'.xxvu. | auffltgangen. abgelost hatte. Beira 
Ablbsen haben die aulgeklt-bten Seiten i r und H* so stark gilitten. 
dass riele Wo'rtcr verblasst, andere nur mit grosator Miihe, noch andere 
gar nicht mehr id entziffern Bind. Diese Seiten sind auch starker 
gebrnunt ala die beiden andeni: ich habe den Leim, durch den dies 
geschehen ist, an verschk-denen Stelk-n sitzen lassen, urn der stark 
verblaasten Schrift nicht noch mehr zu schaden. Auf 1* (wenn auch 
ein grosser blaulicher Fleck die Seite bedeck t) und H r ist die Schrift 
fast iiberall deutlich zu lesen. Die beiden Blatter bildeten friiher 
gewiss e-in Doppelblatt; sie en thai ten zwei in sich zusansinenhangende 
Stiicke Text in 3orgfaltigster Niederschrift. Grosse: 15,7 x 10,7 — des 
beschriebenen Raums : 12x8 cm. Anf jeder Seite steht eine Spalte 
zu 2K Zeilen fni'ilaufviid gusehriebvnen Textes. Drei rote tjberachriften 
(unten fett gedruckt), starke rote Balken am An tango der neuen 
Stiicke und der starkern Sinneseinschnitte innerhalb dieser: 1* 23. '22. 
n r 6. 12. 21. '2. 26. Kleine rote Galgen : i r 15, 18. »6. 13. 17. 25. 11' 3. '7. 
10. 19. Kleine rote senkrechte Striche zwischen der einzelnen Satzen 
inarkieren Interpunktion. Die Handschrift ist fiir mnd. Verhaltnisse 
recht alt, Ende XIV. Jahrhunderts, dazu naeh ihreui Dialekte sehr gut 
zu bestirninen. Es ist ohne Zweif'el der des westlichen Miinsterlandes, 
wegen des ' ende ' (= unde) und der sons t.i gen zahlruichen rild. Anklange. 
Sicher ist sie von der westlichen Grenze des mnd., nicht aus ( 



G. 8CHAAFFS 



Innurn ; rheinisch isb sie sicher nicht, oatfriestsch auch nicht : ao bleibt 
nur das Miinaterland iibrig. Die Orthographie ist auffaliend sauber 
und geregelt, und lasst auf eine starke Schreibertradition schliessen. 
Iin folgenden Abdruck sind die Abbreviaturen alle aufgelost, atatt 
der I-8triche Ptinkte, Erganztes in Klammern gosotzt, Unleserliches 
durch Punkte ongedt-utet. Die Lesung der beiden verblassten Seiten 
babe ich seinerzeit mit C. Borchling festgestellt : ho ist aie zuverlaasig 
ge word en. 

gefundeget iti (hit under gebod gods, dat ic den heyl- I r 

gen tinmen godn elide inytis feheppers heb dicke 

riinutlicke c,eniuiit.-ii in itiyn horte ende iu mynen 

muntti. mit lofte dej ic gobroken hebbe. mit vn- 

iiutten hrarade in footle "ft in ernfte. ende oc mit 

verraaledygende. mit vlokende. dat ic gnde ende 

zyner modcr marien. uft andern heylgen heb quad 

ende Mifiithcki- gi-iprnken. dat ic oc heb bofpotret 

ende befchympt dat wort god*, ende den dej dtt 

10 fpruck. oft heb dat wo! gehyndert. mit fprekene 
mit ropone. n, it Indigene, oft mit ander vn- 
fture... truftcn. dat ic wol heb oc vormaledy- 
[ghotj . , . vlo . . eth dem willen god* in mvar Icrauc- 

Iioit in vngelScke. in vnwedcre. oft in aiidern 

alfo dan zaken dat dey wilie gods was. Elide dat 
ic heb myn gelieth dieke l;i>ih nm;n in mynen inuuth 
ende gefproken binder iuicheit des hcrten. ende 
nchte andacht. Oc zn heb io dirke den liftmen 
gods vimutlieke genouicn in inyne work mit val- 

20 fclicr ln'ivyfiniibf vth Wernicke r glider work, des 
ic mit vrctide undo iuicheit. ende ret liter andacht 
des herten nicht en meyiide. Van den derden bode. 

L In-kin oc dat ic heb yci'iii irir-^.-t in d;it devdc ^flxnl 
gods. dat. ic inyne vyri: nicht i;ehalden en heblie 
volLeiicomlicke van ener vefper tho der ander. 
|mi]t mynen vt.hwciidifrcii werken, ende mit eo- 
peue ende verciipr.-iio. mit degodyngeno. oft i'weru- 
de vor geriohtc uft zunder richte. dar ic med 
wart itchyndcrt in myuer gebede. ende in inweodMW 

30 vrieth des gcyftes. oft raft* ende hmicheit. tl><> gi-ic. 

ende dey were deyde ic nier vm gyricheil willen thu tijd 
licketi yml'' ilan vim rechti'r noth oft van harm 
hertichoit. ende heb dat oc gedtt) (nor van vryen wil 

leu duti v Inuighea vegan and-ei lode. D>>r^> 

heb ic wol broken inyne vyr/ yn di'thhck"ii /uiiilon. 

als mit viiki'il.liliLrn |u>indi'T|. m t. -i*ji t In- nut 

oiicrdriinke. mit vntydlicken ende vnvrontMcken 

dim fen. iiat ic lichtcr nmchtc dcyn anilcrn med reyfen 

tho qmuler wolliift. ende thu mnden. des ic nicht 

41} nier en hel> ycnieiien in |tnyiieiij dach dan vp eynen 
andern ilai^h dat is uerlic. Der«i heh ic nbtttkeo 
inyne ivrc mit viirluiimylTi; gtider were, dat ic 
my nicht nier en heb geoueth in den werken der 
hiirmhertiihi-it dea vyrtjigen dan eyna andern da 
ghes. Ende dat ic wol /.under notb do* /.nndagea 
elide v|i under beylge daghe heb vorfflmeth lliyffe 



Ehte inilti'h, k'th-rdantsche Beiehte 



tho honidc. ende myn geU-th tho fm'ekonde. predi 
cate tho hornde. als ic van rechte byu fchuldicb tho 
Howie mer vji Her tjjJe den vp anHer daghe. D&t 
50 veyrde bod. Ic heb oc gefundeget in dat veyrde ge 
bod. dat ic nicht en heb gheeret.h nijn hnmelfchen. 
vader. ende marien dey matter gods als ic van rech 
te zolde don. dat ic gode nicht en heb danket al 
der cane ende woldath -ley hey my gegheuen heft. 
an lyue. an zeyle. an dogeden. an genaden. oft an 
vtbwendegen gude. wolluft. wolvare. ende an 

alfo dat ic dew heb en urftfa gewefen. weteus oft vn- 
weteus. in ciTi/an oft biithcii effcap. natvirlicke of vo- 
uaturlicke. dat is my leit. ende wulilc dat gherne 

60 degher ende Mod mit vnderfehede lijchten- alfo vere 
als ic dat wyfto. ende konde dat tho worde brengen. 
Ic heb oc zundeget in afguiiftk-heit oft hathe. alio 
dat it my hi'li liodriiURtli vm oyns amii.-i n gfid. bad 
he£ mor tijdlickes gudes. als dogedo wide genade. 
was hey fehoner. wyfer. ftarker. leyftelger. beter 
dan ic dat won my leit ende bedrotlie dat hey dat 
hadiie ende ic nicht. oft dat liey des mcr hailde dan 
ic. Ic heb oc gefundeget mit tlioroe. alfo dat ic 
thorn mit vi>rfatho ende giiden benide heb tho lau- 

70 ghe by "'* gohalden ende in mynen herten gedregon. 
vp myn ... barf ten dey my lede hadde ghedau. 
ende oc rfyYke heb begerth ende gclicden vrake. 
oc weder recht oner den dey lnyn vyantb was. 
dey my heft vcrvnrecbtet vor volgeth. ende feha 
den gedan. an lyue. an zcyle. oft an gude. Iieddet 
ein ouel dar vrn glian dat lied toy leyf gewefeii. 
Ic lieb gefundeget in traeheit tho gods deynfte. dat 
ic my heb dicke mit vori'athe, ende van volburtu 
mynr rcdolichoit bodroiieth. dar vm dat ic nUfl 

80 gude were don in dey ere gods, als dat ic myn 

gebeth fpreyke. dat ic almoffen geyue. tho kerken. 
ende vm myn nfflath genghe, dat ic ntterde. dat 
ic myffe. predicate, ende andern gods deynft 
zeghe oft honle. oft dat ic under gude were deyde. 
dey ic byn fehuldich. tho [don] de ... des ge.. weg.. 
oft der heylgon kerken. Ic heb oc gefundeget mit... 
athe ende dranko. dat ic mit vorfathe. ende mit wil- 
len heb tner fpyfo tho my geuouien dan uiyn iiothtroebt 
was. dar ic van liefwerth wart, au l^iie. an iseyle. 

90 ende an al mynen nyiinon. Iieydo iuwendich ende vtb 
wendieh. Elide dat ic oc dicke vm vnordelicker wol- 
luft willen. dey ic hadde tho der fpife heb sunder 
noth eyr rechten tijdon drunken oft gethen. ende 
oo w»l dar mede heb niyne vafte gebrokeu. Ende 
heb oc wol a! tho vole foreh veldich gewefen vor dey 

Slife wo dat ic Waj I« -km- elide wol makede. vp 
at zey my wol sniakede. dar ic dan mede vurgath 
myiiH gebede-s, mynr inicheit ende dar dey iuwen- 
deghe irigheit uiytis jjeyl'tr* nidi geliyiidertl] 
100 wart in erou vrede. Ende dar ic oo mod vorgath 
ende vorfutudc sunder noth ander gude were dey 
ic van rechte don Koldo. oft dey ic was plychtieh 
tho donde. Ende wo ic in al deflSU) neoen houeth 



G. SCHAAFFS 345 

zunden. heb gefundeget. des ic nicht tho z^nne 
noch to worde brenghen en kan. myt danken. mit 
worden. mit werken wetens oft vnwetens. dat 
is my tho male leit. ende beken des gode vp z^ne 

barmherticheit. Van den vff z^nnen. 

Ich beken dat ic oc heb gefundeget mit mynen den Tlf zynnen 
110 dat ic m^n oghen heb dicke gheopenth [en]de 

gekart deTr] ydelcheit differ werlth ende 

gefe^n dey ic nicht en mod beghern van ... e. 

G. SCHAAFFS. 



MISCELLANEOUS NOTES. 

Spenser, 'Shepherd's Calendar/ 'November/ 

Professor Herford writes : ' The " November " is a dirge, probably 
upon the death of some member of the family of Leicester, who is 
plausibly [I should say " certainly "] understood under " Lobbin." That 
she died by drowning may probably be inferred from v. 37 [" For deade 
is Dido, dead, alas ! and drent ; "] since this has no counterpart in the 
eclogue of Marot/ 

In order to fix the identity of the lady further, it is natural to look 
into the family-history of Leicester, which is fairly well-known. On 
doing so, one finds, I think, a lady who may well have been the subject 
of Spenser's dirge in Ambrosia Sidney, Leicester's niece and Philip 
Sidney's sister, who died at Ludlow on the 22nd of February, 1574-6, 
' nearly twenty years old/ 

We may notice Spenser's lines (63, 64) : 

Shepheards, that by your flocks on Kentish downes abyde, 
Wane ye this wofull waste of Natures warke ; 

The fact that it is Kentish shepherds who are invoked, is an evidence 
that this young kinswoman of Leicester's was a Sidney. 
The children of Sir Henry Sidney 1 were: 

1. A daughter who died in infancy. 

2. Philip, born 30 Nov., 1554. 

3. Ambrosia, born [? Sept.] 1555, died 22 Feb., 1574-5. 

4. Margaret, born July, 1556, died 1558. 

5. Mary, born 27 Oct., 1561. 

6. Robert, born 19 Nov., 1563. 

7. Thomas, born 25 March, 1569. 

1 See Dr Shuckburgh'a note in his edition of the Apologiefor Poetrie (1891), p. xvii. 



Miscellaneous Notes 347 

Ambrosia Sidney was probably less than a year younger than Philip. 
After hia earliest years he had no other brother or sister nearer him in 
age than Mary who was nearly seven years his junior. We can believe 
then that if Ambrosia was at all what one would expect of the sister of 
Philip and Mary Sidney, she would be the closest and most admired 
friend of her brother Philip, and her death at the age of nineteen when 
he was abroad, would have been a grief which he would never forget, 
and which would be well-known to those who knew him. What more 
likely than that Spenser in the Shepherd's Calendar, which he dedicated 
to Philip Sidney, should make the subject of his dirge this dearest 
sister of his patron who had been snatched away by death four years 
before ? 

It is true that I have not found any evidence that Ambrosia Sidney 
was drowned, any more than I have found any which would contradict 
such an assumption. It will be remarked that in line 195 Spenser 
introduces the name of the lady whom, as I suggest, he is com- 
memiirating: 

There drinck.t she Nectar with Ambrosia, mint. 

This, however, proves, nothing either way — especially as Marot in his 
I '>,iiiji/tiintt', has something similar : 

IJt nil elte est n'y :i rien deflnre'.... 
Cur toute nduiir umlinujiumit: v Heureut. 

But if it could be independently proved that Ambrosia Sidney was the 
subject of the dirge, the introduction of her name would be interesting. 

G. C. Moore Smith. 



Shakespeareana. 

(1 ) Tiuelfth Sight, m, ii, 45 : 

We'll call thee at the [some editors mjmntit 'thy'] ciibicuK 
Mr Innes in the Warwick Shakespeare culls 'cubiculo,' 'a corruption of 
Sir Toby's ' ; Mr Verity in the Pitt Preim Shukespeare. ' an Italian form 
from the Latin cubiculum.' But is it not probably a reminiscence of 
schoolboy Latin, like 'in campo* ('in the playing-ground'), 'gratias' 
(' thank you ') etc. f Or perhaps a legal phrase = ' in chambers ' ? The 
Acta CurifB of the University of Cambridge under the date 3 April 
1599 record proceedings ' in cubiculo L>ni. Procancellarij infra Collegium 
Corporis CAristi.' 



348 



MiiceUaneous Notes 



(2) Twelfth Night, Hi, ii, 71: 

Look where the youngMt wren of nine comes, 
(where ' nine ' is Theobald's emendation for ' mine ' of the Folios). Mot- 
editors read 'nine' and reler us to an explanation given by Hanmer 
and Steevens, that the wren generally lays nine or ten eggs at a tini 
and the last hatched of all birds are usually the smallest and weakest o 
the brood. But I think the addition of the words 'of nine' (if \ 
accept Theobald's change) is only a popular manner of intensifying the 
superlative. Cp. Hycke Scorner, where Pyte says 'Nay that is the lei 
thought that they have of fyftene.' 

(3) King John, m, iii. 
Is Jonson, in his Every Man in his Humour, III, ii, 66—139 a 

IV, vi, 76 — 94, parodying this scene of Shakespeare's ? 

(4) Julius Caesar, v, i, 56 — 58 : 



Brutus. Ciiesiir, thou canst not die by traitors' hands, 
Unless thou bring'st them with thee. 

So I b.>i»>, 
it born to die on Brutus' sword. 



(Mario, 



This is how the passage stands in the GIuIm- Shakespeare. The ] 
Folio stood thus: 

So I hope : 
I was not borne to dye on Brutus sword. 

Should we not rather punctuate the last speech thus ? 



G. C. Moore Smith. 



The Authorship and Original Issue of 'Ciktthia's Revenge.' 

The play of Cintliins Revenge: or Mtenanders Exfasie was issued i 
1813 with a dedication signed 'I.S.' In some copies the wore 
' Written by Iohn Stephens, Gent.' appear as an addition on the title, 
page. The variant is duly noted in Mr Greg's Lint of English Plat/t 
and in his List of Masques, Pageants, etc., p. exxviii, a final note is addet 
which may be taken as summing up the accepted view on the question! 
both of issue and of authorship : 

'The title-page differs only in having the name inserted. A copy it 
in the Dyce collection. Jlr Halliwell assigned the play to John Swallo* 



Miscellaneous Notes 



349 



on the authority of an allusion in some of the commendatory verses, for 
which he is scoffed at by Mr Fleay. The ascription had, however, been 
already made by If irkinun. This must have been traditional, and borne 
out as it is by the reference in the verses is pretty well convincing. 
Probably then the issue with Stephen*' name is the earlier.' 

Four copies of commendatory verse are prefixed to the play, by F.C., 
B.I. (no doubt Ben Jonson), G. Rogers, and Thomas Danet. The first 
of these, occurring on sig. A 4, is responsible lor the ' swallow ' reference. 
To his friend the Author. 



F. Q 
In the lack of other evidence it is natural to seek in these lines a clue 
to the missing name, especially as it begins with ' S.' I am incbned to 
think that Kirkman did this, and so started a tradition rather than 
followed one ; if so, it is an interesting bit of evidence that he kept his 
eyes open, examined plays, and tried to make his list complete. But it 
has not been noticed that John Stephens claimed the play for his, and 
the evidence seems decisive, especially with the corroboration of the 
signed title-page. He published in 1615 a short volume of Ba&J/rieal 
Essai/es Characters and others with his name on the title-page. He 
reissued and amplified this in the B»me year as Essages and Characters. 
Ironicall, and Instructive.. .By Iohn Stephens the yonger, of Lincolnex 
Inne, Gent. " Essay .vii. of Pootrie ' has an inserted passage found only 
in this later edition (p. 13b') : 

'Cj/nthuti Ab id 'another 

reueoge. place I haue thus uotud 

A Poets rupture, King* hone ici/hd to feetn, 
Which Jome defpi/e benanfe eiieapable. 

This is a quotation from a speech of Laelio in the play, Act iv, scene i, 
sig. L 3 verso. In the light of this assertion it seems better to regard 
F.C.'s foolish couplet as nothing more than an extravagant compliment, 
I do not know who 'F.C was, but I am glad that he did not make a 
practice of prefixing enigmas to plays. 

Further, it seems certain that the author intended his play to be 
issued anonymously. Ben Jonson 's poem 'To his much and worthily 
efteemed friend the Author' opens: 

Who hikes thy r-Jiiim- to his eertitoitt hand, 

Muft be Intruded f till to rndorftaiul: 

Who btuittly doth but loots vpon the fume, 

Muy u/kv, whitt Author would runue&le his name ? 



350 Miscellaneous Notes 

'I.S.' himself agrees with this: he writes in 'The Authors Epistle 
Popular,' sig. a 2, — ' And vrith all fo im-willing am I to play Tom-foole 
in 1'rint for name-fake, as I have puipojly concealed it from the 
Impreffioii, fo 00 the petty volume enioyes his fortune Fatherlejfe.' After 
this he would hardly have been guilty of the crowning absurdity >■! 
putting hie name on the title-page. I believe that it ooeun only in 
a few copies. I suggest that in these it was a printer's blunder which 
was promptly cancelled, but a limited number of copies so marked got 
into circulation. 

Percy Simpson. 



' Headless Beabs.' 

On page 63, Vol. II of this Review, Mr H. Littledale quotes s 
verses from Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, where " headless bears ' 
are mentioned amongst 'a thousand ugly shapes,' which the author's 
fantasy presents. Another instance of such a headless terror, which 
may be further proof of the genuineness of Shakespeare's ' headles 
bear,' is to be found on page 54 of Poems, consisting of Tales, Fables, 
Epigrams, etc. by Nobody (London, 1770), where these words occur 

Or thro' tlie Church -yard nhou'd he go 

By Night— my Ghoat shall rise, 
And like B ktauBtn Horn appear, 

With fritjlitfii! Stiiiwr Eyei. 

The italics are not mine but to be ibund in the original. Can anyoni 
tell me who was the author of this little book of quaint verses ? 

A. J. Barnocw. 



Textual Notes on ' The Enterlude of Johan the Evangelist." 

The rare edition of this piece, of which a literatim reprint has 
recently been issued by the Malone Society, bears the imprint of 
John Waley, whose activity as a printer extends from 1546 to 1586. 
The catalogue of the British Museum conjecturally assigns to it the 
date of 1560. An interlude with the same title existed in 1520; 
Mr Greg's introduction to the reprint mentions that the sale of a copy 
(for one penny) is recorded in the accounts of an Oxford bookseller for 



Miscellaneous Notes 

that year. That the extant edition is a reprint seems to me rather 
unlikely, because the blunders in Waley's text are certainly due to 
misreading of a MS. It is, of course, possible that they were taken 
over from an earlier printed edition ; but the character of some of 
them suggests that the compositor's difficulty in reading his copy 
arose from its being iu an antiquated handwriting. As errors of this 
kind are often instructive, it may be worth while to suggest the 
probable corrections of the most noteworthy blundered readings. 

1. Some of the speeches are headed with the mysterious name 
Irisdicion. The speaker is evidently the same person as St John 
the Evangelist. It seems likely that the MS. had the abbreviation 
Jolt evan. The resemblance between certain sixteenth century forms 
of d and e, and of h and s, renders this correction more plausible than 
it may at first sight appear to be. The compositor was probably 
thinking of the word jwitdictton, 

2. Another speaker in the interlude is called Actio. The name 
is very inappropriate to one who enters with the complaint of the 
sluggard. In spite of a seeming difficulty in line 544, I think he is the 
same person as Idelnesse. The MS. must have had the abbreviation 
Acrid for Acciilifi. 

3. 'Forfence' (line 10) of course stands for fervence. The spelling 
' ferfent ' for fervent is well known. 

4. In line Ib'9, ' Lucyfer that lothly lorde that is in bale blysses,' 
I think trhe last word should read blyriex. It has been pointed out 
to me that an apparent parallel to Waley's reading exists in the 
Chester Plays (E. E. T. S.), i, p. 223 note, ' In burning Wise ther shall 
they be. And sit with lucifier.' I am inclined, however, to adhere to 
the correction blysles, as ' blissiess bale ' is an expression not uncommon 
in the sixteenth century, and the rime-word is 'restlesse.' The word 
is printed with two long s's. 

5. In line 178, 'Finit tormentorum suorum,' the first word should 
of course be Fumus. 

6. In line 183, ' Septum dominium peccati est mors,' read 8H- 
pendiuin enirn. (The Vulgate has the plural stipend-iii.) 

7. Line 201, 'by bokes Amromes.' Read "by Cokes armes,' an 
oath which is common in Skelton. 

8. In line 264, 'Actio' (i.e. Accidia, Idelnesse), complaining that 
he has been awaked too soon, says ' One restjded me with a bolle of 
water.' Read reysed. 

9. Line 499, ' I fall downe moselynge.' Perhaps we should read 



352 Miscellaneous Notes 

noselynge, a word which occurs in Malory, though I know no later 
instance. Perhaps, however, moselynge may be a genuine form, due to 
etymological association of noselynge with mosel, musel, muzzle. Com- 
pare: 'They were thenne soo feble that they felle where thei wente, 
musselinge in the grounde as hogges ' (Caxton, Four Sans of Aymon, 
E. E. T. S., p. 426). 

Henry Bradley. 



REVIEWS. 



Shakespeare and the Modem Stage. With other Essays. By Sidney 
Lee. London; Archibald Constable and Co., 1906. 8vo. xv + 251 pp. 
Shakespeare and his Bay. A Study of the Topical Element in 
Shakespeare and in the Elizabethan Drama. Being the Harness 
Prize Essay, 1901. By J. A. 1>e Rothschild. London: Edward 
Arnold, 1906. 8vo. xi + 251 pp. 
These two books, as their titles indicate, approach Shakespeare and 
the Elizabethan stage from converse points of view. Mr Sidney Lee's 
' main endeavour,' as he tells us in his preface, ' is to survey 
Shakespearean drama in relation to modern life, and to illustrate its 
living force in current affairs. Even in the papers which embody 
researches in sixteenth or seventeenth -century dramatic history, I have 
sought to keep in view the bearings of the past on the present,' 
Mr De Rothschild, on the contrary, seeks to wring from the pages of 
Shakespeare and his fellows whatever they have to reveal of con- 
temporary affairs and conditions, or, as he phrases it, 'to extract from 
the Elizabethan drama something of Elizabethan life.' Both lines of 
inquiry are a necessity of Shakespearean study; they are complemen- 
tary, not conflicting, and the results of each, if attained by equally sure 
and scholarly methods, are indispensable to a comprehensive outlook 
over the field of Elizabethan research. 

Mr Lee's volume consists of eleven papers written between 1899 and 
1905. One of the papers entitled Aspects of Shakespeare's I'hihwiphij, 
which was prepared in 1899 for the purposes of a popular lecture, is 
now printed for the first time, The others have appeared in Magazines, 
or, in one case, in the Engtiah Hiaaellony presented to Dr Furnlvall in 
1901. They are therefore, as a whole, not new to Shakespearean 
students, who, however, will welcome them in their collected form in 
this shapely and well-printed volume brought out by Mr Murray, but now 
transferred to Messrs. Constable. The work is, in a sense, a supplement 
to its author's Life of William Xliakexpeare, and he claims that the 
papers included in it ' may be credited with sufficient unity of intention 
to warrant their combination in a single volume.' The claim, however, 
must not be pressed very rigorously, for though it is true that the 
papers all more or less ' keep in view the bearings of the past on the 
present,' they fall into three fairly well-defined groups. The first of 
these contains the essay from which the volume is named, ShaJcetpean 



354 



Reviews 



and the Modern Stage, and the closely related articles, Mr Benson and 
Shakespearean Drama- and The Municipal Theatre, while The Com- 
memoration of Shakespeare in London, and Shakespeare and the 
Elizabethan Playgoer tnay be classed in the same group, All these 
articles are, in the good sense of the word, popular. They deal with 
such 'actual,' and, in their degree, controversial subjects as the proper 
method of producing Shakespeare's plays on the modern stage, the 
training of actors for Shakespearian parts, the subsidising of the theatre 
by the state or by municipalities, and the erection of a memorial to 
Shakespeare in London. Mr Lee has, more than any other living 
Shakespearean critic, succeeded in catching the ear not only of the 
scholar, but of the theatre-goer and the ' man in the street." His views 
and proposals have thus attracted wide attention, and have stimulated 
discussion in the daily and weekly press. He speaks with the authority 
born of in tii naif knowledge united to a well-balanced judgement, anil 
his articles cannot but powerfully affect public opinion. But they do 
not form the part of his volume which demands special notice in 
The Modern Language Review. 

It is in the second main group of papers that the interest of the 
work for students chiefly lies. This group includes Shakespeare in Oral 
Tradition, I'epi/s and Shakespeare, A Pent <jf Shakespearean !■■ ■< <<■■■■■■'.■. 
and Shakes/ware in France. The essay on Shakes/innr in <>,.,/ 
Tradition is indeed, to our thinking, the most valuable feature of the 
volume, and one of the most admirable examples that Mr Lee has ever 

fiven of what seems to us his distinctive method as a Shakespearean 
jographer. This lies in the garnering from every source of pieces of 
evidence, slight and often apparently trivial in themselves, but which 
when exhaustively analysed ami scientifically correlated, yield important 
results. Such evidence, even if it be only a clause from a bookseller's 
preface, or a scrap from an account book, is usually of a written or printed 
character. But here Mr Lee 'prays in aid' something more fugitive 
and intangible, 'the talk of surviving kinsmen, fellow -craftsmen, 
admiring acquaintances, and sympathetic friends,' transmitted from lip 
to lip during the century after the dramatist's death. He brings into 
specially clear relief the importance of the contributions made to oral 
tradition by Shakespeare's fellow-actors, some of whom were remarkable 
for their longevity. We see how John Lowin and Joseph Taylor, two 
junior members of the King's Company, surviving their great colleague 
for more than fifty years, were in a position to retail such interesting 
theatrical gossip about him as was noted by the old prompter John 
Downes.and passed on to Betterton: 'Taylor repeated instructions which 
he had received from Shakespeare's own lips for the playing of the part 
of Hamlet, while Lowin narrated how Shakespeare taught him the 
theatrical inteqiretation of the character of Henry the Eighth." It is 
tantalising not to have Shakespeare's views on the correct method of 
interpreting the Prince of Denmark on the stage recorded for us in 
more explicit terms. Even more disappointing is it that Gilbert 
Shakespeare, a younger brother of the dramatist, when visited iu 



extreme old age by actors who 1 



learnt of his existence from his 






Charles 

remember nothing but William's performance of Adam in As You 
Like It. 

To this flotsam and jetsam of personal anecdote further contribution 
is made by another of Shakespeare's fellow-actors, Christopher Beeston, 
whose reminiscences were passed on to Thomas Hey wood, and to his 
son William Beeston, who succeeded him as manager of the Cockpit 
Theatre in Drury Lane. From William Beeston the gossip filtered 
through to Aubrey and to Sir William D'Avenant, Beeston s HoeOBSBor 
as manager of the Cockpit Theatre. In D'Avenant more than in any 
other single person the converging lines of oral tradition meet. This 
fact is, of course, well known, but Mr Lee illustrates it more fully, and 
presses home the inferences from it more thoroughly than has been 
hitherto done. He shews how D'Avenant s youthful memories of 
Shakespeare's visits to his father's Oxford hostelry, on his journeys 
between London and Stratford, were combined, in his later years, with 
details gathered from the lips of Taylor, Lowin, and Beeston; how 
D'Avenant's contagious enthusiasm prompted Bctterton to make his 
journey to Stratford in quest of additional Shakespearean lore, and how 
from Betterton Rowe derived the chief materials for the first biography 
of the dramatist prefixed to his edition of the plays in 1709. The net 
result of the whole paper is not to add much to our knowledge of 
Bhakeapesre's career, but — what is of equal moment — to shew that that 
knowledge, even apart from written or printed testimony, rests on a 
reasonably secure basis. Shakespeare had to wait for almost a century 
alter his death for his first formal biographer, but Mr Lee has here 
demonstrated once and for all that across that century the dramatist 
and his biographer are united by an unbroken series of intermediate 
personal ties ' which, thougli light as air, are as strong as links of iron.' 

To the paper just discussed a section of the essay on Pe}i<i* and 
Shakespeare forms a supplement, and here Mr Lee gives his fancy a 
somewhat freer rein. A book of manuscript music in Pepys' library at 
Magdalene College. Cambridge, contains a setting of Hamlet's soliloquy 
'To be or not to bo.' The piece is unsigned, but on the authority of 
Sir Frederick Bridge (who arranged it to ue sung at a meeting of the 
Pepys Club on November 30, 1905) Mr J^ee ascribes its eom position to 
the diarist. Pepys has left on record in various entries in his diary 
his unbounded admiration for Betterton's performance of the title-role 
in Hamlet. Betterton, as has been seen, had been "coached' for the 
part by D'Avenant, who had received bints from Joseph Taylor, the 
actor to whom Shakespeare himself had given instructions as to its 
right rendering. Hence Mr Lee concludes that 'if we accept the 
reasonable theory that [Pepys'] piece of music preserves something of 
the cadences of Betterton's enunciation, it is no extravagance to suggest 
that a note here or there enshrines the modulation of the voice of 
Shakespeare himself.' We will not lay an 'extravagance' to Mr Lee's 
charge, but we think that the theory, ingenious and suggestive though 

24—2 



356 



Reviews 




it be, will not stand very rough handling. The whole paper on Pepys 
and Shakespeare is interesting and racy, but Mr Lee is too unsparing in 
his onslaughts on the Restoration versions of some of Shakespeare's 
plays, which the diarist went to see with so much pleasure. He gives 
an analysis of the chief changes made by Dryden and D'Avenant in 
their 'barbarous revision ' of The Tempest. The denunciatory epithet M 
too strong. The Enchanted Island of course mutilates and perverts its 
original in unpardonable fashion, but it is a deft, and, from its own 
point of view, attractive piece of workmanship. A man might even, we 
would plead, '.scape hanging who would be content to exchange parts of 
the underplot in The Tempest for the amusing political burlesque which 
is substituted iu the adaptation. 

In the paper on Shakespeare in France, suggested by the publication 
of M. Jusserand's well-known volume, Mr Lee deals with other adapta- 
tions of the dramatist's plays, especially by J. F. Ducis and by Dumas. 
The transgressions of these foreign revisers, such as reconciling Othello 
and Desdemona, and sparing Hamlet's life, are noted and censured. 
But the offenders are, so to speak, dismissed with a caution, on the score 
of their genuine hero-worship of the dramatist, and of their errors being 
due to ' native temperament.' In the last section of this paper Mr Lee 
chronicles a very interesting 'find,' which had escaped the vigilant eye 
of M. Jusserand. This is the thin octavo, Pensits de Shakespeare, 
Eatrailes de ses Outrages, published at Besancon in 1801, and 
confidently attributed to Charles Nodier, who was a native of the town. 
It was a lucky chance of the auction-room that brought this forgotten 
little volume into the hands of Mr Lee, for whom its significance does 
not lie in its rendering of 190 Shakespearean Pensfes, but in its 
Observations Priliminaires, containing touching expressions of gratitude 
to the dramatist as 'a friend whom Heaven has given to the unhappy 
of every age and every country.' 

Another of Nodier's sayings, 'from Shakespeare's works one can 
draw forth a philosophy, but from no systems of philosophy could one 
construct one page of Shakespeare.' might form the heading to the 
paper on Aspect* of Shakespeare's Philosophy, which is printed in this 
volume for the first time. It is the dramatist's political philosophy 
which is mainly dealt with, and the paper is thus closely linked with 
the one that follows on Shakespeare and Patriotism. Together they form 
the third and shortest section of the book. They are weighty and well- 
reasoned, but they are less distinctive of Mr Lee's special qualities than 
the bulk of the other papers, and they stand somewhat outside the 
main scope of the volume. They help to illustrate, however, the 
breadth of Mr Lee's Shakespearean interests, and the work, in its 
varied aspects, is one which every student of the dramatist will do well 
to add to his shelves. 

Mr De Rothschild's volume, Shakespeare and his Day, consists of 
the essay which won the Harness Prize in 1901. There is nothing, 
however, in the ' Foreword ' to shew whether in the five years which 
elapsed before its publication in book form, its author revised it for this 



Reviews 



357 



purpose. It is seldom that an essay written for the special purposes of 
an academic competition is entirely suited, in its original form, to 
challenge the verdict of a wider public. We are told, however, that the 
scheme of the work is ' in the first place to shadow forth some of the 
Elizabethan personalities and events; and secondly, to evolve something 
of the general colours and forms of .Shakespeare's times.' It may be 
said at once that the writer is much more successful in the second of 
these two objects than in the first. 

With Mr De Rothschild's contention in his opening chapter that 
there is a large topical element in the plays of the Elizabethan 
dramatists, including Shakespeare, we are in full agreement. But the 
subject is beset with difficulties of all kinds, and when a writer seeks to 
enlighten us ' on particular allusions of the Elizabethan stage ' (to quote 
the heading of the second chapter), he needs to be panoplied in the full 
armour of scholarship. It is no derogation from Mr De Rothschild's 
attainments in other respects to say that he is not adequately equipped 
for this part of his task. He collects in this chapter from a number of 
Elizabethan plays allusions to contemporary persons and events. Many 
of them are familiar, and we cannot discover that he has made any new 
identification that needs to be seriously considered. What are we to 
say, for instance, of the suggestion that ' in Lady Macbeth's treatment 
of the kinsman who was r>oth sovereign and guest, the dramatist 
designedly drew, to all appearance, a parallel to Elizabeth's behaviour 
towards the Scottish Mary'? And the grounds on which Suffolk in 
Henri/ VI, the Thane of Cawdor, and Benedick, are identified, in certain 
ispeets, with Leicester, Essex, and Pembroke respectively are decidedly 
flimsy. In the discussion of Love's Labour's Lost no reference is made 
Mr Acheson's Shakespeare and the Rival Poet, where on exceedingly 
plausible grounds Chapman is indicated as the original of Holofernes. 
Mr Acheson's work, it is true, did not appear till 1903, but in publishing 
his essay Mr De Rothschild should at least have added a footnote 
referring to it. And in discussing the topical element in Chapman's 
historical plays he should have realised that Clejuiont d'Ambois, who 
'enges Bussy, is a fictitious personage invented for this purpose by the 
dramatist. 

When we turn, however, to Mr De Rothschild's third and longest 
chapter ' 0D the general allusions of the Elizabethan stage,' the treat- 
ment is much more satisfactory. The object of this chapter is in 
llustrate from the plays of the period 'contemporary types and local 
customs.' Country life, London resorts and fashions, leading professional 
types, school and university education, the theatres, with their aetora 
and audiences, religious festivals and observances — these and kindred 
topics are successively illustrated from the plays of the time, with 
additional light from pamphlets and other non-dramatic literature. 
There is nothing very novel in the picture, and such a play as Dekker's 
The Shoemaker's Holiday is passed over, though it would have yielded 
valuable data. But in the main Mr De Rothschild has here made good 
use of his material. He has shaped it into a lively presentment of the 



Reviews 

outward features of the Elizabethan age, am! any student of the period, 
who is content not to dive much below the surface, will find these pages 
well worth reading. The footnotes, which are plentifully supplied, are 
a useful feature of the book, but there is no index. This is indispensable 
to a work of the kind, and, should a second edition of the volume be 
called for, it should certainly be added. 

F. S. Boas. 



The Complete Works of William Shokesjieare. Reprinted, from the 
First Folio, Edited by Charlotte Porter and H. A. Clarke. 
With an Introduction by John Churton Collins. 13 Volumes. 
London : G. G. Harrap. n. d. [1907], 8vo. 

It is hardly necessary nowadays to insist upon the superior value of 
the text of the First Folio. Perhaps the American undertakers' of this 
edition are justified in saying that the publication 'will be considered 
a literary event of more than usual importance,' for, apart from fac- 
similes such as Mr Sidney Lee's, there is no accessible, certainly no 
working, text of the Folio for the use of students, much less of general 
readers. Though it is matter for congratulation that English scholarship 
will soon make good this omission, there need be no hesitation in thank- 
ing Miss Porter and Miss Clarke thr the work on which they have spent 
so much time. Their design is, in the words of Professor Collins, who 
introduces the edition to the English public, 'to furnish the general 
reader with all that is necessary for the intelligent study, in the 
commonly accepted sense of the term, of each one of the plays — with 
glossaries, that is to say, and with what is requisite in the way of 
commentary and prolegomena for the elucidation of the text and for 
the history generally of the drama — its source or sources, the probable 
date of its composition, the influences affecting it, its relation to the 
poet's other works.' 

Mr Collins's claim that this reprint of the First Folio has been made 
'with exact fidelity' has stood such tests as have been applied. It 
would have been a pleasure to have stated that the editorial annotation, 
especially in the matter of variants, showed like accuracy. The repeti- 
tion of errors in the ascription of readings to certain editors, not to 
speak of the wrong rendering of these readings, seems to prove that the 
' authorities ' have not always been before the editors. A few notes on 
the text of Henri/ V may be taken as evidence of this. 

P. 24, 1. 75 : ' enough. Go to — Pope.' Pope reads : ' enough, go to.* 

1 It would have been better had tin's edition g\yrn some indication that it ia a reissue 
for the English oiarket of an American publication bv Charlotte I'ortor mid Helen A. 
Clarke, 'Editors of the Oarnbenral] Browning' (New York t Crowd] <U Co. Copyright 
19U3 and 1905). The ' Notes, Introduction, Glossary, List of Variorum Readings, and 
Selected Criticism' (as announced on the American title-page) have been modified or 
omitted, but the text of the entire book is printed from the old plates. The English 
edition is undated. 



Reviews 



359 



P. 42, 11. 13-17 : ' If., .bough: 5 11. ending me, me, hie, truly, bough 
— Capel!.' The five lines do not end so in Capell, who prints 11. 16, 17 
as prose (as in the Folio). Pistol's speech'If,..hi^h' had been arranged 
in three lines by Johnson. The Cambridge editors make the same 
error regarding Capell's treatment of II. 16, 17. 

P. 66, 1. 4 : ' Goodmorrow — Rowe.' For ' Rowe ' read ' F,.' 

P. 75, 1. 260 : Rowe reads ' Think'st." 

P. 84, 1. 4: ' Estes le Oentilhimie de ban : etes gentilhoinme de bonne 
— Theobald.' Theobald reads ' estes le gentlehomnie de bonne.' 

P. 89, 1. 1 : ' Actus Quartus : out — Rowe.' For ' Rowe ' read ' Pope.' 
This is a bad error, for it was Pope who first rearranged the Acta in the 
way now accepted. 

P. 95, 1. 170: 'and: an't — Pope.' Pope has 'an.' The Cambridge 
editors read ' an't." 

P. 96, 1. 12 : Rowe's reading is ' any's.' 

P. 103, 1. 66: 'bu'y: b'wi — Capell.' Capell reads 'be wi'.' Dyce 
reads ' V wi'.' The same wrong ascription to Capell appears in the 
Cambridge text. 

P. 116 : ' Meniere : Heritier — Hudson.' But Knight had suggested 
this before Hudson. 

The Introductions to the Plays do not err by being severely learned. 
We are told that ' " Henry the Fifth " is a chronological continuation of 
" Henry the Fourth." The Second Part of the latter places Henry V 
upon the throne, while the present play narrates his warlike deeds. 
The broad comedy of " Henry the Fourth" is almost entirely omitted 
FalstaflVs death is related, and his companions have sorry parts. This 
play is a romantic historical drama.' All this is at once very correct 
and very simple; so simple, that editors of school-tests may blush for 
their unsuspected erudition. In the section on the 'Duration of the 
Action' we find that 'Shakespeare has here more ojienly violated the 
old-school notions of unity of time and place than in any other play.,.. 
" Henry V" was written in an earlier period when the classic unities 
were still greatly in vogue, and it is so constant a disregard of i.lmso 
principles as to proclaim his otter divorce from them. Hi- semis to 
argue that, if the stirring scenes he is striving to depict could only be 
put in narrators' mouths, aocortfiiig to the Greek school, there would be 
small need of the imagination, whereas the imagination was clearly needed 
to reinforce the scenic poverty of the Elizabethan stage... Since the idea 
of the romantic school, therefore, was different from the classic, and the 
spectator's imagination one of the fixed assets of the play, there was no 
necessity for the limits of time and place; and this is the conclusion to 
which Shakespeare arrived more pronouncedly in " Henry V" than in 
any other play.' Criticism of this kind hardly requires comment. 

Mr Collins's General Introduction is a handsome defence of the 
First Folio, and incidentally of the aesthetic value of reprints un- 
modeniized and untinkered in punctuation and capitals. ' The power 
of poetry in relation to its subtlest and most delicate effects is more 
dependent than we suppose on the form in which that poetry is 



360 

presented to ua." This has been a nice problem since the daya whei 
Swift wrote, satirically: 

When Letters tire in vulgar Shapes, 

Tis ten to one the Wit escapes ; 

But, when in Capitals exprest, 

The dnlleat Reader smoaks the Jest. 

The matter should be beyond debate nowadays, especially in editions 
addressed to scholars. Mr Collins's defence conveys the suspicion that 
this text is intended for some who have to be convinced of the propriety 
of printing : 

to dye, to sleepe 
No more ; and hy a sleepe, to say we end 
The- Heart-alee, and the thouwmd Natural! shocked 
That Flesh is heyre too? 

The aids offered by Miss Porter and Miss Clarke, as quoted abovi 
would seem to show, too, that they consider that some of their » 
are not in a position to appreciate a strict text. 

G. Gregory Smith. 



Ben Jonson's Sad Shepherd, with Waldron's Continuation. Edited 1 __ 
W. W. Greg. (Materialien znr Kunde des dlteren Englischen 
Dramas, xi.) Lou vain : Uystpruyst, 1905. xxv + 99pp. 
Ben Jonson's Evert/ Man out of his Humor. Reprinted from Holme's 
Quarto of 1600 by W. Bang and W. W. Greg. (Same Series, xvi.) 
1907. viii+128pp. 
Ben, Jonson's Every Man out of his Humor. Reprinted from Linge's 
Quarto by W. Bang and W. W. Greg. (Same Series, xvii.) 1907. 
vii+128pp. 
Professor Bang and Mr Greg are unwearied in their contributions 
to the study of Jonson's text. Within two years they have produced, 
in the Materialien, no less than five volumes of more than ordinary 
interest, and they promise others. The first object of the editors is to 
place in the hands of students of Ben Jonson accurate copies of early or 
important texts; in some cases, as in those of the Holme and Linge 
Quartos, it is their only purpose. Occasionally, when critical oppor- 
tunities arise, as they do in the Sad Shepherd, a reasonable amount of 
prefatory matter and notes is presented with the carefully prepared text. 
Since Mr Greg wrote this introduction to the Sad Shepherd, he has 
restated (but not quite so fully) in his Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral 
Drama (1906) his conclusions regarding the text. The chief points in 
these are that the text, though obviniixlv u fragment of the play which 
Jonson had planned, has not been mutilated ; that the Sad Shepherd 
cannot be identical with the May Lord mentioned by Dmminoud of 
Hawthornden, though some passages in the one may have been taken 
from the other; and that, whereas the latter was probably written in 



Jieviews 



361 



the autumn of 1613, the former must be ascribed to the late thirties, a 
year or two before the dramatist's death. There is, of course, not a 
little speculation in the argument which reaches to these conclusions, 
and these may be found to be wrong, if, as Mr Greg allows, 'some 
entirely new and unsuspected evidence ' comes to light. In the mean- 
time, Mr Greg's statement is at once the fullest and the most reasonable 
which has been offered on this difficult question. We are glad to see 
that Mr Greg does not lay much stress on the so-called evidence of the 
first line of the Prologue, 

He that hath feasted you these forty yeares, 

though he calls it ' the only piece of direct testimony ' to the date of 
the play. It should be unnecessary to argue against the literal in- 
terpretation of ' forty,' or to suggest that '"twenty" or "thirty" would 
suit the line equally well.' Here, as in so many places in sixteenth and 
seventeenth century literature, the word signifies nothing but a ' large 
number ' or ' many,' and must be taken in an indefinite sense. 

The continuation by Waldron (1744 — 181H), who was associated 
with Garrick and was something of a playwright, is reprinted for the 
first time from the edition of 1783. Waldron's work is by no means 
contemptible, though it lacks the Jonsonian quality, and, as Mr Greg 
points out, fails occasionally in details in a way which Jonson would 
not have done. 

G, Gregory Smith. 



Anthony Brewers The Love-Sick King. Edited from the Quarto of 
1655. By A. E. H. Swaen. {Materialien zur Kunde des alteren 
Englischen Drama*, xvin.) Louvm'n: Uvstpruyst, 1907. xiv + 
64 pp. 
Professor Swaen of Groningen gives us not only a careful reprint of 
Brewer's play, but a valuable introduction to it in English (and excellent 
English), and notes on it. He points out that little or nothing is 
known of Brewer and that we have no certain knowledge of the date or 
place of production of the play. He makes it probable, however, that 
it was written early in the reign of James I, and he seems inclined 
to agree with Mr Fleay in thinking that it was probably produced rather 
at Newcastle than in London. Is it not, however, a little doubtful if 
Newcastle was a place of sufficient importance at that time to have a 
play specially written for its behoof, and, supposing this to have been 
the case, a little improbable that such a play should have secured such 
a vogue outside its place of origin as to have been printed fifty years 
later ? la it not likely that there was some prose romance dealing with 
the story of Thornton, the Newcastle Dick Whittington, and that this 
was the basis of Brewer's work ? In this case it is not necessary to 
suppose that he had any special local knowledge, or that he wrote his 
play primarily for a Newcastle audience. The chief point on the othi 



362 



Reviews 



side seems to me to be the manner in which the dramatist takes up the 
cause of Newcastle coal ver/tua Croydon charcoal. This topic would be 
more effective in Newcastle than in London undoubtedly. 

As for the evidence of date, Professor Swaen remarks, ' No undue 
importance should be attached to the fact that our play contains four 
lines of a song that also occur in The Knight of the Burning Pestle : 
such songs were common property.' The reference is to lines 539 — 542 
(see Professor Swaen's note) : 

I come not hither for to teach, 

I have no Pulpit for to preach, 

I woo'd th'adst kist nie under the Breech, 

Aa thou art a Lady gay. (Knight, &c., m, 5. 89—92.) 

Professor Swaen does not seem, however, to have noticed that 
Act II of The Love-Sick- King opens (11. 435-7) with another scrap of 
a song which occurs in the same scene of The Knight of the Burning 
Pestle (in, 5. 54—58): 



■ of the lines given i 



This is an adaptation to Thornton's > 
Beaumont's play : 

Begone, begone, ray jaggy, my puggy, 
Begone, my love, my dear 1 

The weather is warm, 

'Twill do thee no barm : 
Thou canst not be lodged here. 

It seems very improbable that Brewer in a hundred lines of his play- 
should quote by a purely accidental coincidence two verses of songs, 
both of which occur in the same scene of The Knight of the Burning 
Pestle. If the coincidence, however, is more than accidental, it is clear 
that Brewer is the borrower, and if The Knight of the Burning Pestle 
was not written till 1607 (Mr Macaulay'a date) or 1610-11 (Professor 
Moorman's in the Temple DnrnnttLsW edition), the date of composition 
of The Love-Side King must be put a little later than Professor Swaen 
admits. 

The notes are partly elucidatory, partly typographical. It would 
have been more convenient perhaps if the two classes had been kept 
distinct. One might too have been glad of a few more notes of the 
former class. For example, there is no note on 'puggy' in the lines 
quoted above. But compare Mars ton, Second Part of Antonio and 
Meliida, ill, 2. 5 : ' The first [husband] I called sweet duck : the s 
dear heart : the third, pretty pug.' 

There is no note on 1. 303 : 



It might have been worth while to suggest that ' Cartesmunda ' seei 
here to be associated with 'carta mnndi.' 



Reviews 



363 



1, 13*35 : 'your late dead husband has left you rich, and full Executrix 
to be over-seen by Mr Thornton.' A note seems to be required here, 
pointing out the sixteenth century custom by which a testator appointed 
not only an executor or executors but 'overseers' of his will. Thus 
Richard Forsett of Gray's Inn in his will made 15th July, 1561, and 
proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury on 17th October, 1561, 
constituted Sir William Cecil, Kt, Gilbert Gerard, Esq., and Sir W. 
Garratt, Kt, ' overseers ' of his will. 

1. 1566 : ' Matibum hills.' I suppose, ' Malvern hills,' but there is no 
note. 

1. 1895: 'we get (=gain) by losing it." L 1958: 'have the upper 
shoulder of'(='have the advantage of). These phrases seem worth 
notice. 

A word may be said on some of the notes which Professor Swaen 
has given. 

1. 1577: 'as for my seven hundred followers they are honest 
Tartarians, and whosoever deals with 'em shall find them grim fellows 
I assure you. Thor. Grim, thou wert always honest.' 

Professor Swaeu says with regard to 'Tartarians': 'Two words are 
here mixed up by Grim: (1) Tartarean pertaining to Tartarus; 
(2) Tartarean pertaining to Tartary.' He does not notice, however, 
the further point that, as Prof. Moorman remarks on The Knight of the 
Burning Pestle, in, 8. 122, 'Tartarian' was a cant name for thief. 
(On Merry Devil of Edmonton, I, 1. 10, Mr Hugh Walker interprets the 
word as 'a stroller or gipsy* with a reference to Merry Wives, IV, 5. 18, 
' A Bohemian-Tartar.') There is probably therefore some point in the 
addition ' honest Tartarians.' 

1. 1680: ' Phlegitan Acaron and Barrathruin.' On the first two 
words Professor Swaen remarks, ' Grim means Pyriphlegoton, Acheron.' 
It is not obvious, however, that Grim should mean ' Pyriphlegeton ' 
rather than ' Phlegethon.' ' Barrathruin ' (' barathrum,' the abyss, hell) 
is left unexplained. 

1. 1934: 'and for your former Government of Poretereans we here 
establish it a Majorat ty.' The note runs : ' Poretereans — proletarians ; 
no doubt a printer's error.' I do not feel convinced of the correctness of 
the emendation. In the first place 'Proletarians' would not scan in 
the verse (for the line tl a verse, 'Government' being practically 
disyllabic as four lines lower 'with choice of Sheriffs to assist thy 
Government'). In the second place 'a Government of Proletarians' 
would be a rather strange phenomenon. I suggest, though doubtfully, 
' and for your former Government of Praetorians.' 

i, 1950: 'to provide Coals, Surreverence, for your Highness mvn 
tooth.' The note on ' Surreverence ' says nothing of the not uncommon 
use of 'sir reverence ' = ' saving your reverence,' in apology for words 
used afterwards. Cp. New Custom (Hazlitt-Dudsley, in, p. 9): 'It would 
,'ilui'ist fur anger (sir reverence!) make a man to piss.' In the present 
passage the phrase is an apology for the rather familiar reference to 
' your Highness own tooth.' 



364 

The play as printed in 1655 has the peculiarity that almost all the 
blank-verse appears as prose, while rimed lines are generally printed 
as verse. Professor Swaen says that ' the book of Dr van Dam and 
Dr Stnffel will frequently enable the student ' to see how the blank- 
verse lines ought to be read. Possibly Konig's book Der Vers ■ 
Shakespenres Dramen, would be still more helpful: at any rate, 7 
not agree with some of the suggestions which are given by Profes 
Swaen. 

Brewer, as I read him, frequently interposes an incomplete 1 
his blank verse. Thus I read the passage, 1. 1752, et sea. : 

Let's arm uurwpkc* fur shume. 

Can. Traytor thou hast deserved death ere thou dyest ; 
And this thy proud preavmiu shall break thy neck, 
For ch.iting our high blood 
O love thou art unjust, 1 feel assault* 
Vui .-harper in my breast 
Then all the English Forces 'gainst this wall, ic. 

ProteBsor Swaen scans 11. 1752-4 as follows : 

Let's arm | ourselves | for shame | Tray'th hast | deserved 
Death ere j.thou dyest | and this | thy proud | presume | 

Again on 1. 1801: 'that broken with my wish is fain upon me.' 

Professor Swaen writes : ' In order to scan the line, we must s 
stitute "on" or "pon" for "upon."' But it is a feature of Brewei 
verse that he has a large percentage of feminine endings. 

I hope that the criticisms I have ventured to make will not I 
taken as any sign of ingratitude to Professor Swaen for the real 
valuable gift which he has made to students in this edition of Brewei 
play. 

G. C. Moore Smith. 



John Fletcher. A Study in Dramatic Method- By O. L. Hati 

(Universitv of Chicago: Department of English.) Chicago: Scott, 
Foresman & Co. 1905. 8vo. 114 pp. 
Mr Hatcher's study of what may be termed Fletcher's dramatic 
personality is clearly suggested by the brilliant essay in which Mr G. C. 
Macaulay defined the literary individuality of Fletcher's gruteff 
collaborator. Since, however, the present dissertation leaves on one 
side the still-vexed question of the division of work, and is, moreover, 
wanting in the power of acute literary perception which lent fascination 
to its predecessor, it cannot pretend to any very general interest. This 
by no means implies that it is not within its limits an honest and 
competent and therefore useful piece of work. The author takes a 
number of plays of undisputed Fletcherian authorship and attempts 
from a careful consideration of them to form some general idea of the 
dramatist's methods of work and powers of artistic construction. The 



Reviews 



365 



discussion is not the less valuable for the results being very much what 
one would have expected. That Fletcher was a writer of considerable 
poetic gifts, vivid idiomatic language, and almost boundless dramatic 
resource and ingenuity, who frequently produced hasty, extravagant and 
unsatisfying literary work, but seldom or never work tame or ineffective . 
on the stage, who, knowing almost too well the qualities which an 
audience demanded and the faults which would escape its notice in the 
hurry of stage- presentation, often deliberately sacrificed the funda- 
mental and architectonic qualities of probability and construction to the 
demands of striking but momentary effects — this has for some time 
been the general view and is very much that at which Mr Hatcher has 
arrived. In summing up he states his deliberate opinion that Fletcher 
' knew far more of what was high and true in his art than he chose to 
follow' — a severe but by no means undeserved or negligible indict- 
ment. Nevertheless Fletcher remains by the side of Beaumont a no 
less distinct if inferior literary personality, as fascinating if less pleasing. 
On the subject of constructional technique we have seldom met with 
anything of substantive merit, and the pages devoted to the subject by 
Mr Hatcher form no exception. Until our knowledge of dramatic art 
in general, historically considered, has become far more systematized 
than it is at present, all particular studies must necessarily remain 
more or less perfunctory and practically useless. The volume appears 
free from serious errors if we except the preposterous statement that 
the Faithful Sliephtudesi is ' founded largely' on Guarini's Pastor jido. 
The press-work, however, is disgraceful, which is a pity in a book bearing 
apparently the official imprimatur of a great university. 

W. W. QEBO. 



Die alUmgtische (Mwiker-D-ichtung. Von Rudolf Imelmann. Berlin: 
Julius Springer. 1907. 8vo. 48 pp. 

Students of Old English poetry will no doubt guess from the title 
of this pamphlet that it is concerned with the so-called ' First Riddle ' 
of the Exeter Book, and that the author accepts the conclusion, first 
propounded by me in 1888, that the piece is not a riddle at all but a 
monodratnatic lyric. Dr Imelmann does in fact agree with rue to this 
extent, and his conception of the situation represented has a good deal 
in common with mine. The following points, we both consider, are clearly 
established. The speaker bewails the absence of her beloved, whom 
she calls Wulf. She is on an island, in the power of a man whom she 
hates, and who has forced her to live with him as his wife; Wulf is on 
another island, and in mortal danger. She is the mother of a child. 
Her concluding words, addressed to one whose name is Eadwacer, are to 
the effect that her association with her hated tyrant can easily be 
severed, for it never was a true union. 

The main question at issue between Dr Imelmann and myself is 
who the Eadwaeer is who is apostrophised in the concluding lines. In 



366 



h'm'i','-s 



my opinion he is the woman's abhorred master. According to Dr 
Imelrnann Eadwacer and Wulf are the same person. This conclusion 
appears to me to stand in such violent contradiction to any natural 
interpretation of the poem, that I do not think it could be arrived at 
• by any scholar merely oy way of inference from the text. Dr Imelniaiiri 
has adopted it because he has persuaded himself that this lyric (which 
I will call Wulf and Eadwacer) is part of a trilogy of which tin- Wife's 
Gcmtplaint and the Husband's Message are the other members, and that, 
the name of Eadwacer is contained in the runes near the end of the 
last- mentioned poem. 

Before examining the evidence alleged in support of these spec) 
tions, I must say a few words respecting some of Dr Imelrnann' 
contributions to the textual criticism and detailed exegesis of Wulj 
and Eadwacer. 

The only textual emendations that seem to me to be required are 
Holthausen's earmne in line 1G, which Dr Imelrnann rejects, and 
Herzfeld's gad in line 19, and perhaps Hicke tier's liogode in line 9, 
which he accepts. His own proposed changes of \>reat into ]>reate 
(lines 2 and 7), ungelic(e) into ungelimp (lines 3 and 8), and ]>a-r into 
her (Line 6), are, I think, decidedly for the worse. His oxegetical novel- 
ties seem equally open to objection. He assigns to swylce (line 1) 
the unauthorized sense 'even though,' which he finds also in Wife's 
Complaint, 43; he gives to bOgum bilegde (line 11) a repulsive and 
ludicrous interpretation, which even on linguistic grounds is inadmissible-. 
he takes mumende mtid (line 15) as an accusative 1 , to the detriment of 
the poetic effect; and he maintains that in line 17 wulf is a common 
noun, although in the other passages he admits it to be a proper n:v 
Perversities of tins kind are not, I think, likely to prepossess schoi 
in favour of the system of interpretation which requires them. 

And now for the theory of the trilogy. It may be admitted that 
there is some affinity of subject between Wulf and Eadwacer and the 
Wife's Coiitplaitd. In both poems a woman bewails the absence of her 
beloved one. Dr Imelrnann reads into the text a good deal that is not 
there; but even on his own showing there is not enough definite like- 
ness to create even a faint presumption of the identity of the speaker 
in the two poems. With the Husband's Message the case is still worse. 
Here a man who has achieved wealth and lordship in a distant land 
sends to his wife a messenger (bearing a runic staff to authenticate his 
message), by whose mouth he assures her of his continued fidelity, and 
implores her to make him happv by coming to share his prosperity. 
There is nothing to make it likely that the sender of the message is the 
Wulf of the lyric. He may very well be the husband of the lady in the 
Wife's Complaint ; but that is quite another matter. 

But then Dr Imelrnann assures us that the runes in the concluding 
passage of the poem spell the name of Eadwacer. If this be indeed so, 
we must revise our judgment, and accept the author's entire theory, 

1 In a footnote be remarks llint ntumnule need not be changed into mumrndnt, because 
it is used prudit'atively. But mod is neuter! 



the 

ala- 
rm's 
Vulf 



imon 
ante, 
olars 



with all the difficulties with which it abounds. We are therefore bound 
to consider seriously how this matter really stands. 

In the edition of Prof. Wiilker the passage reads as follows: 

Gecyre ic letsomne S. R. geador 
EA. W. and M (? D) ajw benemuaii, 
tfflit he >ft wjerc and Jia winetreowe 
be him lifgenduni Ira tan wolde, 
lie git on tunlagum oft gespnecon. 

Now obviously the name of Eadwacer is not to be found in the runes as 
they stand. But Dr Imelmann is a man of resource. Although he 
admits that according to rule the name of the first of the runes ought 
to alliterate with (<et)soinii-e (which would prove the genuineness of the 
8), he urges that as irregularities occur in the other poems of the 
trilogy, the poet may have allowed himself the liberty of making 
(ge)cyre the alliterating word. On the ground of this bare possibility, 
he considers himself entitled to change the S into C. 'Die beiden 
Runenzeichen,' he says, 'sehen sich ziiin Verwechseln ahnlich.' Well, 
their respective forms are H and \- If this is Dr Imelmann's notion of 
a near resemblance, there is no wonder that he so often finds striking 
similarities which others are unable to perceive. But even with this 
manipulation the runes do not yet yield the desired name. It is still 
necessary to assume that the rune EA docs duty three times over: first 
with its proper value, and then as representing the two letters E aud A. 
It is worthy of note that on the page preceding that on which this 
curious jugglery appears Dr Imelmann blames former interpreters for 
forgetting 'dass der angelsachsischc Leser doch nicht das Oefiihl haben 
sollte, vor einer crux interpretum zu stehen, sondern ohne langes 
BesmmD richtig rat.cn sollte.' I think the unfortunate lady might well 
have been excused if she declined to recognize in C. R. EA. W. D. any 
reasonable spelling of Eadwacer. 

But there is yet more to be said. It is doubtful whether the word 
gecyre, on the genuineness of which the whole case is rested, is really 
the reading of the MS. Prof, Wiilker thinks it is; but the fact that 
Prof. Schipper rx-lieved that what he saw was genyre is at least a strong 
ground for hesitation. Further, the won! gecyre is unsatisfactory not 
only in form (as Dr Imelmann admits) but also in sense. The author 
renders gecyre ic by ' ich kehre, richte, filge' But the last two words, 
which are indispensable, are not justified by anything that is known of 
the meaning of the verb gecierran; and even if we waive this difficulty, 
the syntax of the infinitive benemnan remains anomalous. 

It is thus evident that the nines do not spell the name Eadwacer. 
But what then do they spell ? I am inclined to think that Hicketier 
(Anglia, XI. 366) has hit the mark with one of his many alternative 
suggestions. It is possible that the rune Sigel may have been used to 
stand for sige; indeed that word may even have been another name for 
the letter. On this assumption we obtain, without any manipulation 
whatever, the name Sigeweard; the runes are even in the right order. 



368 



Jtrfit'H 



except for the transposition of R and W, which might be due to the 
scribe. For the unintelligible gecyre or genyre of the MS., Prof. 
Trautmann has proposed gehyre; I should prefer geln/rde, to accord 
with the tense of wolde in a following line. The translation then will 
be: 'I heard Sigeweard swear that as long as he lived he would keep 
the faith which in days of yore you and he often vowed to each other.' 
Surely this is exactly what the messenger would naturally be expected 
to have said. 

On my view of the interpretation of Wulf and Eadwacer, it is 
natural to surmise that the Eadwacer therein mentioned is no other 
than that Odovacar whose hostility to Theodoric has caused him to 
figure as one of the villains of Germanic legend. I entertained this 
notion as early as 1888, though I then refrained from publishing it; 
since then my estimate of its probability has been rather strengthened 
than otherwise, though I do not claim for it any approach to certainty. 
Of CMiirsi: this idonlihVntion would on 1 >r liochiiann's theory be quite 
inadmissible; but he has been fortunate enough to discover a historic 
original for his Eadwacer- Wulf. There was, it seems, a Saxon chief 
named Eadwacer (Adovacrius in Gregory of Tours) who in a.d. 463 
invaded north-western Gaul, for a time with success, but was defeated 
by Childeric, and afterwards entered into an alliance with his conqueror. 
Nothing more is known of this Eadwacer; but Dr Imeimann isoonfident 
that his deeds must have been extensively celebrated in heroic pneti-y, 
and that a portion of this has survived in the three poems which are 
now for the first time correctly understood. He says, indeed, that the 
proof falls short of absolute demonstration. It really does. 

Dr Imelmann confesses that only half a year ago he gave, 'ebenso 
iiberzeugt wie falsch,' an explanation of the Wife's Cam plaint and the 
Husband's Message quite different from that which he now propounds. 
This engaging candour encourages the hope that before long he will 
acknowledge with equal frankness that for the second time he has been 
very sure and very wrong. 

Henrt Bradley. 



Die Geister in der englischen Literatur des 18. Jahrhunderts, Ei/t 
Beitrag «W Geschichte der Romantik. Von C. ThOrNAD, (Palaes- 
tra, LV.) Berlin: Mayer und Miiller. 1906. 8vo. viii + 150 pp. 

This contribution to Palaestra is the first book to consider the 
appearance of ghosts in the literature of the 18th century, and is a 
notable addition to what has already been said on the subject by 
W. L. Phelps in The Beginning of the English Romantic Movement, and 
by H. A. Beers in A History of English Romanticism in the 18/A 
Century. Thtirnau can hardly claim, however, to have said the last 
word of importance in connection with the subject since, beyond 
giving an account of the contents bearing on the presence of ghosts in 
certain works, he has devoted but small space to showing the different 



Reviews 36 

authors' procedure and purpose in introducing them and the sources 
from whence the ghost-fore was derived. He has, moreover, confined 
himself strictly to ghosts and has nothing to add about elves, buries, 
angels, devils and the like, although a really exhaustive enquiry would 
necessitate their being considered as well. There is also very little 
about the causes which led up to the advent of the ghost in the English 
1 Schauerroman.' All the instances of ghosts mentioned as occurring in 
the tales of Smollett, Fielding and other writers have nothing in 
common with those of Horace Walpole or M. G. Lewis. The former 
employ ghosts, which in all cases turn out to be frauds, to poke fun at 
everything and anybody, whereas the latter use them to inspire fear 
and try to make their readers believe in their reality. The Castle of 
Otranto or The Monk — which belong to a class of novels shrouded 
in mystery, the villain of which is generally a morbid debauehee, a 
lascivious priest, a hobgoblin, or, as is actually the case in many, 
including some of Maturing, the devil himself — are as destitute of 
all comic spirit and as devoid of all common-sense and genuine feeling 
as a Roderick Random or a Tom Jones is the reverse. The ' tales of 
horror,' with their ghosts and supernatural apparatus, have certainly 
nothing to do with the novels of any of the English humorists but are- 
the product of the reaction which set in after the ' Aufklarungszeit ' 
and owe, in many cases, their inception to German influence. 

A. B. Young. 



Edward Young in tjermany, Historical Surreys, Influence ujki'i <<vrma.it 
Literature, IHMiugraphy. By John Louis Kind. (Columbia 
University Ovmamte Studies, Vol. II, No. in.) New York, 1906, 
8vo. xiv + 186 pp. 

This study of the interest taken in Young's works in Germany, and 
of their influence upon German literature, is written largely on the 
lines suggested by M, Spiridion Wukadinovid in his review of Barnstorff's 
unfinished work Young's Nachtgedanken and ihr Einjinss auf die 
deutsclte Literutur, Bamberg, 18SI5 (cf Euphorion v, p. 137 ft'.). The 
reviewer pointed out that the one-sided process of treating the Night 
Thoughts only, gave a very inadequate idea of Young's influence on 
German thought. The Night Thoughts, although they developed 

German poetry it e p I't.ienlar direction, did not advance it in ;inv 

way, whereas Young's work On Oriijinal Composition conquered new 

Erovinces for German literature, and only a survey which did justice to 
oth sides of Young's activity could give a true picture of his influence 
in Germany. Mr Kind devotes the first two chapters of Ins book 
t.'.S piig.-s) io tin.' Conjectures i-u Original < 'uin/msition, the third chapter 
(<j0 pages) to the Night Thoughts in Genonnv, chapter IV (13 pages) to 
Youngs minor works, and chaptei V to a bibliography of German 
translations, editions, reviews, etc., of Young's works. 

The most intervslm-. Uthu -■ the newest, pail of the book is tile 



Reviews 



section devoted to the Conjectures. After a short survey of German 
thought on original composition prior to 1760, and a discission of the 
translations of 1760 and 1787, the author proceeds to a careful exami- 
nation of the influence of Young's work on the Literatiirbrieje (1759- 
1765), the tfc/ileswiysclie Literuhirbriefe (1766), the Hamburg if che 
linitimtiirrjie (1767-1768), and then, passing from works to authors, on 
Hamann and Herder, 

Mr Kind shews how all Ha in arm's maxims and ideas as to original 
genius, the different kinds of imitation and the proper attitude towards 
the ancients arc really only echoes of the Conjectures, and that Hamann 
owes the greater part of his material to Young. Possibly, however, he 
ascribes a little too much weight to Young's influence on the German 
writer. The ideas which Hamann expresses were so prevalent at that 
time that any author well versed in contemporary literature could 
hardly fail to be imbued with them. Fur instance, it is surely imt 
' strange ' (see p. 37) that the maxim ' know thyself" should be found in 
Hamann as well as in Young. We should almost think it strange not 
to find it. in a German writer of the middle of the 18th century. Young's 
enormous influence on Herder, on the other hand, is beyond question, 
and Mr Kind devotes a very interesting section to a discussion of 
Young's precepts in the form in which Herder clothed them — a form 
which often suspiciously resembles that of the original. But Herder 
performed a useful work. He applied Young's rules to German literary 
conditions, and thus became the promoter and inspired prophet of a 
national literature. This is clearly shewn in the chapter devoted to 
Herder, and this portion of the book closes at the point where the fruits 
of Young's sowing and Herder's transplanting were about to be seen in 
the productions of the Sturm mid Drang period. 

Chapter in begins with a survey of the history of the Night 
Thoughts in Germany in the second half of the 18th century. It 
shews how the popularity of the poem increased steadily during the 
first three decadeB until, between 1760 and 1770, there was hardly a 
periodical which did not contain some mention of it. A reaction 
became inevitable. Dissentient voices had already been heard, and 
other influences were beginning to work which helped to displace 
Young. Mr Kind points out, as Wukadinovic had done, that the 
growing appreciation of Ossian was an important factor in the decay of 
Young's popularity. The decay was as rapid as the growth. Even 
Young's admirers themselves grew cool, and we find Herder, who had 
been one of the warmest, wondering at the end of the century ' dass 
man Young je fur einen tiefsinnigen Dichter gehalten hat.' 

The second part of this chapter treats of the influence of the Night 
Thoughts on German writers. Mr Kind does not go deeply into ile 
question of verbal correspondence because, as he says in his preface, 
■ it was found, after thorough investigation, that, li'irnstortt's dissertation 
had virtually exhausted the subject of verbal correspondences in 
the influence of the Night Thoughts upon Gentian writers.' He has. 
however, supplied certain omissions of Barnstorff's already noted by 



Reviews 371 

Wukadinovic\ We no longer miss the poets of the Hainbund; the 
influence on Goethe and on Schiller's early poems is considered ; 
Michaelis, Jacobi, Moser and other leaders of the reaction against the 
wave of' Youngisieren ' are also dismissed. But in spite of the thorough- 
ness of hi« investigations, Mr Kind seems to have taken a little too 
much on trust. In -speaking of Zacharia, for instance, he says: 'We 
have the word of his friend Ebert that the most remarkable corre- 
spondence in Zacharia's poems, in which he expresses almost verbatim 
the opening of the Night Tin, tights, is a mere coincidence. But there 
are other passages in his poems, written after his acquaintance with the 
(.'iim/itniui. thai are modelled after Young. The poems Die Krscheimmgen 
and Die Nacht show this influence especially.' Mr Kind seems not to 
be aware that this latter poem is the very one which contains those 
lines so closely resembling the opening lines of Young's poem, but for 
which we have Ebert's word that they were written be/ore Zaehariii's 
acquaintance with the works of Young (cf. Ebert, Klagen oder Xucht- 
gaaankm etc. A us dem Engliwheti itbcrseUt. Braunschweig, 1768, i, 
p. 9). Mr Kind proceeds: 'and even Die Tageszeiten, an imitation of 
Thonih' in's Saisonx, mentions Young. But the poem Die Nacht shows 
the greatest influence of the Sight Thoughts, and not only mentions 
Young and Ebert in glowing tributes, but borrows Young's pictures in 
describing the night, and makes free use of passages in the Night 
Thoughts.' (See p. 85.) This is misleading. The enthusiastic eulogy 
of Young and the borrowed pictures of night are contained, not in 
the short poem, Dit Nacht, but in the fourth part of the Tugeszeiten, 
entitled ' Nacht,' and it ta difficult to understand how this confusion 
between two absolutely different poems could have arisen had Mr Kind 
been familiar with Zacharia's winks at first baud. It would have been 
interesting, too, to notice how Zacharia also was affected by the general 
reaction against Young; thus we find him in a later poem admonishing 
his friend Ebert: 

E , hullo dicli ni. -lit in Mi'ltinehotey ! 

Verluss die Grotto, dio du bewohiwt, 

I'nd .«it™ nifht itiimer ulleiu beym klageiideu Young, 

In achwnrze NachtgediLiiken rerwtilkt. 

(<Mm ii'f/ Utdtr, iv, p. -127.) 

The ample bibliogra[ihy at the end of the book will be useful to all 
students oi 1 his perind, but. here again a certain lack of due investi- 
gation is noticeable. On page 152 there is mention of a book published 
in 1765: ' Der FregmUthigf, oder lM-r Englieche Greia, von Young. 
Hamburg, 171)5-17(17,' which Mr Kind describes as 'an adaptation of 
the Night Thoughts in six parts.' Even a hasty glance into the contents 
nf this curious book would have shewn that it is no adaptation of the 
Night Thoughts, and that the name Young was merely affixed in order 
to enhance its popularity. Der Frey m-Uthige is simply an imitation of 

iln ■ i ■alischc WiH-heaschril'tcii,' which treats of learning, beauty, the 

education of children, etc., and the author so far forgets that he has 
fUBOmed Ml English name as to introduce in Part IV ('Ober Erziehung') 

2- r >— 2 



372 




Reviews 



be not 
not in 17i 



an interesting description of n ' Renommist.' It should 
that Berge's translation of I'artidise Lost appeared in 16S 
as stated in the note on page 60. 

Jessie Cbosland. 

Die literuri.sclten Vorlagen der Kinder- und Himsmarcken und ih 
Bearbeitimg durch die Briider Grimm. Von Hekmann Hamas 
(Palaestra, XLVII.) Berlin: Mayer und Miiller. 
147 pp, 

The first part of the present work appeared as a Berlin dissertati 
in 1905, and for it the author was awarded the Grimm prize. In t 
Introduction, which occupies eighteen pages, Dr Hamann gives 
account of the genesis of the fairy-tale and its general literary histon 
He discusses carefully the influence of France, particularly of the Cont 
de ma mere I'Oye by Perrault. He then deals with other German wrii 
of fairy -tales, such as Musiius and Tieck, and points out how little t 
true nature of the VolkstiHirclim is understood by them. Of Miu 
he says: "Seine Erzahlungen sind in eineni ironisch-witzelnden 
gehalten und mit persbnlichen Anspielungen auf Zeit und Zeitgenosse 
durchsetzt....Das volkstumliche Element, der schlichte, einfache T 
der Darstellung ist bei ihm mehr ein ausseivr Schniuck der Wiinstlich 
und oft verwickelten Novellen als ein Grundcharakter.' The predili 
tion of the Romantic School for the M&rchen is then characterist 
The loose phantastic connection of events, and the part played bysupe 
natural powers were well suited to their requirements. As Novalis sa; 
' Das Marehen i*t gleichsam der Canon der Poesie, alles Poetische rav 
marchenbaft sein ; der Dichter betet den Zufall an.' Considering t 
entirely new style of Grimm's Marehen, it is hardly surprising to fin 
that they met with a great deal of adverse criticism at the time of the 
first appearance. Brentano found them tedious in spite of their brevi 
Heinrich Voss, writing to a friend, said: 'Die meisten sind wabre 
Schund oder wenn auch im Keim gesund, doch in der Form durchj 
verwahrlost.' Notwithstatiding all this, the brothers were themsel 
conscious of the real value of the collection, and convinced that no oth 
book of the kind could be compared with theirs. 

The second part of Dr Hamann's treatise is taken up with a coi 
parison of the tales with their sources, and in the last part, the auth 
discusses the fairy-tale in general with special reference to Grimm's— 
its peculiar style, its artistic form and its characteristics. The rneth 
which the Grimms pursued is thus excellently summed up: 'Sie hielU 
an der Originalitat und Schdnheit der lebetuligeii Volkssprache fes 
siewolltennichtselbst [ji>etisieren,sondern Volksdichtung wieilererzahl 
und nicht itber das Volk, sondern mit dem Volk lachen und scherze 
Dr Hamann's work is a most important contribution to the literature 
the Volkmnarchen, and is worthy of the most careful study, not mere 
by students of literature, but also by those whose chief interest lies 
Folklore. 

T. Rea. 



Oiovanna >!' Aragona, Duchessa d' Amalfi. Spigolaturo storiche e 
letterarie (a propositi d' una novella di Mattoo Bandollo). Pa 
DOJOSNICO MORELLINI. Cesena : 0. Vignnzzi e C, 1906. 8vo. 
93 pp. 
If it cannot be said that Sig. Morcllini's modest brochure is of first 
rate importance to students of the Jacobean drama, it may yet be 
recommended as a work of very considerable interest. The source of 
the Duchess of Malfi has always been familiar in Bandello's novel, and 
this is perhaps all the students of the drama care to know, but 
Websters editors have nevertheless repeatedly ponied themselves aa 
to the historical facta underlying the story, and Sig. Morellini has made, 
so far as we are aware, the first serious attempt to determine what 
these may have been. Bandello gives ample details for the identifica- 
tion of the Duchess, but so small has been the general knowledge of her 
history that it has even been suggested (by the present writer) that 
there might have Wen seme confusion between Amalfi and Melfi. 
Anyone who has investigated the question knows the exasperating 
habit of the Amalfian chroniclers in the early sixteenth century, after 
for many years faithfully reproducing all insignificant local gossip, of 
suddenly launching out into the haute politique of the French invasion 
and so cheating one of just those records which they were in the best 
position to preserve. That Bandello's account, however, is based neither 
on confusion nor imagination appears from two allusions which have 
survived. One, dated Aug. 14, 1509, by an anonymous chronicler of 
Amalfi, records the meeting of the Aragonian brothers with the 
Duchess, which forms the opening scene of Webster's play ; the other, 
mentioning her flight from Loreto in company with Antonio Bologna, 
occurs under the date Nov. 17, 1.510, m the diary of Giacomo the 
Notary which was printed in 1845. So much was known from Matteo 
Camera's Memorie storico-diploinatiche dell antica cittA e ducalo di 
Amalfi, the second volume of which was published at Salerno in 1881, 
and we are bound to add that Sig. Morellini's quotations are by no 
means as accurate as we could wish. This somewhat impairs our 
confidence in those portions of his work which are based upon books 
and documents which we have been unable to consult, but we have no 
reason to suppose that his general conclusions are invalidated. Finding 
Bandello's narrative thus substantiated we naturally begin to inquire 
how far we may reasonably accept his testimony as to the general out- 
line of events at least. There seems to be good reason to suppose that 
he based his account upon the testimony of the actors themselvs and 
that he even appears in his own narrative in the character of Delio. 
His novel thus acquires serious historical value. It is his own version 
of the Story, unfortunately, which appears to underlie the clnwiiijues 
«6Cmdalatet» of the Corona manuscripts, but it is in the main confirmed 
by a Neapolitan tradition, preserved in Filonico's manuscript Lii-rs 
(eMniii iti the Naziouale at Naples), which must presumably be 
independent since it represents Giovanna's death as due to poison. 



374 

Sig. Morelliui's pamphlet also contains an account of the we] 
known plays by Lope de Vega and John Webster, which is welcom 
considering the very general un familiarity with English among Italia 
scholars. There are, it ia true, a rather unreasonable number o 
misprints in English names and quotations, nor has the author in evei 
case fully grasped Webster's meaning. Thus he paraphrases ' Let 1 
not venture all this poor remainder In one unlucky bottom,' by ' No 
vogliate permettere che noi tutti, infelici, periamo travolti dal tragic 
fato'; whereas the evident sense is: ' Non avventuriamo quel poeo all 
ci resta in un solo fatale legno.' But Sig. Morellini's aim has rath* 
been to introduce Webster's play to his countrymen than to offt 
either detailed criticism, or adequate versions of his own; and we ca 
only join with him in hoping that this portion of his work ma 
achieve its object by being quickly superseded. The historical side i 
his labours deserves the welcome of all students interested in literary 
origins. 

W. W. Greg. 



MINOR NOTICES. 

Nearly ten years have elapsed since Miss Eleanor Hull set al»u 
the task of interpreting Ireland's past to the English public. In tha 
time she has given us a volume on the Cuchullin saga and two adini 
able little books on early Irish history. Her latest work, A Teaiboo 
of Irish Literature, Part I (Dublin, M. H. Gill and Son: London 
D. Nutt, 1906), is the first instalment of a history of Irish literature 
intended 'to meet the requirements of the students under the Inte 
mediate Board.' More than half the book is, of course, taken up wi 
a description of the contents of the older mythological tales and heroi 
sagas. Then follow various chapters dealing with the earliest literature 
connected with the church and the work of the official poets and bard 
Miss Hull knows her sources very thoroughly and is quite at home wit 
her subject. She has a keen eye for the dramatic element in th 
ancient tales, but at the same time she does not attempt to conceal tht 
weaknesses. We heartily recommend this volume to any reader wh 
wishes to gain some idea of the contents of early Irish manuscript 
and he may rest assured that he will not be offended by any of those 
extravagances which we are unfortunately accustomed to expect froi 
Irish writers when dealing with anything that concerns their on 
country. 

E. C. Q. 

The results of Dr Carl Herbst's Dissertation on Cupid's Revenge b 
Beaumont and Fletcher uud Andromana, or the Merchant's Wife in ihrt 
Bezieliung zu einander und zu Hirer Quelle (Konigsberg, Hartungsch 
Buchdruckerei, 1906), are slender. After a few general remarks col 



Minor Notices 375 

cerning the dependence of dramatic on what he calls epical composition, 
that is, narrative whether verse or prose, he proceeds to give abstracts 
of the Plangus and Erona stories from Sidney's Arcadia, and of the 
plays of Cupid's Revenge and Andromana (bonded upon them, which 
together occupy 40 pages of his 7fi. He then briefly discusses a few 
of the points which a comparison of the foregoing material suggests. 
The only point which appears to us of interest is the apparently success- 
ful attempt to show that the author of Andromana was familiar with and 
deliberately made use of Beaumont and Fletcher's play as well as of 
its source. A few rather perfunctory remarks are offered concerning 
the authorship of Andromana, in which the writer takes the Shirleian 
hypothesis far too seriously. The initials ' J. S.' were not uncommon 
among writers of this time, while they may equally well be due to a 
bookseller's fraud. There is nothing whatever to make us suppose 
Chetwood's statement — -that a prologue written for a revival in 1671 
attributed the piece to Shirley — contains more truth than other pro- 
nouncements of the same authority. 

W. W. G. 



Les trois ouvrages de l'infatigable prol'esseur de 1' University de 
1 Iijoii, M. Emile Roy — L'tudes sitr le tlit'itrefranrais da XIV et da X V' 
Steele. La comedie BOM litre et les miracles de Notre-Dame par person- 
sages (Paris, Bouillon, 1902); £tudes sur le the'dtre francais da XIV 
siicle. Le Jour da Juaement, mystere franr-ais stir le r/rand schisms 
(Paris, Bouillon, 1902), et Le mystere de la Passion en France du XIV 
aa XVI" sitete (Dijon, L. Barbier-Marilier, 1903)— ont deja ete ftbjfit 
lie comptes-rendus considerables'. Dans le premier l'auteur examine la 
Comoedia sine nomine (p. i — cxix) dont il public- le textc pour la premiere 
foisd'apres le manuscrit latin Wlo'3 de la Bibliotheque natiouaWp.3— 192), 
et 1'origine ainsi que 1' his tori que des Miracles de Notre-Dame at des 
in ya teres de Sainte Genevieve. Dans le deuxieme M. Roy public le 
iiiysu.iv intitule 1 Le jour doa jaye.ment (p. 212—252), dont il eXudie lea 
sources, la composition, ladatefqu'il emit pou voir fixer au 5 avril 139* en 
se tundantsiirdeH allusions au grand schisme), la langue.qui est celle du 
Nord-Est de la France. II examine enfin difterentes ' pieces Irancaises et 
e'tHUagttrefl dont la niunion et la collation etaient indispensables pour 
discerner par comparison les traits caracteristiques de ee mystere..' Enfin 
dans le troisieme de beaucoup le plus important. M. Roy passe in lvviic 
Miir. — ivciiitiit La Passion d'Autun, La Passion bauranirpionne <h: Seimir. 
La Pussion d'Aaeen/ne. La Passion secundum let/cm debet nto'i. II en 
recherche les sources et en etublit le cliissement, en donnant, chemin 
laisant, de DODlbreaz testes inedits, dont les plus interessauts sont ceux 
de la legende des charbons ardents (p. 19*), la Passion nottre Seajaeur 
JhetU Christ (p. 121* — 189), des extraits de la ViedeJesa Oistdel485 
(p. 340 — 3ofl), des extraits de la Passion d'Awergnc (p. 369—376). La 






376 Minor Notices 

Pasaio secundum legem est reimprimec d'apres ['inclinable de Denis 
sans date. Ces trois oir. rages on t renouvele 1'histoire du diJveloppen 
de notre theatre de xin au xv e sifede, et font honneur a lenidition 
francaise. L'abondance dea matiferes trait*5es, le nombre des testes cit^s 
nuit parfois a la clarte des idees, mais e'etait la un mal neceasuin-, com- 
peOH d'ailleurs par lea qualites de critique et Erudition deployees 
Pan tour. 

L. B. 



La traduction en francais du premier fascicule de YAlt/ratisasi 
Grammatik de M. H. Suchier — Leu myeUm tonianes du vmus Jrancat 
Traduction de 1'allemand augmeutee d'un index et d'un lexique par Oh. 
Guerlin de Guer (Paris, H. Champion, 190fi) — sera accueilhe avec 
reconnaisaance par ceux qui ne lisent l'allemand qu'avee difficult**. 
L'index des textes cites (p. 16i> — 180), et le lexique de tons les mots 
e'tudi&t (p. 181 — 225), constituent un grand a vantage pour la nouvelle 
publication. La division de cet ouvrage est tres nWthodique : l'auteur 
y e'tudie successive men t les voyelles simples, les diphthongues, 
monodiphthongucs. les triphthongues, les voyelles dev.int nasales, 
voyelles devant 1 et l'entruvees. 

L. B. 



Following Dl G. Jenny's inadequate discussion of Mi/Ions Verlori 
Parodies in der deiitxdivn Litem! iir dfx IN. .fahrhtniderts (Leipzig Dis- 
sertation, 1890) and Dr J. M. Telleen's Paris thesis, Milton dans la litte'ra- 
ture fraiifaixe 1 1904), Sig, littoiv AlWloli gives us in liis Giovanni Milton 
e V Italia (Pinto: Tipografia .Slice. Vestri, 1907) an excellent and attrac- 
tively written account of the spread of Milton's fame and influence in 
Italy. Sig. Allodoli has set himself, however, a more ambitious task 
than the authors of the French and German books just mentioned; he 
devotes a large part of hia study to the influence of Italy on Milton : 
Milton's Italian journey, his Italian sources and the Italian elements in 
his poetiy. Milton was the first English poet to seize hold of the imagi- 
nation of the continent at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and 
the chapters in this volume dealing with ' Milton uella Critica italiana ' 
and 'Le Traduzione italiane dei Paradise perdu to ' etc. are particularly 
valuable from the point of view of comparative literature. Sig. Allodoli 
might with advantage have subjected the Italian periodicals of the 
beginning of the eighteenth century to a more thorough search, espe- 
cially the Giornale de Letterati d' Italia, and devoted more attention 
to the extraordinary enthusiasm for Milton which characterised the 
little band of cosmopolitan Italians settled in London about that time. 
Among the earliest translators of Milton Sig. Allodoli does not mention 
Anton Maria Salvini — and Sig. Carmelo Cardaro, in his recent mono- 
graph on Salvini (1906'), has little to say of that writer's interest in 



Minor Notices 377 

Milton ; but there is, we think, reason to believe that, like his friend 
L. Magalotti, Salvini had at least planned, if he did not actually 
execute, a translation of Paradise Lost. 

J. G. R. 



The new edition of Cassell's German-English and English-German 
Dictionary (London, Cassell and Co., 1906), which has been ' revised and 
considerably enlarged ' by Dr Karl Breul, may be warmly recommended 
to the English student. It is not merely an excellent and reliable 
German Dictionary of handy size and at a reasonable price (7s. 6d.), 
but it has the additional advantage of having been compiled with the 
English user constantly in view. We are consequently not irritated 
by that subordination of the German-English to the English-German 
section, which is to be found in most of the best dictionaries of German 
origin. We have noted a few omissions, but these are, for the most 
part, of small importance. As a whole, the work is remarkably com- 
plete, accurate, and ' up-to-date/ In the matter of type and clearness 
of arrangement, the new edition is a marked improvement on its 
predecessor. 

J. G. R. 



NEW PUBLICATIONS. 



March— Mav, 1907. 



ROMANCE I.AXiK'AiiES. 



e. be B£votte, (!., La Legende de don Juan, son (■volution dans la 
literature dea online* an roumotisme. I'uris, Haihette. 10 fr. 

Gesellschaft flir romanische Literatur (Dresden), ix. Chiajnpel, Der eugadi- 
nische Psalter. Xeu herauHg. von J. Ulricb. 18 M. x. El Libro do 
Alixiiiiilrc. Mitnviscrit sap. 4H8 ilo la l.>il >1. nat. de Paris. Public par 
A. Morel-Fatio. 14 M. XI. Una sacra rappreaenta/.ione in Logudurese. 
Per cum del prof. M. Sterzi. 4 M. 40. xn, Joseph 1'Estoire. Herausg. 
von E. Sans. 4 M. SO. xm. Die altfrapaaaiacheii Hotette der Bamberger 
HandBchrift. Herausg. voti A. Stimiaing. 11 M. Halle, Niemeyer. 

Stumpall, B., Das Marchen von Amor und Psyche in aeinem Fortleben in der 
franscisischen, italieiiischen und Bpeuiisclicii Litcnitur bis zuin 18. Jahrh. 

iMiiinlitiur lk-itrage zur roman. und eng. Phil. XXXIX.) Leipzig, 
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I 



The increased attention given in recent years to the study of 
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The following are the contributors to Volume I (of which bom 
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E. Armstrong, F. Baldensperger, W. Bang, F. S. Boas, A. C. Bradlej 
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J. Derooquigny, E. Dowden. A. Feuillerat, J. Fitzmaurice- Kelly, W. W. 
Greg, J. T. Hatfield, C. H. Harford, W. W. Jackson, L. E. Kastncr, 
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G. C. Moore Smith, G. Gregory Smith, A. E. H. Swaen, P. G. Thorn 
Paget Toynbee, A. R. Waller. R. Weeks, R, A, Williams, A. B. Yo 

Amongst the contributions which have been promised, the followin 
will nppear in early numbers of the Review i — 

W. Bang, Studien zur englischen Umgangssprache 

Heinrichs VIII. 
H. C. BeechiNG, The Gardner's Passetuunce. 

F. S, Boas, Love's Hospital by George Wilde, an unpuhlishi 

Seventeenth Century Comedy. 
J. Le Gay Brereton, Notes on the Text of Chapman's Plaj 
J. P. Wickersham Crawford, Lope de Vega's Oomedia, La Arca4w 
EL G. Fiedler, The Date and Occasion of Shakespeare's Tempest. 
H. Gillot, Les Jugements de la France clussiu.iie snr rAlh'iiwgne. 
W. W. Greg, The ' Plot ' of Peele's Battle of Alcazar. 
W. P. Ker, Dante and the Art of Poetry. 
J. Lees, Heine und Eichendorff. 
H, Oelsner, Calderdn's La Visma de IiKjlah-na. 
R. Prjeiwch, Nene F ragmen te sua dem Peter von Xtaitfenberg und 

dem Bitsttid. 
L. Raog, Humour and Playfulness in Dante. 
H. A. Rennert, Not.cs on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama. 
J. G. Rohektson, Contributions to the History of Eighteen! 1 

Cent my Criticism. 
A. SALMON, Etudes sur la prononciation de I'ancien francais et n 

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